1. Oppenheim 1
Zach
Oppenheim
Ethnomusicology
BA
University
of
Washington
12th
June
2015
Tracks
and
Reconciliation:
Afrikaner
Identity
through
Alternative
Music
In
America
and
much
of
South
African
society,
Afrikaners
and
their
language
are
immediately
synonymous
with
Apartheid
and
oppression.
Conversely,
Afrikaners
are
often
intensely
proud
of
their
nation,
language,
and
heritage.
Yet
for
an
increasing
number
of
young,
White
Afrikaans
speakers,
their
response
to
the
divisive
history
of
their
language
is
neither
shame
nor
a
defensive
stand
from
the
laager
(wagon
circle).
Rather,
these
young
citizens
strive
for
an
alternative
path
within
South
African
society
where
they
can
be
both
proud
of
their
heritage
and
adaptive,
attentive
members
of
this
exceptionally
diverse
country.
Perhaps
the
most
effective
means
of
reintegration
in
effect
at
the
moment
is
the
production
of
music
in
Afrikaans,
especially
what
could
broadly
be
considered
“alternative
music”.
This
alternative
music
has
gained
significant
popularity
not
just
among
young
Afrikaners
but
in
the
greater
South
African
(ZA)
society
as
well,
begging
the
question
as
to
why
so
many
young
South
Africans,
both
Afrikaner
and
not,
are
gravitating
towards
music
being
sung
in
a
language
with
such
a
polarizing
legacy?
It
is
through
the
production
and
consumption
of
this
Afrikaans
alternative
music
that
young
Afrikaners
are
not
only
redefining
their
own
identities,
but
the
ways
in
which
they
and
the
Afrikaans
language
are
identified
within
the
greater
society
of
South
Africa.

2. Oppenheim 2
In
order
to
assess
the
impact
and
extent
of
Afrikaans
Alternative
music,
as
well
as
the
cultural
identities
that
accompany
it,
I
distributed
a
series
of
questionnaires
among
the
networks
I
constructed
during
my
time
in
ZA.
These
questionnaires
consisted
of
a
series
of
questions
designed
to
establish
several
things:
the
participant’s
own
ethnic/cultural
background,
the
participants
personal
identity
within
South
African
society,
and
the
participants
relationship
with
the
Afrikaans
language.
From
here,
my
questions
explore
personal
feelings
towards
Afrikaners,
consumption
of
Afrikaans
language
media
(including
music),
and
cross-­‐cultural
interactions.
For
informants
who
are
Afrikaans
speakers,
I
focus
on
their
personal
identity
and
how
they
position
themselves
with
what
may
be
broadly
considered
the
“Afrikaner
Community”.
If
my
informants
are
non-­‐Afrikaner,
I
attempt
to
explore
their
preconceptions
about
Afrikaners,
as
well
as
the
impact
Afrikaans
music
has
had
on
their
personal
relationship
with
Afrikaans.
While
the
focus
of
this
paper
is
not
primarily
historical,
a
quick
primer
may
prove
helpful
for
American
readers
who
are
less
familiar
with
South
African
history,
as
well
as
a
discussion
of
terminology.
An
Afrikaner
here
is
taken
to
mean
a
White
South
African
who
primarily
speaks
Afrikaans
at
home.
Generally
descended
from
Dutch
settlers,
as
well
as
a
smattering
of
other
Europeans
(e.g.
French
Huguenots),
Afrikaners
began
colonizing
South
Africa
earnestly
in
1652
with
the
establishment
of
Cape
Town.
Originally
a
Dutch
colony,
the
Western
Cape
was
taken
under
British
rule
in
1815.
This,
among
other
factors,
contributed
to
the
Great
Trek
in
1836,
a
mass
migration
of
Afrikaans
settlers
from
the
Western
Cape
to
the
interior
of
the
continent,
settling
across
Southern
Africa
(ZA,
Namibia,
Zimbabwe).
These
migratory
peoples
adopted
the
moniker
of
Boers,
and
established
a
number
of
independent
Boer
republics,
which
through
annexation
or
war
were
brought

3. Oppenheim 3
under
British
rule
by
the
start
of
the
20th
century.
The
2nd
Boer
war
in
particular
turned
into
a
brutal
Guerilla
conflict,
with
the
British
employing
scorched
earth
and
mass
internment
tactics,
resulting
in
almost
30,000
Boer
civilians
perishing.
From
this
blend
of
self-­‐determination,
defiance,
and
armed
conflict
rose
an
Afrikaner,
and
particularly
Boer
sense
of
nationalism,
and
the
belief
that
Afrikaners
were
the
rightful
owners
of
the
lands
they
occupied,
as
well
as
the
rightful
rulers
of
South
Africa.
It
was
through
the
actions
of
Afrikaner
nationalists
that
the
narrative
of
the
greater
“Afrikaner
Community”
or
“Afrikaner
Nation”
was
brought
into
being
1.
It
was
on
the
back
of
Afrikaner
Nationalism
that
in
1948
South
Africa
elected
Daniel
François
Malan
as
Prime
Minister-­‐
marking
the
beginning
of
Apartheid,
a
system
of
institutionalized
racial
discrimination
and
oppression.
An
Afrikaans
word
meaning,
“separateness”,
the
Apartheid
system
saw
the
ruling
Afrikaner
party
oppress
the
majority
of
South
Africans
in
order
to
maintain
their
own
rule
and
supposed
superiority.
One
of
the
most
contentious
issues
during
apartheid
was
the
use
of
the
Afrikaans
language
as
a
tool
of
oppression.
While
13.5%
of
South
Africans
speak
Afrikaans
as
their
primary
language,
including
60.8%
of
Whites
and
75.8%
of
Coloureds,
only
1.5%
of
Black
South
Africans
speak
Afrikaans
as
a
primary
language2.
Both
English
and
Afrikaans
are
Germanic
languages,
but
mutual
intelligibility
is
negligible.
Even
with
having
assimilated
a
variety
of
local
lexicon,
this
Dutch
daughter
language
is
completely
different
from
the
Bantu
based
languages
spoken
by
the
vast
majority
of
South
Africans.
Despite
this,
the
de
facto
language
of
government
and
administration
during
apartheid
was
Afrikaans.
Fully
understanding
how
Afrikaans
transformed
into
“the
language
of
the
oppressor”
(Questionnaire:
N.S.)
is
a
complex
subject
worthy
of
intensive
research.

4. Oppenheim 4
However,
for
a
single
exemplary
case
one
need
merely
look
at
the
Afrikaans
Medium
Decree
of
1974.
Under
apartheid,
Blacks
went
to
a
separate
school
system
that
was
controlled
by
the
Ministry
of
Bantu
Education,
who
in
1974
decided,
“for
the
sake
of
uniformity
English
and
Afrikaans
will
be
used
as
media
of
instruction
in
our
schools
on
a
50-­‐50
basis
as
follows…2.2
Afrikaans
medium:
Mathematics,
Arithmetic,
Social
Studies”3.
In
effect,
this
decreed
that
black
students
from
grade
seven
onwards
would
be
forced
to
learn
math,
arithmetic,
and
social
studies
solely
in
Afrikaans,
a
language
few,
if
any
of
them,
were
proficient
in.
Anger
over
this
decree
led
directly
to
the
1976
Soweto
uprising,
and
is
largely
responsible
to
this
day
for
the
negative
connotations
that
Afrikaans
carries
among
Black
communities
in
South
Africa.
Despite
the
horrors
of
apartheid
and
the
single-­‐party
system
with
its
immense
pressure
to
conform,
a
few
individuals
dared
to
break
from
the
party
line.
The
most
notable
musically
was
Johannes
Kerkorrel
en
die
Gereformeerde
Blues
Band,
whose
pioneering
Voëlfry
movement
not
only
started
alternative
Afrikaans
music,
but
brought
an
anti-­‐
authoritarian
and
liberal
Afrikaans
voice
to
the
Afrikaner
youth
during
the
last
years
of
Apartheid4.
Despite
a
hiatus
during
the
1990s,
the
Afrikaans
Alternative
movement
started
by
Kerkorrel
returned
with
gusto
in
2004
and
the
debut
of
Fokofpolisiekar
(Fuckoffpolicecar),
who
opened
the
floodgates
to
a
number
of
Afrikaans
artists
creating
and
performing
music
in
genres
ranging
from
metal
to
hip
hop.
Artists
like
Bittereinder
and
Jack
Parow
routinely
top
the
SA
charts,
and
rap-­‐rave
duo
Die
Antwoord
has
even
found
significant
international
recognition.
Again,
with
the
decidedly
mixed
legacy
of
Afrikaans,
one
must
ask
why
music
in
that
language
is
suddenly
so
popular
across
much
of
South
Africa?

5. Oppenheim 5
While
my
questionnaires
have
produced
a
variety
of
interesting
data,
there
are
some
noted
limitations.
Within
the
format,
follow-­‐up
questions
are
difficult.
Additionally,
questions
must
be
written
carefully
and
often
overlap
significantly
in
order
to
thoroughly
cover
important
aspects,
which
may
appear
repetitive
to
informants.
However,
by
far
the
biggest
problem
I
have
encountered
is
one
of
distribution.
While
my
networks
in
South
Africa
have
been
able
to
provide
a
number
of
responses,
including
access
to
several
musicians
within
the
Alternative
Afrikaans
scene,
my
overall
number
of
responses
has
been
relatively
low,
which
makes
extrapolation
difficult.
Informants
also
tend
to
be
young,
liberal
Afrikaners
or
Anglos,
the
groups
I
had
the
most
contact
with
in
South
Africa.
Because
of
this,
I
do
not
have
a
clear
picture
of
the
impact
Afrikaans
Alternative
has
within
the
Black
communities
or
voices
from
the
more
conservative
White
communities.
Yet
the
responses
I
have
received
can
still
provide
valuable
insight
into
the
lives
and
identities
of
young
South
Africans.
In
order
to
better
understand
the
Afrikaners
my
informants
represent,
it
may
be
useful
to
examine
a
questionnaire
reproduced
in
its
entirety.
These
following
responses
are
from
a
man
who
is
actively
involved
with
the
production
of
the
Oppikoppi,
a
large
annual
music
festival
that
has
traditionally
been
a
venue
for
Alternative
Afrikaans
music.
While
his
answers
are
far
from
a
homogenous
voice
for
the
Alternative
Afrikaner
community,
he
highlights
a
number
of
trends
that
I
have
seen
develop
prominently
across
a
number
of
informants.
Additionally,
the
areas
where
he
differs
from
my
general
informant
population,
such
as
the
violence
of
his
opposition
to
Apartheid
or
his
linguistic
diversity,
can
provide
great
insight
into
the
diversity
that
exists
even
within
the
Alternative
community:

6. Oppenheim 6
What
is
your
name
and
current
place
of
residence?
C.
G.,
[redacted],
Western
Cape,
South
Africa
Where
were
you
born?
Raised?
Born
in
[redacted],
Mpumalanga,
South
Africa.
Raised
in
various
cities
as
my
father
was
a
district
surgeon
and
later
studied
again,
causing
us
to
move
around
between
various
places
What
is
the
primary
language
that
you
spoke
growing
up?
In
your
daily
life
today?
At
home
today?
Afrikaans
growing
up,
Afrikaans
at
home
now,
Afrikaans,
English,
Spanish,
Dutch
and
Tswana
in
daily
life.
If
you
were
born
before
1994,
what
was
your
racial
designation
under
apartheid?
Born
196X,
White.
How
do
you
self
identify
within
South
African
society?
I
identify
with
the
modern-­‐thinking
Afrikaner.
I
do
NOT
identify
with
the
grouping
of
old-­‐thinking
Afrikaners
that
still
cling
to
the
past
and
hate
the
change
that
has
taken
place
in
SA.
What
are
your
personal
feelings
towards
the
actions
of
the
South
African
government
and
society
during
apartheid?
Disgust,
that
I
showed
openly
during
that
time.
I
was
arrested
twice
during
protests
that
I
participated
in,
as
a
member
of
the
then
ECC
(End
Conscription
Campaign,
to
stop
forced
military
service
of
white
male
South
Africans),
and
also
when
I
joined
a
riot
at
University
Cape
Town.

7. Oppenheim 7
I
was
specifically
against
the
practices
of
segregated
town
areas,
the
‘Bantu’
education
curriculum
that
was
engineered
to
dumb
down
blacks
(example
mathematics
where
division
sums
were
all
but
removed
from
the
curriculum,
I
believe
aimed
at
holding
back
black
citizens
from
doing
business,
where
percentages
(divisions)
are
crucial.)
Who
do
you
believe
to
be
responsible
for
apartheid?
The
British
Colonial
system,
and
their
‘pioneers’
like
Cecil
John
Rhodes
etc,
which
was
taken
further
and
written
into
law
by
the
Afrikaner
government,
which
was
elected
by
an
unfair
system
that
excluded
black
South
Africans
from
voting.
What
are
your
personal
feelings
towards
the
Afrikaner
community
in
South
Africa?
Clearly
split
in
2
groupings.
1. Brown
(Coloured)
South
Africans
that
speak
Afrikaans,
and
the
modern
thinking
White
Afrikaners
who
welcome
change
into
a
real
democracy.
These
are
good
people
that
I
align
with
proudly.
2. Old-­‐style
Afrikaners
who
still
monger
hate
and
sit
on
the
sideline
looking
for
anything
worthy
of
their
criticism
of
the
new
black
government.
This
grouping
has
a
warped
belief
that
they
deserved
the
unfair
system
of
before,
as
they
are
supreme
by
decree
of
their
skin
colour.
I
welcome
the
fact
that
this
grouping
is
getting
smaller
by
the
day.
What
is
your
personal
relationship
and
feelings
towards
the
Afrikaans
language?
A
very
young
language,
already
developed
into
a
language
rich
in
expression.
I
am
proud
to
speak
Afrikaans
in
its
modern
form.
Freely
mixed
with
other
languages
like
English,
zulu,
tswana
etc.

8. Oppenheim 8
What
is
your
relationship
with
the
non-­‐Afrikaans
speaking
communities
in
South
Africa?
Do
you
have
consistent
contact
with
any
specific
groups
(anglos,
Zulu,
ect)?
I
have
consistent
contact
with
Tswana
friends.
The
older
people
all
speak
Afrikaans
regularly
(they
were
all
forced
to
speak
it
at
school),
but
the
youth
do
not
like
to
speak
it,
as
they
see
it
as
a
language
of
oppression.
Has
your
identity
as
an
Afrikaner
or
Afrikaans
speaker
ever
significantly
affected
preconceptions
or
reactions
to
you,
regardless
of
your
personal
interactions
with
that
person
(ie,
prejudice,
hostility,
instant
trust
and
acceptance)?
Feel
free
to
include
any
personal
narratives
you
see
fit,
of
either
positive
or
negative
interactions.
It
has
happened
that
people
react
negatively
to
me
speaking
Afrikaans,
which
I
totally
understand.
In
such
cases
I
smoothly
switch
to
English,
which
is
then
met
with
respect
and
appreciation.
I
try
to
speak
Tswana
where
possible,
which
gets
a
very
positive
reaction
from
Tswana
speaking
people.
What
is
the
music
you
listened
to
while
growing
up?
Was
it
produced
in
South
Africa
or
imported?
What
language
was
it
in?
My
parents
tried
to
force
me
to
listen
to
Afrikaans
music,
which
at
the
time
consisted
mainly
of
dumb
lyrics
that
had
been
superimposed
onto
stolen
melodies
from
other
countries.
I
listened
to
Tswana
and
Zulu
musicians
and
other
African
music
that
I
could
get
hold
of.
I
also
listened
to
a
lot
of
international
music,
mostly
with
rebellious
style
lyrics
(anti-­‐establishment)
like
The
Doors,
Dylan,
U2
etc.
When
Afrikaans
music
went
through
the
liberation
of
the
‘Voëlvry’
movement,
I
again
re-­‐aligned
with
that
as
‘my’
music.
I
have
been
supporting
Afrikaans-­‐
lyrics
music
since
then
in
various
genres
of
my
choice
(rock,
blues,
folk,
country,
punk
etc)

9. Oppenheim 9
What
is
the
primary
music
you
listen
to
now?
Is
it
South
African
or
foreign?
Language?
I
listen
to
South
African
music
daily,
and
I
also
listen
to
British,
American,
European
music
daily.
Do
you
consider
yourself
a
consumer
of
Afrikaans
language
media,
and
specifically
a
listener
of
Afrikaans
language
music?
No,
not
specifically.
I
disagree
with
the
grouping
of
people
that
label
Afrikaans
as
a
genre
of
music.
Afrikaans
media
often
irritates
me,
as
it
seems
to
mainly
aim
itself
at
the
mass-­‐market
(popular)
and
do
not
represent
wide
enough
opinion.
It
is
also
regularly
spiced
with
religion,
which
is
the
biggest
irritation
of
the
old-­‐style
thinking
Afrikaners.
Do
you
consider
the
Afrikaans
language
music
you
consume
to
be
mainstream
or
alternative?
Alternative
Is
the
genre
of
Afrikaans
language
music
you
consume
important
to
you?
Absolutely,
the
fact
that
it
is
written/performed
in
Afrikaans,
is
purely
coincidental.
What
are
your
personal
feelings
towards
the
Afrikaans
language
musicians
you
listen
to,
especially
any
that
you
may
consider
alternative?
I
am
a
massive
fan
of
the
good
ones
like
Francois
van
Coke,
Valiant
Swart,
Piet
Botha,
Akkedis
etc.
Do
your
personal
feelings
towards
these
Afrikaans
alternative
musicians
differ
from
your
feelings
towards
the
Afrikaans
community
in
general?
What
about
their
listeners?

10. Oppenheim10
Yes
it
differs
greatly
sometimes.
The
mainstream
Afrikaans
grouping
listen
to
stupid
music,
with
dumb
lyrics
and
copied
melodies.
Most
of
the
artists
in
this
grouping
do
not
perform
live
music
properly,
they
record
backtracks
and
often
mime
in
front
of
a
live
audience.
Has
your
exposure
to
Afrikaans
language
media,
and
specifically
music,
shaped
or
changed
your
feelings
towards
the
Afrikaans
language?
Yes
it
increases
my
disgust
with
conservative
Afrikaners,
who
support
idiot
musicians
like
Steve
Hofmeyr
etc.
Do
you
feel
that
your
experience
with
Afrikaans
alternative
music
has
allowed
you
to
connect
with
non-­‐Afrikaans
speaking
fans
of
the
same
music,
or
vice-­‐
versa?
Yes,
I’ve
played
Afrikaans
rock
and
punk
music
to
friends
from
Europe,
who
love
the
music
for
the
quality
of
musicianship.
The
language
is
important
to
get
behind
the
meaning
of
the
lyrics,
but
does
not
affect
their
liking
of
the
music
itself.
Has
your
experience
with
Afrikaans
alternative
music
affected
your
interactions
with
others
in
the
Afrikaner
community?
If
so,
how?
Feel
free
to
include
narrative
of
positive
or
negative
interactions.
I
have
had
many
disagreements
with
mainstream
Afrikaners
about
the
lack
of
intelligence
in
the
backtrack
pop
they
listen
to.
It
is
usually
futile
to
even
try
to
let
them
understand
how
stupid
the
music
is,
but
it
has
its
place
and
sells
well
(sadly).
I
have
had
a
few
such
mainstream
listeners
that
have
changed
their
minds
and
started
listening
to
‘real’
music
in
Afrikaans,
with
lyrics
that
are
clever
and
full
of
layers.

11. Oppenheim11
I
have
specifically
asked
a
lot
of
mainstream
people
why
they
like
the
song
of
a
mainstream
backtrack
artist.
The
answer
I
got
made
it
clear
for
me
that
my
opinion
of
‘dumb’
music
was
spot
on.
“That
is
such
a
good
song,
when
I
heard
it
the
very
first
time,
I
could
already
sing
along
to
the
chorus,
it
speaks
to
me”.
Idiot
rhyming
crap.
One
of
the
most
immediately
striking
aspects
of
C.G.,
and
one
that
is
shared
by
many
of
my
informants,
is
the
breadth
of
languages
that
they
use
in
their
public
sphere.
While
most
Afrikaners
grew
up
and
continue
to
predominantly
speak
Afrikaans
at
home,
it
appears
increasingly
common
that
the
more
liberal
Afrikaners
will
speak
additional
languages
in
the
public
sphere.
In
light
of
my
surveys
being
solely
in
English,
some
degree
of
mastery
in
English
is
expected.
Yet
my
informants
appear
to
embrace
English
as
a
de
facto
colloquial
language
within
ZA,
“I
lived
in
Limpopo
for
3
years,
I
worked
very
closely
with
Tswana
speaking
folk.
I
tried
to
learn
some
words
as
well
while
I
was
there…but
luckily
we
could
all
understand
English”
(Questionnaire:
R.V.).
Rather
than
linguistic
limitations,
this
illustrates
an
ability
and
willingness
to
adapt
to
the
realities
of
a
situation;
meeting
halfway
rather
than
mandating
everybody
accommodate
Afrikaans.
C.G.
goes
a
step
further
in
his
professional
life,
incorporating
Spanish,
Dutch,
and
Tswana.
The
fact
that
a
successful
and
educated
Afrikaner
would
learn
and
use
Tswana,
a
purely
black
African
language,
shows
just
how
much
it
is
possible
to
break
down
the
barriers
that
existed
during
Apartheid
if
one
is
willing.
An
area
where
C.G.
stands
apart
from
the
rest
of
my
informants
is
the
actions
that
personally
undertook
during
apartheid,
facing
arrest
for
his
participation
in
an
End
Conscription
Campaign
and
rioting
at
the
University
of
Cape
Town.
Worth
noting
is
the
fact

12. Oppenheim12
the
C.G.
is
significantly
older
than
most
of
my
informants:
we
can
know
nothing
about
their
hypothetical
involvement
in
apartheid-­‐era
protests.
Rather,
C.G.
shows
that
the
anti-­‐
establishment
and
liberal
side
of
the
Afrikaner
community
was
alive
and
present
in
at
least
the
final
years
of
Apartheid.
This
is
the
community
that
in
the
late
1980s
produced
the
Voëlvry
movement,
and
provided
fertile
ground
for
its
rebellious,
anti-­‐establishment
message.
Yet
for
the
majority
of
my
informants,
active
resistance
to
Apartheid
was
either
culturally
prevented
because
of
social
constraints
or
physically
impossible
due
to
age,
“There
were
no
other
parties
to
vote
for
at
that
stage.
You
either
had
a
conservative
choice,
or
a
VERY
conservative
choice,
as
voter.
The
ANC
(African
National
Congress,
Mandela’s
party
and
current
majority
party
in
ZA)
those
years
was
seen
as
a
terrorist
organization.
There
were
only
white
parties
to
vote
for”
(Questionnaire:
J.J.S.).
Only
the
most
radically
liberal
Afrikaners
were
willing
to
break
away
from
the
established
system
and
challenge
Apartheid.
While
the
question
of
responsibility
for
Apartheid
is
one
I
shall
not
be
directly
addressing,
I
find
it
illuminating
to
note
where
my
informants,
and
particularly
my
Afrikaner
informants,
place
blame
for
the
Apartheid
years.
C.G.’s
own
answer
of
Cecil
Rhodes
is
closely
mirrored
by
a
number
of
informants
who
finger
the,
“Colonial
English”
(Questionnaire:
F.B.)
as
the
root
perpetrators
of
Apartheid.
This
shows
us
several
things
about
the
relationship
between
Apartheid
and
the
Alternative
Afrikaner
community.
Firstly,
these
informants
do
not
accept
group
blame
for
the
actions
of
the
apartheid
government.
No
informant
has
said,
“we
were
responsible”,
but
rather
blame
has
always
been
placed
on
conservative
and
racist
elements
of
the
Boer
community,
or
on
the
English
who
previously
governed
the
country.
Common
targets
are
“The
Government”
(J.J.S.)
or

13. Oppenheim13
“The
White
people
in
power
at
the
time”
(Questionnaire:
R.L.),
yet
among
my
informants
I
have
seen
only
one
Afrikaner
place
responsibility
directly
with
their
own
community,
even
for
having
produced
the
members
of
the
government
that
was
in
power
at
the
time.
The
question
of
responsibility
is
a
tricky
one,
as
even
those
who
despise
the
actions
of
the
apartheid
government
distance
themselves
from
the
Afrikaners
responsible:
“I
think
it
was
atrocious
and
insane…I
am
not,
however,
ashamed,
nor
am
I
ever
going
to
apologize,
because
neither
I
nor
my
parents
and
my
grandparents
were/are
“pro”-­‐Apartheid”
(Questionnaire:
A.V.).
In
a
sense,
this
constitutes
a
manifestation
of
the
schism
within
the
Afrikaner
community:
Apartheid
and
its
government
were
a
product
of
Afrikaner
Nationalism,
xenophobia,
and
racism.
It
then
stands
to
reason
that
those
who
are
not
part
of
this
traditional
Afrikaner
society
do
not
share
the
burden
of
responsibility
placed
upon
its
shoulders.
When
speaking
to
creators
and
consumers
of
Afrikaans
Alternative
music,
it
becomes
clear
that
few
identify
with
the
traditional
image
of
the
Afrikaner
and
its
Broederbond
(brotherhood)
connotations.
In
the
words
of
one
musician,
“I
consider
myself
as
a
white,
Afrikaans
speaking
African,
not
really
an
Afrikaner.
I
suppose
I
am
part
of
a
white
tribe”
(J.J.S.).
In
this
we
see
a
rejection
of
the
traditional
sense
of
Afrikaner
community
and
nationalism.
Less
concerned
with
their
status
among
other
Afrikaners,
these
alternative
musicians
instead
seek
integration
into
the
rest
of
South
African
society;
“I’d
like
to
see
myself
as
an
Afrikaans-­‐speaking
South
African
who
tries
to
embrace
the
different
cultures
and
peoples
in
SA”
(A.V.),
a
clear
break
from
the
idea
of
a
racially
and
culturally
superior
Boer.
The
new
cultural
focus
for
progressive
Afrikaners
appears
to
be

14. Oppenheim14
integrating
and
adapting
to
the
society
around
them,
rather
than
conserving
the
inherited
Boer
traditions
and
identity.
A
common
theme
among
Alternative
Afrikaners
is
that
many
of
them
feel
a
distinct
schism
within
the
Afrikaner
community:
“Afrikaners
are
split
into
two
groups:
The
younger
ones
(like
me)
who
just
want
to
move
on
&
away
from
the
general
‘identity’
of
the
second
group
([old
ZA
flag
(‘vierkleur’)
on
a
bakkie’s
bumper,
two-­‐tone
shirts,
brandy-­‐and-­‐Coke-­‐
drinking
overweight
Boer,
God-­‐fearing,
rugby
fanatic,
Kurt
Darren
and
Steve
Hofmeyr-­‐
fan]).
This
second
group
should
make
peace
with
the
fact
that
they’re
in
the
minority
and
will
possibly
never
be
‘in
charge’
again”
(A.V.).
For
these
young
Afrikaners,
adapting
to
South
African
society
means
casting
off
the
identity
that
has
been
built
for
them,
a
near-­‐
complete
rejection
of
all
things
Boer.
In
order
to
create
their
own
distinct
identity,
Alternative
Afrikaners
must
first
distance
themselves
from
the
Boer
nation
and
the
cultural
implications
that
come
with
it.
An
interesting
addendum
to
this
question
of
modern
Afrikaner
identity
is
the
position
of
the
Coloured
Afrikaans
community,
especially
in
relation
to
the
White
Afrikaner
community.
Worth
noting
for
my
American
readers
is
the
way
“Coloured”
in
ZA
differs
from
its
use
in
North
America.
Broadly
speaking,
the
Coloured
community
is
a
distinct,
mixed
race
Afrikaans
speaking
community
that
arose
from
a
combination
of
Dutch
settles,
Khoisan,
Bantu,
and
imported
Malaysian
laborers.
So
far,
the
cultural
place
of
the
Coloured
community
is
an
issue
that
has
been
largely
ignored
by
my
informants.
Partly
this
may
be
due
to
the
geographic
localization
of
the
Coloured
community
to
the
Western
Cape,
with
many
of
my
informants
hailing
from
Gauteng
or
even
further
east.
Additionally,
the
historic
economic
and
social
status
of
the
Coloured
community
means
that
fewer
Coloured
persons

15. Oppenheim15
work
in
professions
where
they
would
have
close
contact
with
the
white,
middle
class
informants
that
I
have
been
interviewing.
So
far,
only
C.G.
has
specifically
mentioned
the
Coloured
Afrikaans
community
as
having
a
place
in
relation
to
the
White
community:
“Brown
(Coloured)
South
Africans
that
speak
Afrikaans,
and
the
modern
thinking
White
Afrikaners
who
welcome
change
into
a
real
democracy.
These
are
good
people
that
I
align
with
proudly”
(C.G.).
Clearly
for
C.G.
Coloured
Afrikaans
speakers
belong
solidly
with
the
new,
liberal
Afrikaans
community.
Whether
the
rest
of
the
Alternative
Afrikaners,
or
even
the
Coloured
community
share
his
sentiment,
remains
to
be
seen
through
further
research.
Perhaps
the
biggest
break
between
traditional
Boers
and
Alternative
Afrikaners
is
not
the
question
of
responsibility,
but
of
the
correct
direction
for
South
Africa
to
move
in.
Many
Afrikaners,
“feel
they
have
been
let
down
by
the
previous
white
government.
They
struggle
to
adapt,
to
see
reason.
Many
of
them
think
they
are
still
superior
to
their
fellow
(black)
South
Africans”
(J.J.S.).
What
makes
Alternative
Afrikaners
stand
apart
on
the
legacy
of
apartheid
may
not
be
one
of
responsibility
but
of
recognition;
that
Alternative
Afrikaners
do
not,
“yearn
back
to
the
old
apartheid
times,
in
which
they
received
the
preferential
treatment
from
the
government”
(R.L.),
and
instead
recognize
apartheid
the
same
way
most
South
Africans
do,
as
“appalling”
(R.L.),
even
if
for
some
of
them
only
realize
it
“if
[they]
look
back
now”
(J.J.S.),
a
testament
to
the
cultural
internalization
of
Apartheid.
In
order
to
fully
discuss
what
it
means
to
set
one’s
self
apart
from
the
Boers,
it
becomes
essential
to
examine
what
the
stereotype
of
the
classic,
racist
Boer
is.
For
this
purpose,
we
need
only
look
to
the
guest
rapper
on
Die
Antwoord’s
song
“Wat
Pomp”,
who
sings,
“the
name’s
Jack
Parow,
fok
Steve
Hofmeyr”5.
In
this
one
sentence,
Jack
Parow
manages
to
establish
himself
as
the
antithesis
of
the
quintessential
Boer
musician,
a
man

16. Oppenheim16
who
has
shown
up
as
the
object
of
much
scorn
from
several
of
my
informants:
“general
stereotype
associated
with
‘Afrikaner’
isn’t
something
I
want
to
be
associated
with:
old
SA
flag
(vierkleur)
on
a
bakkie’s
[pickup
truck]
bumper,
two-­‐tone
shirts,
brandy-­‐and-­‐Coke-­‐
drinking
overweight
Boer,
God-­‐fearing,
rugby
fanatic,
Kurt
Darren
and
Steve
Hofmeyr-­‐fan”
(A.V.).
What
has
led
Hofmeyr
to
embody
the
stereotype
of
an
old
guard
Boer
is
well
worth
examining.
Born
in
Apartheid-­‐era
Pretoria
the
same
year
as
C.G.
in
Nelspruit,
Steve
Hofmeyr
grew
up
in
a
family
that
had
actively
participated
in
the
Ossewabrandwag,
the
Afrikaner
equivalent
of
the
Nazi
party
through
the
1940s.
The
striking
thing
about
Hofmeyr
is
not
his
family
history,
but
rather
his
own
antics
on
the
national
stage
in
ZA6.
These
alone
can
be
written
off
as
a
common
enough
lifestyle
for
a
successful
media
star;
his
racially
charged
comments
and
affiliations
are
more
difficult
to
explain.
Hofmeyr
freely
admits
to
being
a
supporter
of
“Afrikaner
Rights”,
publicly
supporting
the
OASE
(Onafhanklike
Afrikaner
Selfbeskikkingsekspedisie:
Expedition
for
Afrikaner
Self-­‐Determination)
7,
an
Afrikaner
political
party
that
seeks
to
establish
independent
political
determination
for
the
“Afrikaner
Nation”.
These
tenants
of
the
OASE
closely
mirror
the
rational
for
apartheid
set
forth
by
the
“Architect
of
Apartheid”,
former
SA
Prime
Minister
H.F.
Verwoerd.
In
a
1961
speech
to
Parliament,
Dr.
Verwoerd
argues
for
a
system
where,
“a
method
whereby
the
one
racial
group
will
not
permanently
rule
the
other,
but
that
every
racial
group
will
be
given
self-­‐rule
of
its
own
people,
in
an
area
of
its
own”8.
Racial
dominion
and
subjugation
is
not
the
stated
goal
of
nationalistic
Afrikaner
parties;
they
put
forth
their
tenants
as
the
principle
of
self-­‐determination
where
each
racial
group
is
completely
independent
from
all
the
others,
both
territorially
and
politically.
Much
as
children
in
a
room
may
draw
a

17. Oppenheim17
dividing
line,
deciding
each
half
belongs
to
one
of
them,
so
does
the
OASE
wish
to
divide
South
Africa
into
smaller
Boer
and
Black
republics
that
are
completely
self-­‐contained
political
entities.
Hofmeyr’s
involvement
with
OASE
may
be
slightly
xenophobic
and
decidedly
nationalistic,
but
not
necessarily
worth
of
mass
scorn.
Rather,
this
scorn
was
earned
in
2014
on
the
social
network
Twitter,
where
Hofmeyr
posted,
“Sorry
to
offend
but
in
my
books
Blacks
were
the
architects
of
Apartheid.
Go
figure”9.
This
created
what
is
known
in
the
media
industry
as
a
“shitstorm”
upon
being
posted,
including
significant
internal
backlash
against
Steve
Hofmeyr.
Such
comments
are
not
new
to
Hofmeyr,
who
in
2011
threatened
to
use
the
derogatory
word
“kaffir”
(equivalent
to
the
American
English
word
nigger)
in
one
of
his
songs,
justifying
it
as
a
response
to
a
black
politician
singing,
“Shoot
the
Boer”10.
In
totality,
Steve
Hofmeyr’s
political
affiliations
and
personal
statements
paint
the
picture
of
a
conservative
and
insular
Boer
who
is
proud
of
his
heritage,
and
perfectly
happy
to
exist
in
his
own
universe
apart
from
the
rest
of
the
peoples
in
South
Africa.
While
for
Alternative
Afrikaners
it
is
necessary
to
break
from
the
traditions
of
their
Boer
brethren,
both
groups
share
one
of
the
most
important
traits
of
apartheid:
Afrikaans.
Regardless
of
their
social
stance
or
personal
feelings,
my
informants
have
generally
shared
the
same
sentiment,
“[Afrikaans]
is
my
language”
(F.B.).
The
truth
is
that
Alternative
Afrikaners
were
still
born
in
the
Afrikaner
community
and
share
its
language;
that
even
the
most
progressive
Afrikaner
may
still
find
that
“[they]
argue
better
in
Afrikaans
and
[they]
love
better
in
Afrikaans”
(A.V.),
just
that
they
“do
not
go
out
to
proclaim
that
[they]
love
the
language
uber
alles”
(R.L.).
Afrikaans
then
is
a
fixture
of
the
Alternative
Afrikaners,
as
much
a
part
of
their
identity
as
the
color
of
their
skin
or
the
country
they
live
in.
But
in
embracing

18. Oppenheim18
their
mother
tongue,
Alternative
Afrikaners
run
headlong
into
the
legacy
of
Apartheid.
Despite
the
schism
which
is
so
apparent
to
Afrikaners,
much
of
South
African
society
still
lumps
all
white
Afrikaans
speakers
together:
“The
problem
is-­‐
if
you
speak
Afrikaans,
you
get
associated
with
the
conservative,
racist
Afrikaner”
(J.J.S.).
For
Alternative
Afrikaners
there
appears
to
be
a
very
clear
cultural
need
to
keep
their
own
mother
language
while
simultaneously
defining
themselves
as
separate
from
the
rest
of
the
Afrikaner
community,
not
just
in
their
eyes
but
also
for
the
rest
of
South
Africa.
Luckily,
the
Alternative
community
has
been
able
to
meet
this
need
for
redefinition
through
the
production
of
Afrikaans
language
music.
The
tradition
of
music
as
an
outlet
for
Alternative
Afrikaners
goes
back
to
Johannes
Kerkorrel,
who
for
Alternative
musicians
“changed
my
perception
of
Afrikaans
music.
He
showed
me
that
Afrikaans
can
be
different
and
Alternative.
It
can
have
meaning”
(J.J.S.).
Interestingly,
one
of
Kerkorrel’s
largest
and
most
successful
markets
was
Europe,
beginning
in
Belgium
with
his
song
Hillbrow11,
a
ballad
to
an
inner
city
Johannesburg
neighborhood
infamous
for
crime
and
poverty12.
Kerkorrel’s
success
outside
of
the
Afrikaans-­‐speaking
world
shows
one
of
the
core
tendencies
of
Alternative
Afrikaans
musicians,
who
make
“music
that
happens
to
be
sung
in
Afrikaans,
but
is
not
exclusively
meant
for
Afrikaners
only”
(R.L.).
Kerkorrel’s
legacy
has
been
the
subject
of
significant
scholarly
dispute
within
South
Africa.
One
of
the
more
insightful
analyses
of
Voëlvry
comes
from
Albert
Grundlingh,
who
surmises
the
movement:
“Voëlvry”
did
rock
the
boat,
but
more
gently
than
often
assumed.
It
was
mainly
a
white
middle
class
movement
which
in
the
eighties
sought
to

19. Oppenheim19
redefine
elements
of
Afrikaner
ethnicity
without
fully
rejecting
it.
Although
the
movement
was
largely
restricted
to
the
white
community
and
its
proselysing
effects
were
uneven,
it
was
a
brave
stand
to
take
at
the
time.
As
a
social
movement
it
was
overtaken
by
events
from
1990
onwards
and
predictably
it
lost
its
impetus.
The
boat,
however,
did
not
sink.
The
‘Voëlvry’
stance
taken
in
the
eighties
still
resonated
sixteen
years
later
to
help
manufacture
an
anti-­‐apartheid
past
for
a
younger
generation
of
Afrikaners
grappling
with
a
sense
of
identity
in
quite
a
different
context.”
13
Through
reviewing
the
available
literature,
Grundlingh’s
assessment
of
the
immediate
impact
of
Voëlvry
is
one
I
agree
with:
Afrikaners
were
rocked,
but
gently.
However,
through
my
own
research,
it
appears
that
the
long-­‐term
effects
of
Voëlvry
run
much
deeper
than
retrospectively
manufacturing
an
anti-­‐apartheid
heritage.
In
the
words
of
one
Alternative
Musician,
“Johannes
Kerkorrel,
who
was
part
of
the
Voelvry
Movement,
changed
my
perception
of
Afrikaans
music.
He
showed
me
that
Afrikaans
can
be
different
and
Alternative.
It
can
have
meaning”
(J.J.S.).
For
many
Alternative
Afrikaners,
in
both
my
surveys
and
personal
conversations
on
social
media,
Johannes
Kerkorrel
holds
a
place
of
reverence
for
allowing
his
listeners
to,
“[re-­‐align]
with
that
as
‘my’
music”
(C.G.),
not
in
retrospect
16
years
later,
but
in
the
final
years
of
apartheid.
While
this
may
not
have
dealt
the
doodskoot
(killer
shot)
to
the
Boer
establishment,
Voëlvry’s
greatest
legacy
lies
in
the
seeds
of
rebellion
and
possibility
that
it
laid
in
the
minds
of
its
younger
listeners.
Much
like
Lou
Reed
did
in
the
American
band
The
Velvet
Underground,
Kerkorrel
inspired
his
small
core
of
listeners
to
do
more
than
buy
records.
These
listeners
who
would
go
on
to
not
only
found
Oppikoppi,
but
create
the
next
generation
of
Rebel
Afrikaans
music.

20. Oppenheim20
One
of
the
most
immediate
ways
in
which
Alternative
Afrikaners
reintegrate
themselves
is
by
embracing
the
linguistic
diversity
of
South
Africa.
Previously
I
mentioned
a
willingness
to
adapt
and
use
languages
other
than
Afrikaans
in
the
public
sphere.
However,
several
of
my
informants
were
vocal
about
going
much
further
than
choosing
a
language
for
the
occasion,
proclaiming
they
are
“proud
to
speak
Afrikaans
in
its
modern
form.
Freely
mixed
with
other
languages
like
English,
zulu,
tswana
etc”
(C.G.).
This
shows
a
blurring
of
the
cultural
boundaries
that
were
so
firmly
established
during
Apartheid;
no
longer
is
Afrikaans
some
pure,
abstract
language
personified
by
concrete
pillars
in
Paarl
(Afrikaans
Language
Monument),
but
a
living
and
breathing
entity
to
be
used
and
mixed
freely
by
those
who
speak
it.
The
epitome
of
music
in
mixed
Afrikaans
is
the
bizarre
yet
captivating
rap-­‐rave
duo,
Die
Antwoord,
whose
over
the
top
working
class
Afrikaner
meets
Pee-­‐Wee
Herman
aesthetic
is
exemplified
by
their
video
for
the
song
“Fatty
Boom
Boom”,
featuring
the
Aryan-­‐esque
Ninja
in
full
body
paint
and
equally
Aryan
Yolandi
Visser
in
blackface14.
Die
Antwoord
has
seen
significant
international
success,
headlining
major
US
festivals
like
Coachella15,
and
touring
worldwide.
For
most
of
the
world
community,
myself
included
until
my
own
expedition
to
ZA,
Die
Antwoord
was
the
ridiculous
black-­‐face
of
Afrikaans
youth:
too
stoned
to
care
about
being
poor,
too
headstrong
to
care
about
being
white,
and
too
rebellious
to
care
about
swearing;
in
their
own
words,
Zef.
Nothing
could
be
further
from
the
straight-­‐laced
rugby
and
god
loving
Boer
known
to
the
world
to
be
the
proprietor
of
Apartheid
and
its
associated
horrors.
In
one
fell,
expletive
laden
swoop,
Die
Antwoord
destroyed
any
of
my
preconceptions
about
homogeneity
in
the
Afrikaner
community,
and
opened
the
doors
of
possibility
in
my
mind
that
there
could
be
“cool”
Afrikaners.

21. Oppenheim21
Additionally,
Die
Antwoord
uses
several
languages
in
their
lyrics,
often
mixing
languages
in
a
single
verse.
One
example
is
the
song
“Evil
Boy”,
whose
lyrics
are
a
mishmash
or
English,
Afrikaans,
and
Xhosa:
“If
you
feeling
me...cool...not
feeling
me...fuck
off!
Wies
jy?
Fokkol!
Umnqunduwakho!
(Who
are
you?
No-­‐one!
Fucking
asshole!)”16
In
two
lines,
rapper
ninja
uses
three
languages
(one
vulgar
word
to
each
language
too).
Free
mixing
of
languages
is
a
hallmark
of
many
Alternative
Afrikaans
musicians,
especially
those
involved
in
creating
what
could
broadly
be
considered
hip-­‐hop.
Not
only
Die
Antwoord,
but
also
Jack
Parow
and
Bittereinder,
both
artists
with
significant
national
fame,
use
a
blend
of
Afrikaans
and
English
in
their
work.
The
biggest
difference
for
Die
Antwoord
is
the
way
in
which
they
also
embrace
not
only
the
“Black”
languages
(as
well
as
the
Coloured
dialect
of
Afrikaans),
but
how
they
embrace
the
poverty
and
hardships
endured
by
the
speakers
of
these
languages.
This
“township
meets
White
trash”
aesthetic
is
at
the
core
of
the
group’s
identity,
paying
homage
to
the
economic
and
linguistic
diversity
of
ZA.
Within
South
Africa,
the
mantle
of
Zef
style
is
carried
not
by
Die
Antwoord,
but
by
rapper
Jack
Parow.
Even
the
South
Africans
who
listen
to
Die
Antwoord
are
generally
from
outside
of
the
Afrikaans-­‐speaking
community,
and
the
only
informant
who
mentioned
them
by
name
(so
far)
is
an
English
speaker;
the
duo
is
in
many
respects
similar
to
Rammstein
in
Germany,
an
export
band.
Parow
on
the
other
hand,
another
hip-­‐hop
artist
from
Cape
Town,
has
met
national
(and
international)
success
with
his
tongue-­‐in-­‐cheek
song
“Cooler
as
Ekke”17
(Cooler
than
me).
Through
his
work
and
aesthetic,
Parow
appears
to
be
taking
the
piss
(making
fun
of/kidding)
out
of
traditional
notions
of
Afrikaner
superiority
and
purity;
instead
opting
to
have
a
good
time
doing
what
he
wants
how
he
wants,
and
occasionally
having
a
laugh
at
himself.
Perhaps
the
most
notable
thing
about
Jack
Parow
is

22. Oppenheim22
simply
his
existence,
that
there
is
a
White
Afrikaner
who
is
making
hip-­‐hop,
in
Afrikaans,
for
White
Afrikaners
to
listen
to.
Even
before
analyzing
his
lyrics
or
his
reception
among
the
more
conservative
Afrikaners,
the
notion
of
an
Afrikaner
performing
what
has
traditionally
been
a
Black
music
form,
for
other
Afrikaners
and
in
Afrikaans,
would
have
seemed
impossible
in
1988
when
Kerkorrel
started
the
Voërfry
movement.
Parow
represents
for
Alternative
Afrikaners
how
far
they
have
managed
to
distance
themselves
from
the
racism
and
conservatism
of
the
Boers.
One
moment
of
my
experience
in
South
Africa
stands
out
above
all
the
others
when
I
think
about
the
impact
of
Afrikaans
Alternative
music.
Towards
the
end
of
my
time
in
ZA
I
spent
a
few
days
in
Durban,
a
mostly
Black
city
where
the
only
vestige
of
Afrikaans
was
a
sign
on
an
Apartheid-­‐era
government
building.
Coming
from
an
Afrikaner
house
in
Cape
Town,
my
lexicon
was
full
of
Afrikaans
slang,
earning
me
a
dirty
look
or
two
from
Black
cab
drivers.
However,
at
one
point
I
found
myself
riding
in
the
car
with
a
White
acquaintance
of
mine,
and
mentioned
Jack
Parow
as
an
artist
I
had
learned
about
and
enjoyed.
This
clean
cut
Anglo
from
a
city
with
almost
no
Afrikaans
speakers
not
only
knew
Jack
Parow
but
also
enjoyed
his
music
thoroughly.
For
his
parents,
Afrikaans
was
still
the
language
of
oppression,
an
ugly
language
they
had
been
forced
to
learn
in
school
by
a
government
they
could
not
relate
to.
But
for
him,
Afrikaans
was
defined
by
oversized
baseball
cap
and
Zef
style
of
Jack
Parow.
While
Jack
Parow
and
Die
Antwoord
have
built
careers
on
their
“Zef”,
styling,
the
two
groups
are
by
no
means
wholly
representative
of
Afrikaner
Hip
Hop.
One
group
that
stands
apart
in
the
intellectual
depth
of
both
their
music
and
lyrics
is
the
trio
Bittereinder,
a
combination
of
a
lyricist
and
two
DJ’s
based
out
of
Pretoria,
whose
unique
and
original

23. Oppenheim23
music
has
garnered
commercial
success
and
critical
acclaim
within
South
Africa.18
Born
and
raised
in
Pretoria,
lyricist
Jaco
van
der
Merwe
provides
us
an
insightful
glimpse
of
a
young
Afrikaner
living
at
the
end
of
Apartheid:
“…started
school
in
’89.
It
was
the
most
unpopular
time
ever
to
be
an
Afrikaans
kid
in
an
English
school.
My
Afrikaner-­‐ness
was
the
daily
source
of
the
deepest
rejection
of
my
life.
I
grew
up
hating
Afrikaans
and
everything
associated
with
it.
I
hated
my
own
name…”19.
Jaco
illustrates
one
of
the
greatest
problems
young
and
liberal
Afrikaners
may
encounter
with
the
traditional
Boer
label,
cognitive
dissonance.
The
basic
human
desire
to
embrace
one’s
self
and
identity
came
in
stark
contrast
to
the
daily
environment
that
Jaco
encountered
where
Afrikaners
were
the
epitome
of
all
that
was
to
be
hated
and
ridiculed.
Even
the
strongest
persons
would
find
themselves
in
an
uncomfortable
situation.
One
common
approach
to
resolving
these
dissonances,
especially
in
North
America,
is
assimilation.
Yet
Jaco
and
his
fellow
artists
took
a
stand
to
reclaim
their
own
identities:
“When
I
was
25
I
wrote
my
first
Afrikaans
verse,
one
of
the
most
intensely
spiritual
experiences
I’ve
ever
had.
For
the
first
time
in
my
life
I
wasn’t
hiding,
I
was
fully
myself,
expressing
myself
in
my
mother
tongue”19.
The
creation
of
art
in
their
mother
tongue
is,
for
many
Alternative
Artists,
a
way
to
come
to
grips
with
the
history
of
their
language.
Those
outside
the
Afrikaans
community
often
directly
equate
the
language
with
the
1976
Soweto
Riots.
Alternative
Afrikaners
have
in
effect
taken
it
upon
themselves
to
show,
“[1976]
wasn’t
about
Afrikaans.
It
tears
me
apart
that
a
beautiful
language
became
such
a
destructive
tool
in
the
hands
of
powerful,
cruel,
ignorant,
despicable
men.
Afrikaans
is
a
language
born
in
fusion
of
cultures,
not
in
division.
It
is
by
name
and
by
nature
an
African
language”19.
We
have
already
seen
that
for
Alternative
Afrikaners,
Afrikaans
is
an
essential

24. Oppenheim24
part
of
their
identity.
Thus,
after
a
new
identity
is
synthesized
apart
from
the
Boer
institutions,
the
rest
of
South
African
society
must
also
accept
this
identity
for
Alternative
Afrikaners
to
integrate
into
the
state.
At
the
core
of
this
issue,
as
it
is
with
so
much
in
South
Africa,
is
language.
The
sad
truth
is
that
Afrikaans
in
a
divisive
language,
in
large
part
from
the
legacy
of
1976.
Additionally,
as
is
the
pattern
in
sub-­‐Saharan
countries
that
have
gained
independence
from
former
White
masters,
Black
nationalists
no
longer
welcome
those
Whites
who
chose
to
stay.
Zimbabwe,
Mozambique,
and
Angola
all
expelled
their
white
populations
to
a
large
part
through
one
mean
or
another.
Jaco
and
his
Afrikaner
brethren
find
themselves
in
Camus’s
colonist
dilemma:
being
unwelcome
in
the
colony,
yet
also
being
so
entrenched
that
returning
to
the
“mother
country”
is
unthinkable.
For
Afrikaners,
Boer
and
Alternative,
Africa
is
home.
These
are
people
who
know
only
an
African
homeland,
and
who
speak
a
language
that
is
“by
nature
an
African
language”19.
Both
the
Boers
and
the
Alternative
Afrikaners
want
a
future
on
the
continent;
the
biggest
difference
is
how
the
two
communities
pursue
their
future,
with
the
Boers
preferring
insulation
and
the
Alternatives
seeking
integration.
Attempts
at
integration
into
ZA
society
by
alternative
Afrikaners
are
not
without
opposition,
from
both
the
conservatism
of
the
Boer
community
and
the
resentment
of
the
Black
and
Anglo
communities.
One
informants
recalls,
“I
made
my
marketing
class
prep
for
exams
by
working
out
lists
and
lists
of
questions
(that
I
sat
thought
the
night
working
out
so
was
not
a
fun
exercise
for
me
either).
The
one
class
called
me
racist
for
punishing
them
by
doing
all
this
extra
work
(Tshwana
&
Khoza
black
kids)
while
the
other
class
(also
black
kids)
obediently
did
the
work.
The
class
that
called
me
racist
I
immediately
backed
away

25. Oppenheim25
and
told
them
they
only
need
to
do
the
work
if
they
want
to.
All
walked
out
and
did
not
do
the
work;
they
also
failed
the
subject
while
the
other
class
passed
because
of
the
extra
work”
(Questionnaire:
E.P.).
Such
a
petty
act
of
racism
on
the
part
of
the
indignant
students
is
indicative
of
a
massively
internalized
stereotype
of
both
who
Afrikaners
are
and
how
Black
youths
should
interact
with
them.
Proving
one’s
self
as
worthy
of
compassion
and
respect
is
only
possible
if
both
parties
are
open
to
the
idea.
In
addition
to
the
ingrained
prejudice
all
to
commonly
found
among
the
general
population
of
South
Africa,
Alternative
Afrikaners
also
face
opposition
from
within
the
Afrikaner
community.
Often
the
opposition
takes
the
form
of
disapproval
from
those
close
to
Alternatives,
such
as
family
or
community.
One
of
my
informants
recounts,
“My
grandma
once
asked
me
why
I
had
so
many
CD’s
of
these
horrible
people
(Fokofpolisiekar)
but
I
just
shrugged
it
off”
(Questionnaire
S.T.).
If
would
be
hard
to
conceive
a
more
offensive
band
to
a
Boer
than
Fokofpolisiekar,
whose
name
translates
to
“fuck
off
police
car”,
a
controversial
band
ever
since
its
formation
in
2003.
In
addition
to
the
anti-­‐establishment
band
name
and
alternative
rock
style
of
music
they
play,
Fokofpolisiekar
is
known
for
religiously
provocative
lyrics,
such
as:
“Kan
iemand
dalk
'n
god
bel,
en
vir
hom
se
ons
het
hom
nie
meer,
nodig
nie
(Can
someone
call
God,
and
tell
him
we
don't
need
him
anymore)”20.
Racy
lyrics
for
a
community
that
is
largely
observant
Calvinist.
Many
Alternative
Afrikaners
are
willing
to
face
chastisement,
mild
or
harsh,
in
order
to
listen
to
the
music
they
like
in
their
native
tongue.
Touching
on
taboo
subjects
such
as
sex
or
religion
lyrically
is
an
act
that
one
would
expect
to
bring
scorn
from
the
conservative
community.
But
within
ZA,
even
something
as
innocuous
to
American
listeners
as
swearing
in
your
music
can
have
real
repercussions.
At

26. Oppenheim26
one
show
in
KwaZulu-­‐Natal,
rapper
Jack
Parow
was
threatened
and
violently
accosted
by
a
group
of
conservative
listeners,
cutting
his
set
short.
In
Parow’s
own
words,
“I
was
singing
'Dans,
dans
fokken
dans'.
This
one
guy
was
shouting
at
me
and
said:
'Why
are
you
fucking
swearing?',
but
that
was
funny
because
he
was
swearing
at
me”21
For
my
American
readers
who
are
less
familiar
with
Parow’s
work,
I’ll
reproduce
part
of
a
verse
from
the
song
that
he
was
performing,
“Dans
Dans
Dans”:
Fokken
dans
oppie
speakers
Dance
on
the
speaker
Fokken
dans
oppie
grond
Fucking
dance
on
the
ground
Fokken
spring
oppie
tafels
Fucking
jump
on
the
tables
Fokken
mors
fokken
rond
Fucking
mess
fucking
around
Fokken
hier
fokken
daar
Fucking
here
fucking
there
Fokken
alles
deurmekaar
Fucking
everything
is
a
mess
Fokken
Jack
Parrow,
Bra
Fucking
Jack
Parow
Bro
Fokken
dans
oppie
bar
22
Fucking
dance
on
the
bar
23
Not
exactly
“Straight
outta
Compton”,
but
this
song
is
still
laden
with
enough
expletives
to
have
Parow
labeled,
“Satan
Slang
(Devil
Snake)”21
by
the
Boer
community.
In
part,
this
shows
the
relative
conservatism
of
the
national
music
market
within
South
Africa,
where
swearing
on
air
is
tightly
controlled.
Such
violent
reactions
as
heckling
a
performer
or
cancelling
a
set
three
songs
in
are
more
understandable
within
a
musical
setting
where
vulgarity
prevents
distribution
via
radio.
As
an
American,
my
first
reaction
upon
hearing
Afrikaans
hip-­‐hop
was
to
note
the
irony
of
an
Afrikaner
performing
what
was
in
its
inception
an
African
American
art
form.
Despite
Jack
Parow
listing
Snoop
Dogg24
specifically
as
a
musical
influence,
little
mention

27. Oppenheim27
seems
to
be
made
within
South
Africa
of
hip-­‐hop’s
racial
origins,
either
by
White
performers/listeners
or
their
detractors.
I
asked
Jaco
van
der
Merwe
about
these
connotations
directly:
“Ironically
a
good
number
of
my
favorite
American
rappers
growing
up
were
white:
Aesop
Rock,
El-­‐P,
Sintax
the
Terrific,
Listener,
Sev
Statik
etc.
But
in
recent
years
I've
also
reflected
on
how
strange
it
is
that
I
connected
so
strongly
with
artists
like
The
Roots
and
Black
Star
and
Jurassic
5
and
Saul
Williams
in
my
teenage
years.
Maybe
it
was
a
connection
to
a
spirit
of
rebelling
against
a
system
that
I
understood”(vd
Merwe).
In
part
this
speaks
to
the
globalization
that
hip-­‐hop
has
undergone,
where
the
musical
form
is
no
longer
the
sole
property
of
racial
minorities
in
Brooklyn
or
Compton,
but
a
style
that
any
person
around
the
world
can
co-­‐opt
for
their
own
uses.
Within
the
White
Afrikaner
community,
hip-­‐hop
and
the
accompanying
rap
vocal
style
are
still
very
much
novelties:
“Afrikaans
people
in
general
are
usually
about
20
years
behind
what
could
liberally
be
called
a
‘cutting
edge’
of
style…rap
is
still
quite
a
new
thing
to
the
average
Afrikaner.
So,
generally,
Afrikaans
people
are
more
impressed
by
like:
‘how
do
you
remember
all
those
words?’
than
connecting
to
the
words
themselves
with
a
wider
knowledge
of
how
rap
works”(vd
Merwe).
All
of
this
illustrates
the
unique
artistic
blend
that
Afrikaner
musicians
face,
where
the
connotations
of
lyrics
and
styles
are
radically
different
than
what
is
present
in
America
or
Europe.
While
the
Boer
community
looks
quite
diverse
from
within,
with
members
ranging
from
the
conservative
insulation
of
Steve
Hofmeyr
to
the
radical
liberalism
of
my
informant
C.G.,
breaking
the
homogenous
stereotype
seen
by
the
rest
of
the
South
African
community
remains
a
major
hurdle.
Even
for
young,
liberal
Anglos
the
stereotype
is
so
strong
that
they,
“often
assume
that
[Afrikaners]
are
racist
for
no
justifiable
reason.
It’s
a
remnant
of

28. Oppenheim28
Apartheid,
I
suppose”
(Questionnaire:
D.S.).
The
most
important
function
of
Alternative
Afrikaans
music
may
not
lie
in
the
Afrikaans-­‐speaking
communities
at
all,
but
in
the
ability
of
this
music
to
expose
listeners
from
outside
the
Alternative
Afrikaner
community
to
the
diversity
of
Afrikaners
in
South
Africa.
“Bands
like
Bittereinder
and
Die
Antwoord
have
made
me
see
the
community
as
more
diverse
than
I
thought
it
was
prior
to
being
exposed
to
this
music.
I
think
my
thoughts
towards
the
community
as
a
child
were
based
on
old,
meat-­‐consuming,
beer-­‐drinking,
rugby
supporters.
It’s
obviously
now
developed
and
largely
because
of
my
exposure
to
this
kind
of
music
and
culture”
(N.S.).
Experiences
like
these
show
the
power
of
music
to
reach
across
cultural
and
linguistic
boundaries:
a
progressive
Anglo
who
views
Afrikaans
as
a
language
of
oppression
can
still
enjoy
Bittereinder,
a
Swazi
girl
can
go
to
Oppikoppi,
the
largest
Afrikaans
Alternative
music
festival,
and
bond
with
Afrikaners
over
their
love
of
music.
Indeed,
in
speaking
with
the
producers
of
Oppikoppi,
they
noted
the
ways
the
festival’s
demographics
have
changed
over
the
years,
“It
started
as
mainly
Alternative
Afrikaners
going
to
the
festival.
But
now
it
is
a
good
English
and
Afrikaans
mix.
The
change
is
coming
in,
more
Black
kids
are
joining
in
on
the
festivities”
(Oppikoppi
Questionnaire,
formatted).
Through
music,
Alternative
Afrikaners
are
able
to
create
a
public
image
within
South
Africa
of
being
“cool
Afrikaners”,
paving
the
way
for
further
integration
and
cultural
mixing.
The
effectiveness
of
Afrikaans
Alternative
music
at
deconstructing
cross-­‐cultural
boundaries
remains
to
be
seen
in
the
coming
years.
South
Africa’s
future
culturally
and
linguistically
remains
an
issue
that
is
actively
debated;
while
listening
to
TuksFM,
a
radio
station
based
out
of
the
University
of
Pretoria
known
for
playing
Alternative
music,
I
heard
the
following
exchange,
“Maybe
we
should
make
the
national
language
French
of
Spanish,

29. Oppenheim29
something
with
no
history
or
politics?
That
or
Klingon.
Unless
you’re
a
Romulan…”25.
With
the
help
of
Alternative
music,
young
Afrikaners
can
face
the
uncertain
future
in
South
Africa
with
a
strong
sense
of
identity
and
community,
“The
Afrikaans
people
who
listen
to
Afrikaans
alternative
music,
are
my
people.
They
are
the
new
South
Africans
who
are
not
racist,
not
hateful,
not
arrogant,
and
honest
about
themselves,
and
love
the
diversity
we
have
in
South
Africa”
(Questionnaire:
P.K.).
This
music
not
only
provides
a
community
for
its
listeners,
but
also
instills
pride
in
many
Afrikaners
who,
“previously
had
no
respect
for
the
Afrikaans
‘culture’”(Questionnaire:
E.M.).
In
a
sense,
Alternative
musicians
are
stripping
Afrikaans
of
the
ugly
connotations
it
accrued
through
45
years
of
Apartheid,
making
Afrikaans
“a
language
rather
than
a
belief
system”
(S.T.).
Perhaps
in
the
future
disliking
Afrikaans
will
have
less
to
do
with
1976
and
more
to
do
with
one
having,
“a
lisp
and
can't
pronounce
most
of
the
words
properly”
(Questionnaire:
N.P.).
With
the
variety
of
topics
I
have
covered
today,
there
is
still
plenty
of
room
for
further
academic
research.
The
effects
of
the
literary
counterculture
movement
that
existed
in
ZA
during
the
1960s
may
be
integrated
to
the
later
musical
movements.
The
lasting
legacy
of
Voëlvry,
including
the
beginnings
of
the
movement
with
Bernoldus
Neimand
can
be
further
integrated
to
the
development
of
the
musical
scene
today.
My
informant
pool
is
also
limited
in
scope
and
size;
it
would
be
useful
to
speak
to
more
informants,
both
conservative
and
liberal,
from
around
the
country
and
from
different
ethnic
groups.
Input
from
Alternative
music
institution
such
as
TuksFM
is
missing
or
incomplete.
Finally,
while
I
have
attempted
to
remain
unbiased,
I
am
limited
by
virtue
of
my
being
human.
One
side
effect
is
that
I
have
focused
more
heavily
on
the
artists
who
interest
me
personally
and
whose
music
I
enjoy
researching.
Despite
these
shortcomings,
I
have
attempted
to

30. Oppenheim30
synthesize
an
academic
discussion
of
a
very
real
and
pressing
phenomenon
that
I
personally
observed
in
South
Africa.
I
hope
that
my
writing
meets
just
not
the
standards
of
my
academic
peers
in
the
United
States,
but
also
those
of
the
informants
who
took
the
time
to
assist
me.
Their
efforts
communicating
personal
details
with
a
stranger
on
a
different
continent
made
my
project;
this
paper
is
for
the
Africans
who
made
it
possible.
As
young
Afrikaners
find
themselves
in
a
society
increasingly
distanced
from
the
legacy
of
Apartheid,
they
find
themselves
needing
to
redefine
their
identity:
White,
African,
and
Afrikaans
speaking,
yet
still
distinct
and
separate
from
the
racist
Boer
that
Afrikaans
brings
to
many
minds
in
South
Africa.
Through
the
production
of
Alternative
Afrikaans
music,
these
new-­‐Afrikaners
are
able
to
disseminate
their
distinct
identity
not
just
among
themselves
but
also
into
the
greater
South
African
society.
As
more
and
more
people
are
exposed
to
the
true
diversity
in
the
Afrikaner
community,
it
may
open
the
door
to
true
acceptance
and
reconciliation
between
groups
in
South
Africa.
To
many
of
my
informants,
Afrikaans
Alternative
musicians
are
“saving
our
language
from
being
known
as
the
language
of
our
fathers,
[making]
our
language
not
just
bearable
but
beautiful”
(S.T.).

31. Oppenheim31
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