1. Relative Power Seeking though Identity Politics in the Sudan
A thesis submitted to the faculty of
San Francisco State University
In partial fulfillment of
The Requirements for
The degree
Masters of Arts
In
International Relations
Robert Leo Silva II
San Francisco California
May 18, 2009
3. CERTIFICATION OF APPROVAL
I certify that I have read Relative Power Seeking through Idenity Politics in
the Sudan by Robert Leo Silva II and that in my opinion this works meets the criteria
for approving a thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the request for the degree:
Masters of Art in International Relations at San Francisco State University.
____________________________
Mahmood Monshipouri
Professor of International Relations
_____________________________
Aguibous Yansane
Professor of International Relations
3
4. Relative Power Seeking though Identity Politics in the Arab-African Region
Robert Leo Silva II
San Francisco, California
2009
This paper looks at the history of Sudan with a focus of the Sudanese Arab
establishment treatment of its citizens. The paper looks at the changing of practices
of state in the context of international human rights norm concerning human rights
infringements. This paper supports the ideal that the goal of Sudan’s current
leadership is to change international norms by directly challenging the United Nations
rights enforcement system. The method of analysis is a psycho analytic approach
looking at the effects of perception and the framing of the situations. This method
promotes the agent as the causal factor for behavior and policy. The implication of
this approach is that reflective monitoring does not occur. This is in opposition to the
structural methods of analysis that focuses on schemata and propensity models. The
paper argues in this Sudan situation that relative power seeking behavior against the
perceived enemy is based on symbolic/emotional causes. This can explain human
rights breaches and changing of treatment of civilians by the State.
I certify that the Abstract is a correct representation of the content of this thesis.
___________________________ ______________
Chair, Thesis Committee Date
4
7. List of Figures
Perception Model “Dogmatic Cognition…………..21
Enemy Creation Model…………….……………..24
Alignment Model…………………………………26
7
8. Introduction
Why study identity and relative power seeking in Sudan?
The trend in oil rich states is monarchies with an immigrant work force. The
displacement of certain identities is to create an easy to manage pool of labor. An
article, by Krikorian Immigration, Saudi Style A radical disconnect, refers to the Saudi
Arabian model to promote this type of immigration: "That country (Saudi Arabia) and
its Gulf neighbors are home to a permanent guest worker class, millions strong,
lacking any real possibility of becoming full members of the host society." 1
Is this
model of society being transplanted to other geographical regions where oil rich states
exist? The purpose of the state could be perceived to promote the relative power of
the ethnic group that has domination over the state’s institutions and weakening the
un-established group. Could this trend being transplanted to Sudan?
1
Mark Krikorian Immigration, Saudi Style A radical disconnect. January 13, 2004, 11:30 a.m.
By www.nationalreview.com/nr_comment/krikorian200401131130.asp
8
9. In 1989 Osama Bin Laden and the National Islamic Front overthrew the
existing government of Sudan. This could have been perceived as a strategic move
because of the historical relationships with the United States and the war in
Afghanistan against the Soviet Union. The goal of this Islamic movement was to
promote a caliphate or monarchial political and social system through out the world
based on the interpretation of religion of Abraham by Muhammad of Medina and
existing traditions of the Arab culture.
In Sudan after 1989 revolution they began Arabization of Sudan through
indoctrination.2
The traditional Arab cultural schools were based on orthodox Sunni
religious belief systems. This was done by government institutions in the Sudan and
the schools were funded by Saudi Arabian backers, but not directly related to the
government of Saudi Arabia. The goal was to replicate this process throughout the
world. This movement is considered modern and contemporary. It plays on Arab
centered religious perspective, but draws on other Islamic mythical narratives for
legitimacy over territory.
The group known now as Al Qaeda, but previously known as the
“mujahedeen” used Sudan during the early nineties as a staging and training ground
for paramilitary activities to influence other countries such as Somalia, Algeria,
Bosnia and Afghanistan.3
They created an office in Khartoum so all the jihadist
2
Robert O’Collins A history of Modern Sudan Cambridge University Press 2008 p.192
3
Ibid p.194
10. groups from India, Pakistan and Palestine could meet to help organize an “Islamic
renaissance.”4
This was done by Osama bin Ladin and Turibi, and other important
Islamic terrorist leaders.5
Sudan allowed entrance to members of these groups
without Visa, and then granted Visas once in the Sudan.6
Their goal was to influence
other countries sociologically-- through the spreading of Sunni Islamic traditional
values by the way of the mosques and complex business networks, and then through
violence. The goal was to remove western influence from Saudi Arabia and the
traditional greater Islamic region.7
Their reason was that Al Bashir and Turibi felt
during the first gulf war against Iraq in 1991 Arabs from Saudi Arabia were
humiliated.8
They did not like the idea of Saudi Arabia being subordinate to the
western world and the United Nations because of lack of military might to defend the
Arab homeland of Saudi Arabia from regional aggressor such as Iraq.9
Saudi Arabia
was dependent on the United Nations and United States for security. This promoted
an inferior image of the Arab identity to the world.
Al Qaeda has been historically aggressive and hostile towards the United
Nations system, and has activity thwarted United Nations peace keeping missions in
North East Africa. Al Qaeda staged attacks against symbolic western institutions
such as the (World Trade Centers in 1992), (USS Cole in 1994), and diplomatic corps
(US missions in Somalia).10
The center of operations has been in Khartoum Sudan,
4
Ibid p.196
5
Ibid p.196
6
P.194-197
7
Robert O’Collins A history of Modern Sudan Cambridge University Press 2008 Ibid. p.194
8
Ibid p.194
9
Ibid. p.199
10
Ibid. p.199
10
11. but then moved to Riyadh Saudi Arabia in 1992.11
The purpose of this movement was
to remove western influence from Saudi Arabia politics and make the Arab
establishment the centre of the Middle East. The last major attack of Al Qaeda was on
the World Trade Center in 2001, September 11, which invoked a reaction from the
United States. Namely, the United States invaded Afghanistan-- a historical ally of
Sudan which Sudan was an ally with Iraq. The U.S. attack was because the Al Qaeda
had training camps in Afghanistan. This was because Afghanistan still allowed Al
Qaeda to flourish and use territory for training. In Sudan still offers a place of training
because of the lack of strong government and private militias fighting against African
militias. I am putting forth the lack of international monitoring and government
transparency in Sudan could allow Al Qaeda to use it as a training ground and a place
organize because of internal conditions.
The goal of this group is to undermine democratic practices and promote a
monarchal type world system with Arab hegemony (or equality based) on the threat of
violence through covert means; in essence, extortion. This paper is about the historical
struggle and the internal ethnic conflict in Sudan against the policies of traditional
religious zealots that influence governmental structures for the purpose of spreading
their ideology through the world. This ideology undermines democratic practices and
human rights because of primordial beliefs and myths. This movement could be
considered a contemporary movement that is based in Arab cultural space. It is
expanding into greater historical Islamic territory. It draws on myths for legitimacy.
Problem Formulation:
11
Robert O’Collins A history of Modern Sudan Cambridge University Press 2008 Ibid. p.198
11
12. Why is this different? I am arguing that the creation of identity (subjective
constructs) stems from emotional association based on archetypes which are
psychological frameworks. Ideologies are manifestation of the unconscious mind
rooted in abstract symbols and emotions. The desire to control the perceived different
group is steeped in security seeking. Why this is not a realist study is because the
objects of study are non-state actors. The Realist theory only studies states as the
objects. Also, the actors are usually considered black boxes, and the structure is the
method to promote the explanation of behavior. This method looks at the actors
internally and how they perceive the structure, as well as what promotes this type of
perception. The feeling of insecurity promotes the desire to look for causes of
insecurity, this creates a cognitive dissonance. Then threat perception promotes the
creation of the enemy. This is where the actor begins to seek relative power over the
perceived threat--to promote security. The basis of this method is exploring what
affects perception of actuality. The notion I am putting forth as an explanation is
called "Dogmatic Cognition."
Why does a group not try to understand and try to collaborate or accommodate
the other group, or adapt practices to fit the needs to promote a peaceful co-existence?
The desire to protect the cultural complex is the desire to keep thinking patterns and
understanding the same could be an answer. This is associated to collective emotions.
Changing practices alters the archetypical explanation. This creates a heavy anxiety.
To explain further, the notion ‘to alter’ is associated with destruction and creation.
The desire for survival is to not allow destruction or alteration to happen to the
understanding of the common knowledge that is root in archetypical understandings
of actuality. This supports that change is met with hostile emotions, and promotes the
desire to protect and to not have practices change. For those who would alter or
12
13. reinterpret, this would destroy their notion of reality. Those who would alter the
paradigm would become an enemy, and could be explanation for the protection of the
cultural complex.
The study is based on individual levels of analysis that is projected to groups
and institutional levels of analysis.12
The method could be considered constructivist
but is a variation of the methodology. The goal is to understand why groups align:
through commonality, to reach common goals, or because of the necessity to survival
could be an explanation. The hypothesis of this paper is cultural complexes are the
influence of alignments that affects the social experience. The common social
experience promotes cohesion within the group. The goal is to cover how the enemy
identity is created to explain the Sudanese conflict and the growing unrest between
the Islamic and African identities in Sudan.
Literature Review
Sudan Blood Memories by Stephanie Beswick addresses the issues about the
legitimacy of the Dinka ethnic group in Sudan. The lack of a written traditional
history, begs the question can the oral traditions can be trusted.
Stephanie Beswick claims that the historical relationship between the
Southern Sudan and Northern Sudan is one of dependence. Although she makes the
12
See Appendix for visual understanding of extrapolation p.108
13
14. point that the Dinka and Nubians considered themselves brothers and kin.13
The
northern Arabs and Colonial powers often did slave raids of the Southern African
identities.14
In the view point of studying identity and in a legal fashion the lack of a
written history by the Dinka could have created the outside impression that they were
nomadic and had no legitimate ties to the land.15
The history of the Northern Arab
influence and Nubian shared a common heredity through marriage and conquest.
Nubian and the Arab commonality in identity because of a shared mythically narrative
that is derived from religious practices, and common heredity. The notion that the
Dinka and the other African identities did not intermarry and shared religion created
an appearance that they were just nomadic people estranged. This book was to remove
these perceptions of the Dinka.
The author points out the history of Egypt and Nubia which could be
considered Northern Sudan. The Kingdom of the Kush ruled Egypt for 600 years
during the years of 300 B.C to 300 A.D and goes through the history of the Northern
Sudan through the Christian Kingdoms to Ottoman Turks.16
This is to support that
Northern Arab Nubian legitimacy exists through written narratives, that the identity of
Arabs and Nubian cultural thrived and has roots in northern Sudan. The Dinka
narrative has been documented through oral traditions and observations of other
cultures in the region.
13
Stephanie Beswick, Sudan’s Blood Memories , University of Rochester Press, 2004 p.30
14
Stephanie Beswick, Sudan’s Blood Memories , University of Rochester Press, 2004 p.30
15
Ibid p.1
16
Beswick Stephanie, Sudan's Blood Memories University of Rochester Press 2004 p.29
14
15. Stephanie Beswick explores the Dinka identity which was located in
Central and Southern Sudan between the Blue and White Nile.17
The Dinka think of
themselves as descendent of the Funj Sultanate.18
Also they had historical connections
with Nubians. The implied goal of this book was to support the notion that the Nilotic
and Dinka ethnicity had historical roots and have lived and cultivated the land. The
territory was the historical method of providing for the well being of the people.
Stepahanie Beswick explains the Dinka were a complex culture that
had been historically pushed by rival tribes to the South. The Dinka migration
patterns are based around weather patterns to find land to develop agriculture life.19
The use of war has been a method to force the Dinka historically into servitude and
pushed off of desired land. They had complex traditions and political systems. The
Dinka identity was historical predominately in the northern part of Sudan then forced
south by other Nilotic people.
The question of historical legitimacy is the question to the rights to self
determination and agency over the land. The important and the legal aspect to
legitimacy through identity could be seen when the nation of Israel was create in
1947. The Israeli identity proved that primordial ethnic ancestors lived and had
controlled the land. Thus was granted self determination and to sovereignty to the
land. The similarities between the Dinka and Israelite could be the force removal of
territory that happen approximately two millennia ago the ethnic identity forced into
slavery through threat of violence and separation from historical territory through
conquering imperial empire called Rome.
17
Ibid. p.186
18
Ibid. P.19
19
Ibid p.34-49 this chapter gives detail account of migration and practices of slavery.
15
16. The important aspect in the Sudan situation is the rhetoric of Al Bashir
claiming historical and primordial roots in Sudan. The Arab identity and the share
heredity through the Nubian promoted a legitimate notion to have sovereignty over
Northern Sudan.20
Although the Dinka shared the same heredity and ties to the Nubian
ancestors. The implied claim is that the Arab identity laid claimed to greater Sudan.
The logical assumption could be the Dinka and Nilotic tribes were not sophisticated
and did not create a safe method or traditions of interaction that they were just
nomadic people travel to and fro. But the relationship of the Dinka and Nubians is
well document providing for the Dinka rights to Nubian heritage. The old concept of
Terra Nullis or abandon land or undeveloped land21
could be the reasoning behind the
Arab elite’s claims to have dominion over the Central and Southern Sudan, and limits
decision making from the other ethnic identities. The notions of Islamic practices are
superior and more effective methods of organizing and to maintain society could be
the basis of the exclusion and the discrimination against the Dinka and the other ethic
tribes.22
To look at Sunni Islamic notions of legitimacy are based is on the notion that
entitlement to leadership of political and economic institutions are based on heredity.
This could promote the justifications of exclusion of the African identity. It is the
families that the leaders of the community come from. The past heroics of the family
are more important than the new successes of the people of different families.23
This
promotes only certain actors could be considered for leadership position in the nation
20
Al-jazeera talk show discusses identity and Arabism in Sudan, Feb 1 2007 BBC Monitoring Middle
East
21
Malanzuk Peter, Akehurst Modern Introduction to International Law, 7th
ed Routledge p.148
22
Gok Madut Gok, Sudan Race Religion and Violence One World publishing Oxford 2008 p. 54,56
23
Barnaby Rogerson The Heirs to Muhammad The Overlook Press Woodstock and New York 2006
p.19
16
17. or society this is based on heredity.24
This could be a past cultural practice transferred
to the Sudan from Sunni Islamic practices. The right to lead comes from heredity or a
small group of princes which are related to each other.
The perception of the African identity is that they were not a great empire and
not as sophisticated in technology and societal and culture structures. Following the
reasoning of the legitimacy of the Sunni Islamic tradition could be the Africans would
not be considered worthy to make decision for the community because the methods of
choosing leadership is based on the prestige of the family they are descended from.
The Arab considered the African ethnic groups as slaves. 25
The Sunni Arab perception
could be the Dinka are not strong enough to protect the land and smart enough to use
the resources properly. This is based on the notions of Sunni Islamic practices on the
characteristics to choose the leaders of the community. The historical past of the
Dinka does not support they are worthy to lead and not associated with Islamic
practices. To be considered worthy to lead a person must be Islamic and have
demonstrated effectiveness in leading or performing tasks and duties. This could be
an explanation why the African identity was excluded from executive decision
making in the Sudan.
To support the notions of ethnic superiority of the Arab and Northern
Sudanese could be seen in the narratives of Egypt and Kush empires and then later the
Christian Sudanese empires then through the Islamic and then Turkish Empires over
the territories of Sudan, Egypt and Libya. The legitimacy of the Islamic Arabs
superiority could be based in primordial beliefs. 26
This promotes the assumption that
24
Ibid p.19
25
Gok Madut Gok, Sudan Race Religion and Violence One World publishing Oxford 2008 P.56
26
Ibid. South thought they will be independent after British left the region. P.54
17
18. the cultural does not change through the eras. They had complex writing systems and
practices, the method of empire were considered sophisticated and civilized. Through
common sense should not the Northern elite should take control because they would
make better use of the land. This could be explained by the primordial identity
construction because of the assumption that cultural do not change and does not learn.
The African identity would not develop the relationship could be considered the same
over the years. Plus the other ethnicities do not have a prestigious history method to
support notions of legitimate claims to the land because in the past their practices
were inferior. This could be a basis of exclusionary practices.
The Dinka and the other tribes were often at war with each other and nomadic
in appearance because of the following of the weather pattern to develop territory. No
real systems of writing or standardized method to record history of conflict resolution
as seen in the Arab tradition of the Sunnah and the Hadith.27
These stories of the
greater Arab territory could stem from mythical stories. The proof the Dinka linage is
based on oral traditions. The importance of being able to support claims of history is
to promote legitimacy and rights to access resources and legal rights. The perception
could be that the African identities are not as developed and not as technological
advance and descended from slaves the result they could not make good use of the
territory although the Africans share a common heredity with the Nubians. This
promotes the necessity for subordination in the perception of the Arab/Nubian elite.
The lack of writing system and imperial type system the African identities are
perceived from historical lenses to the present era, as the Islamic ethnic group
perceives itself from ancient historical roots.
27
Gulf Times:http://www.gulf-times.com/site/topics/article.asp?
cu_no=2&item_no=287895&version=1&template_id=47&parent_id=27 accessed 5/2/09
18
19. The Blood Memories of Sudan Stephanie Beswick gives a good description of
the genealogy of the Dinka and the tribes that were indigenous peoples of the
Southern Sudan. The book supports that they were a cultural and had complex
traditions and religious practices supporting that they were considered a society.
Slavery was the historical practice between the Islamic ethnic to the African
ethnic group. Although she does support the Dinka and Nubians were considered
brothers or equal before the Dinka migrated to southern Sudan which is the same
lineage Arabs are claiming. They capture slaves to work the fields
The next Book to look at that I believe to have major important work in the
Sudan studies is Sudan Race, Religion and Violence, by Gok Madut Gok.
The Book by Gok Madut Gok titled Sudan Race, Religion and Violence is
about the Sudan’s internal conflict. Gok Madut Gok is explaining that all the
conflicts in Sudan are interrelated even though each conflict is in a different
geographical region in the Sudan and deals with different ethnic groups but there is a
historical story connecting these conflicts together.28
The goal of the book is to dispel
the myth that Sudan is a homogeneous nation. He is promoting this because the past
accounts on political science, social and humanity scholarly works explained the
circumstances and reason through the homogeneous ethnic national lens of analysis.29
Gok Madut Gok argues that “Sudanese experience cannot be explain through logical
predictable progression.” 30
that an overarching implication of these type of notion
supports that Sudan has a common cultural. He believes this understanding cannot
explain the cause of the internal conflict looking at the Sudan only having one cultural
28
Gok Madut Gok, Sudan Race Religion and Violence One World publishing Oxford 2008, P.27
29
Ibid. p.27
30
Ibid. p27
19
20. narrative. This type of understanding of the Sudanese cultural cannot capture the
actuality of the situation in the Sudan and present a view into the relevant causes of
the internal conflict.
Gok Madut Gok supports this notion with detail major rebellions in the
Blue Nile, Beja rebellion, Nuba revolts.31
These internal Sudanese conflicts are in
different geographical regions and deal with different African identity groups
struggling against the core Sudan Elite that uses state militias, and private militias.32
The notion he is promoting as cause of conflict and the lack of national identity unity
is that the marginalized groups never recognized the authority of the Sudanese state.33
This begins to support the method that Gok Madut Gok uses to explain social and
political realities should be explain by the perception of local ethnic groups.
The reason the author supports this type of method of explaining the
realities in the Sudan is that most of the international coverage is based on genocide,
slavery, ethnic conflict, this is promoting the notion of a failed state.34
The
perception is that the Sudan elite are exploiting the marginalized groups based on
situation and beliefs. The beliefs are being used to promote the enemy identity. Those
who complain about poverty and bad living environment are associated with foreign
power and view trying to undermine morality and promoting discord among the
population.35
The situation has to do with relative power and influence over
governmental institutions. Some groups support this type of international media
31
Ibid. p27
32
Ibid p.27
33
Ibid p.27
34
Ibid p.29
35
Ibid. p.30-31
20
21. coverage to promote outside intervention as others think this hinders the process to
peaceful conflict resolution.36
The need to look at each ethnic group perceptions and
narrative is important because there is not a consensus or unified position that there
are different positions on how to quell the internal conflict. This support Gok Madut
Gok methods of analysis and objects of analysis of the Sudanese experience.
The reason Gok Madut Gok wrote this book is about explaining that a
national identity has not been created. The lack of a unifying identity is causing the
Sudan to be torn apart by competing ethnic identities for control of resources. He
argues that the fragmentation of the Southern Sudanese Identities is a driving force
behind the writing of this book. To support his notions he promotes that the Southern
Sudan never wanted to unify with the Northern part of Sudan. The South fragmented
groups sought ways to derail the unification process.37
I find this an interesting
perception that promotes the African identities could be not the total innocent victims
that the international media promotes. The notion of unified Sudanese identity
promotes that either the state is abusing and neglecting citizens or the population of
citizens are rebelling against the state. The reality could be that two different ethnic
groups with different historical narratives are promoting each own self determination.
And the state is control by one ethnic group that is using state authority to promote
peace through force to unify the separatist ethnic groups that never acknowledge the
sovereignty and the authority of the state.
The method that Gok Madut Gok acquired sources and evidences for
this book was through doing interviews of rebels. Asking why they think the conflict
is happening and why did they joined the rebel movement. Some responses were to
36
Ibid p.31
37
Ibid p.32
21
22. deter "Arab domination."38
The book studies the history from independence to the
present looking at the rise of Islamic militarize the method to explain this
phenomenon was through using historical accounts. The method of promoting
national unity was done through religion and racial stratified society.39
It could be
equated to fascist model or neo- feudalist organization in my systemic analysis. This
could support the notion why the fragmented groups do not unify with the Arab
controlled north is because the social system promote discrimination innately. The
study of ethnic reactions to Islamic military industrial complex and promotion of
these methods of societal ordering was study through the reaction of the non-Arab
ethnic groups that are in areas of contention and active rebellious activities.
The book explores the power relations and the resistance to Arab
domination through munities of military force and disrupting economic activity. He
uses structural arguments that promote the notion of resource competition and how
the marginalized groups use ideology to resist the use of state power is to promote an
assimilation to Arab centered social system40
which inherently promotes Arab
domination of the political and social system. The focus of the book is the resistance
to a unifying identity and the choosing of the ethnic and religious identity as identity
marker. The Southern Sudanese desire to be free from the oppressive practices of the
Sudanese Arab elite. When complaints of treatment or practices is met with violence
which cause the Southern Sudanese identities to desire to break away to their own
autonomous regions. The method of supporting is looking at behavior and structural
constraints such as control of critical resources such as oil.
38
Ibid p.36
39
Ibid p.45
40
Ibid p.46-49
22
23. The author uses narratives and history to show the exploitation and
discrimination done through policy and through extra judicial forms through societal
pressures. He identifies cause of conflict building each case through each chapter.
Gok Madut Gok uses examples of situations to explain causes conflict
and promotes the rationality is to resist domination because of the acceptance to Arab
control would only promote subordinate position in society and open oneself to covert
violence and derogation of dignity. The refusal to allow Arab domination leads to
starvations, abductions, ethnic cleansing and mass murdering.41
Although the book
begins to delve in the psycho-historical context of the Arabs and their perception of
the African identity for the desire to dominated but does dwell into deep explanations
just the Arab want to control the land because that how it has also been.42
The religion
and political ideologies become a method to promote power and subordination of the
other not in the elite group. He does support clearly that the Sudan Arab elite rather
use military options rather than economic collaborative solution to settle grievances.43
Does support the desire to punish and promotes conformity through fear of violence
rather than meet the needs of the people of the same nationality but has different
ethnic and religious backgrounds. The perception that was put forth the Northern
Sudan elite wanted to remove other ethnic identity either through assimilation or
genocide. The books gives good accounts of how the Arabs promoted the
marginalization process and opted to use military violence and exclusion of resources
to promote their social and political order. The underlying theme in the book is the
promotion of the subordination of the African identity. The book gives good detail of
41
Ibid p.107
42
ibid p.116
43
Ibid p.80
23
24. historical events on both sides of the conflict and promotes and understanding of
history.
In the conclusion of the book Gok Madut Gok argues that granting of
the present Northern Sudan's present agreement with the South has lead the
International Community to turn a blind eye to the Darfur.44
The perception of the
book Civil Militias is the militia’s are out of control in the Darfur that the government
cannot control them.45
The Gok Madut Gok’s book promotes military aggression
towards the African ethnic identities is systematic and calculated.
How could I extend this narrative is to support an overarching and
general theme is to look deeper into identity constructions looking at primordial roots
of the relationships between the Arab and African identity and causes of violence and
desire to promote subordination. The method Gok Madut Gok uses is through
narratives but does dwell in rational calculation of power or neo-realist structural
arguments.
Layout of the Paper
The paper will first explore existing theories about identity and then existing
theories in relative power-seeking. This paper is arguing that actors begin to anchor to
archetypes that reaffirm their perception of reality. This is emotional based. This
could be considered part of a cognitive dissonance. Actors will promote an
44
Ibid p. 296
45
Ibid. p.296-297
24
25. understanding of the world and system to fit their emotional-associated archetype of
the world and notions about the enemy. This influences perceptions of actuality.
Groups with the same archetypes which influence the same social experience tend to
align in economic and security endeavors; and create enemies of groups that have
different archetypes. The result of this is that they have different cultural complexes.
The result of the creation of the enemy leads to the process of relative power
seeking. This is the next thing to be described because of the necessity of the seeking
of alignments to promote security. The actor must perceive the other actor as an
enemy to begin to pursue relative power. Alignments are relative power seeking
behavior. This paper is putting forth alignments are based on the archetype.
The theories addressed are constructivism and post constructivist methods of
analysis. These theories are not grand theories like Realism and Liberalism, but have
small theories that recognize past patterns of behavior. The goal of this analytical
strategy is to look at explanations of international ordering to explain international
security alignments, and then look at explanations of causes of conflict and
alignments. Most have been in the structural explanation of causes of conflict due to
resource competition. The enemy becomes more like a competitor that accepts the
rules of engagement. The Sudan case is an extreme case where all common norms are
ignored because of identity politics.
The empirical evidence to support assumption is provided and measured by
speech acts and observations of behavior. Speech acts represent the internal dialogue
and promote insights about how the actor perceives the ordering of the world. The
policy of each actor also gives insight about internal understanding of the world.
25
26. Observation of behavior can support patterns of behavior, which can represent
political and religious ideologies. The method is to do an analysis of historical
accounts through existing books written about the Sudanese experience. The sources
of this paper are scholarly articles, scholarly books, news and government sources that
are in different types of media such as website, new articles, and television and radio
transcripts.
The methods of the paper
The method of the paper is a constructivist and post constructivist
methodology. The method is to use psycho-analytical analysis using Jungian theories
of Cultural Complexes and archetypes to describe alignments and relative power
seeking behavior. This paper is arguing that language is not the only method of
transferring the cultural complex and enemy perceptions, but is also done through the
phantom process and the collective reflection. Although language does have an
influence on shaping perceptions and ideas, narratives but it is the transmitted
emotions is what creates the cultural complex and influences perceptions to promote a
shared social experience. Language is a vehicle and a container of knowledge, but
does not innately create the cultural complex. Thus, identity could be transferred
through the collective reflection.
A sub question of the paper is to explain how identity influences security
alignments. This is an important aspect to understand the Islamic and African ethnic
conflicts. The security alignment could be considered two groups of people, states,
nations, or ethnic groups that create an alliance to increase power to deter potential
threats. This could be through trade relations and military alliances. This is to explain
26
27. how ethnic groups and non-state actors can perceive the other as the enemy and begin
to seek relative power over other non-state actors in the domestic and international
systems. The relative power seeking is done through different levels of violence.
Violence is to promote suffering to get compliance. The exclusion to resources could
be considered violent behavior.
This paper is arguing that cultural complexes are the foundation of groups
aligning, which is grounded in shared emotions and unconscious ingrain heuristics.
This explanation could be classified under Social Identity theory because Social
Identity Theory uses psycho-analysis. The result of alignments promotes relative
power to non aligned groups because of exclusion. Groups that share a common social
experience tend to share common political and religious ideology.
The paper will demonstrate that Al Bashir and the Nile Elite is promoting
relative power over the Sudanese African ethnic people. This is enabled by identity
through the archetype that is defined as religious ideology. That identity of others
becomes a threat (concept of evil) because of the desire to protect the cultural
complex. The non Islamic archetype in the Sudan could be based in the democratic
political ideology. The motivation could be about defending cultural complexes
against competing cultural complexes. The threat perception is based on protecting
the cultural complex, and rooted in and associated with an emotional response that
could be based in primordial beliefs. This leads to different levels of violence. This
causes the conflict which could be a result of a cognitive dissonance. The promotion
of uncertainty promotes the power seeking behavior to deter the perceived threat. The
causation is rooted in different understandings of the world and how to operate in the
world.
27
28. Psycho-analysis is the basis of Social Identity Theory.46
The type of psycho-
analysis concepts I will be applying are Jungian notions about the collective shadow,
the phantom, cultural complexes, collective reflections, and the concepts of good and
evil. The cultural complexes deal with narratives and perceptions. The collective
reflection and phantom process deals with transmission of emotional energies through
psychic impressions which promotes understanding associated with norms beliefs and
practices. The collective shadow and the notions of good and evil could help explain
enemy creation. The transference of inferiority on the other, and the other is
associated with evil. This is associated to enemy creation which triggers relative
power seeking and the group aligning. Uncertainty and non-conformity could trigger
the desire to protect and lead to relative power seeking. Uncertainty is created by a
cognitive dissonance which is triggered by psychic impressions through rhetoric and
semantics and icons which are symbolic to archetypal understanding. It is a complex
causal chain, which perception emerges to policy behavior.
The desire to protect cultural complexes could lead to impulsive violence
without reflective monitoring because it is seated in deep unconscious levels of the
mind. The simple explanation is the group begins to protect the cultural complex
because of ingrain methods of dealing ambiguity. The causation is emotional states
derogate cognitive thought processes through the promotion of heightened levels of
anxiety. The action becomes fight or flight (supported by neurological studies). Thus
consequences are not considered, and repetitious past behavior ensues. This leads to
self affirming notions about reality within the unconscious mind.
46
Bremmer B Marilynn, The many faces of social identities: Implications for Political Psychology
Political Psychology Vol. 22 2001. p.116
28
29. This paper promotes that groups are created by psychological frameworks
which manifest in religious and political ideologies. The desire to protect cultural
complexes leads to relative power seeking because of a perceived threat by an enemy.
29
30. Chapter 1
This chapter of the paper is to define the hypothesis. The hypothesis is:
perception is the causal factor in enemy creation and security alignment. The affects
on perception are archetypal and the cultural complexes. The perception affects the
interpretation of the social experience, which is compared to the archetype and
cultural complex.
Hypothesis
The theory that I am promoting is called the dogmatic cognition model. This
model is used to help explain security alignments and enemy creation. The theory is
based on an agent’s perception of the structure. The structure does not affect
perception or action, but rather it is the actor’s perception of the structure that
promotes policy and behavior. This model argues that in dogmatic cognition the actor
ignores structure and reasoning. It is a pre existing understanding of the world based
on unconscious and conscious patterns that exist already in the mind of the group, and
is associated with internal emotional feedback mechanisms. This theory is also
arguing against a rationality based on power seeking and resource gathering. Based on
calculations of the structure the actor does not change practices or adapt to the
structure, but uses the structure to promote an internal perception of the structure.
30
31. Power is used and acquired but is not the goal but a method to achieve goals. The
actor is trying to replicate the internal ordering on the world.
The group will not align with other groups based on access to resources and
power, but only if the archetypes are similar. The external understanding manifests in
the cultural complex, which are narratives and practices. This would be the external
expression of the understanding of actuality. The model argues that emotions are the
basis of the understanding, and that archetype and cultural complexes are accepted
because of positive emotional feedback. This gets into symbolic emotions, which
represents the patterns of reality. The archetypes and cultural complexes influence
perception, which promotes an interpretation of the social experience. This promotes
a subjective understanding of the structure, but also a dogmatic understanding because
the perception tends to reaffirm pre-existing understanding of actuality. The
archetype influences the norms and values of society. In Freudian terms, the id or the
drive is not check by the super ego or norms and values of the society. So it is okay to
act on the impulse and drive.
Thus, the agent is not influenced by the structure, but reframes reality so the
social experience meets preconceived internal notions. The model is not a grand
theory and does not discount that there could be groups that have dynamic cognition
models that change, adapt, and accept that response to the structure, but that would be
in their archetype. The Dogmatic Cognition model is to describe certain group
behavior when it comes to security alignments and enemy creation.
31
32. Dogmatic Cognition Perception Model
Perceptions
Drives
and
Impulse
Archetypes:
Unconscious
pattern of
realty
Cultural
Complex:
Historical
repetition
of stories
and
practices
Situation or
event
Archetypes of situation agrees
with Cultural Complex
Archetypes of situation
does not agrees with
Cultural Complex
Cognitive
Dissonance:
Anchoring caused
by emotions and
symbolic
meaning:
Reframing of
situation to
reinforce Cultural
Complex
32
33. Social Experience Social Experience
This is the foundation in the concept of dogmatic cognition. Dogmatic cognition is a
theory that states that the ability to learn a new method of understanding of the world
is influenced through archetypes and cultural complex; that the archetypes help create
historical narratives and practices. Archetypes could derive the relationship between
archetype and cultural complex is the cultural complex reaffirms the archetypes. The
method of how “importance” and “sacredness” is created through the emotional
association that is connected to the conscious and unconscious mind. The archetype
represents the unconscious understanding of actual reality which is expressed with
symbols and emotions. The cultural complex is the conscious manifestation, which is
expressed with a spoken and written language. The cultural complex is trying to
express the unconscious patterns and understandings through words. The unconscious
patterns are myths expressed through historical narratives. The influence is how the
group perceives each different situation and event.
The perception could be how the group observes the situation or event, which
is directly influenced by past narratives and practices which is the manifestation of the
unconscious.
33
34. That is, every event is compared to past historical events and expectations are
created. If expectations are not met, this creates a cognitive dissonance. The event is
reframed to meet expectations of the archetype or ingrain patterns of unconscious
mind. Other cognitive dissonance theories state that status, such as Social Certitude,
creates expectations. The assumption I am using is that expectations are from cultural
complexes. The notion of status inconsistency the desire to achieve lost prestige could
be within a narrative of the cultural complex.47
It is expectations of the archetypes
which creates the cognitive dissonance.
The viewer begins to anchor to unconscious patterns and desires to make the observed
reality fit within past patterns. This is based on expectation is formed out of
archetypes which emerges into the cultural complex. This is triggered through
emotional associated to archetype as the only truth, which promotes a reframing and
reinterpreting of the situation to fit within a cultural complexes expectation. When
perceptions do not meet with ingrained unconscious patterns and conscious
understanding this is motivated by negative emotional feeling that are associated with
event. This is described as tension creation.48
So each group will reframe the event to
subdue this tension, which could be an impulse to reduce anxiety.
This promotes a different social experience. So there can be different social
experiences to each event and situation, which is influenced by the archetypes and
cultural complexes. The different box shapes in the above diagram represent how a
situation is perceived, and how the reframing and re-interpreting set pre-conceived
47
Geschwender James, Continuities in Theories of Status Consistency and Cognitive Dissonance,
Social Forces, Vol. 46 No. 2 1967 pp. 160-171 p. 163
48
Geschwender James, Continuities in Theories of Status Consistency and Cognitive Dissonance,
Social Forces, Vol. 46 No. 2 1967 pp. 160-171 p. 163
34
35. patterns of reality. The situation could be associated with beauty or it could be
associated with evil.
In other psychological terms it could be a perverse empathy or delusion
process. By changing the meaning of the situation the result of the action means this
is, but not that. This is to fit within unconscious patterns of reality. A delusion process
is the changing of the perception, effects, and possible projected outcomes. One
example could be that there cannot be a possible effect, or the effect was by chance.
Another example could be to create a false causality, possibly misinterpreting the
action’s influence. Finally, one could see a causality that is not even there.
The perception model is the basis of creating enemies and promoting
alignments. The next diagram of the model is to explain enemy creation.
Enemy Creation Model
Established Group Un-
Response to a situation or event by the other
actor
Cultural Complex
Narratives and
policy about
social experience
Narratives and
policy about
social experience
Perception
Model
35
36. Cultural
Complex
In this model actors become the situation and the event. Sometimes an
individual actor’s narratives about an event can promote an enemy creation. This has
to do with comparing of the archetypes and cultural complexes. The methods to solve
a certain situation can create conflict. Thus, competing methods of solving problems
and goals for each given situation also promote insights into internal ordering. The
conflicting methods promote the perception of the enemy. Because the result is two
different social experiences.
This model explains that two actors have different social experiences from the
same situation. This promotes a new situation. The narratives become the object of
perception. The two groups go through the perception model (see perception model
above), then they compare each other’s narratives to unconscious and conscious
paradigms, which would be archetypes and cultural complexes. This is done on the
implicit and explicit levels of cognition. If there is conformity and a similarity in
Need to
Protect
Cultural
Complex,
Lack of
Conformity
Actor starts
being
perceived as
an enemy
36
37. patterns, then an enemy is not created. But if there is non-conformity, then possible
actors are viewed as enemy because of emotional triggering. This is not correct or
proper. This is cognitive dissonance and creates uncertainty. Thus, responding to
protect the group the actor starts to become the enemy. If the actor has a certain
pattern that is associated with preexisting notions of the enemy, then the actor is the
enemy no matter what the situation. It then fits with archetypical and cultural
complex patterns that the actor is considered innately the enemy. The explanation
about enemy creation can be defined as protecting the cultural complex. The enemy
creation section of this paper gives a deeper explanation of how this process operates.
This model is to describe the notion of uncertainty that promotes the creation of the
enemy because of fear. The inability to learn does not allow alliance creation if the
actor does not share the same underlying archetypes.
37
38. In the next section will be going over the Alliance Creation.
Alignment Model
Un-established actor
Establish group Outside Actor
Cultural Complex Policy and Practices Policy and Practices Cultural
Complex
This diagram explains alliance formation. Concept groups that see the world in the
same way tend to align against groups that see the world in a different way. The process to
discern which group has the same archetype or different archetype is a complex process. In
this diagram and model the arrows represent process to relationships. The cultural complexes
influence policy and practices. The policy and practices and their outcomes are perceived by
Enemy
Creation
Model
This promote
alignment against un-
established Actor
because archetypes
are different
38
39. the other groups. Either groups align with each other, or build coalitions against groups that
are perceived as enemies because of different practices. The different triangles and colors
represent that the two groups share the same archetypes. The colors represent different
cultural complexes, but the underlying pattern of behavior follows the same archetype. The
circle represents a group that has a total different archetype, which affects their policies and
behavior. The two groups with the similar archetypes but with different cultural complexes
and practices tend to align against the group that has totally different archetypes.
These models are meant for groups that have a “dogmatic” or static cultural complex.
There can be groups that have a dynamic or changing understanding of the world. The logic
process of a dynamic group could be based on promoting efficiency or finding the most
prestigious practices and understandings of the patterns of the world. This would allow for
learning, and enable collaborations with different groups. These models support that certain
cultural complexes promote non-learning through emotional association. The goal of these
models is to give insight as to why certain groups have historical rivalry. Why through the
years of exposure and interactions they do not begin to understand each other and peacefully
co-exist. This model promotes an innate cognitive dissonance in the perception process that
is associated with emotional and neurobiological phenomenon that self affirms pre-existing
unconscious patterns of behavior and preconceived notions of conscious patterns of behavior.
The group’s reasoning process becomes based not on empirical assumptions, but to
fulfill emotional feelings about actual reality. They act on the impulse. These models is
designed to give insight about dogmatic cultural complexes, and why certain groups do not
empathize and begin to understand other groups; thus promoting the identity of the enemy of
some groups and aligning with others. The goal of this model is to explain why groups align
with other groups when they lack access to resources and power, and align against actors that
39
40. are more powerful and have access to resources. This model is to explain irrationality from
the structure and non-reflective behavior.
Chapter 2
In this chapter I am explaining why this study is relevant to the field of
International Relations. I use international law and universal norms, and compare
them to the behavior of the Sudanese government. This is to show that norm changes
are happening. The goal is to show that the Sudanese Islamic complex is breaching
norms and performing acts that do not follow international accepted norms, and
showing that international law is being breached. This is to give insight into beliefs
and practices manifesting in behavior. Thus, the changing of the democratic paradigm
of reasoning and perception of human being is changing from a natural law paradigm
to a more positivistic reasoning. This is necessary because paradigms of the definition
of human rights are changing.
The goal is to maintain and promote a democratic order in the international
system, which is rooted in individual human rights. The relative interpretation of
rights versus the notion of universal norms about rights could influence the rise of
ethnic identity. This is important because of the notion of minority rights, treatment of
civilians, and dealing with conflict in regards to the treatment of the perceived enemy.
The revision of concepts for the purpose of the state and use of force could be to
promote stability. It may not be in the promotion of security, but stability is associated
40
41. with status quo maintenance. This notion is supported in the Sudan with the militia
group known as Janjaweed; it is becoming one of the richest groups in Sudan.49
They
are Sudanese militia made up of the Arab clans of Irayqat, Ouled, and Zed.50
Their
purpose is to promote counter insurgency against the SPLA and other African militias
in Southern Sudan, but they have been burning villages and looting in the name of
promoting security.51
The underlying assertion, to obtain wealth and influence through
conquering, is accepted by the other Arab elite because they are one of the new elite
in Sudan. This practice entails the denial of human rights of the perceived enemy
which are the non-Arab and non-Islamic ethnic groups with the same nationality. Is
not the modern state to promote democracy and the promotion and the enforcement of
human rights?
Crimes against humanity and acquiesces of the international community
promotes the changing of domestic and the international practices of the treatment of
civilians by their states. This can be supported by the practices of the Baggara an Arab
militia in Sudan during the nineteen eighties. Their original purpose was to counter
the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army (SPLA). The result was stealing African
cattle and burning down African villages.52
The United Nations have also designated
the Janjaweed as responsible for the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.53
These are
not within the scope and the legitimate aim of the use of military force that are
sanctioned under a state. These acts undermine international law. The duty of the
49
Francis J David, Civil Militia; Africa’s intractable Security Menace? Ashgate 2005 p.147
50
Ibid. p147
51
Ibid p.152
52
Ibid. p201
53
Ibid. p.1
41
43. Human rights abuses are connected to strategic issues, such as the control of
resources. In 1998 the United States’ oil company Chevron pulled out due to civil
war. After this the oil rights were transferred to China, Iran, the Former Soviet Union
States, and Bulgaria. Loans were given to the Sudanese government. The Sudanese
government used loans to buy weapons on the credit of future oil exports from the
Sudan. 56
This was to protect oil extracting assets and oil pipelines. The companies
that created this arrangement were the Greater Nile Petroleum Company ( Northern
Sudan), Talisman Inc. (Canada), Petronas (Malaysian) and the China National
Petroleum Corporation. Human rights abuses occurred and were associated with the
oil production.57
The identity of the enemy enables the government leaders to enact the use of
many different levels of violence on perceived threats to the security of the state and
economic activity. It has been reported that the displacement of civilians has been
funded by foreign oil interest in Southern Sudan, because of the finding of oil
potentiality along the Nile River.58
This is associated with identity because most
identity in the Southern Sudan is considered Non-Arab or rebels. The purpose of
these actions is to displace the perceived hostile civilian populations that are
associated with an internal or international enemy this based on association of
identity.
The method of institutionalized subordination that is enabled through identity
promotes relative power over other ethnic groups. The governmental structure could
promote the derogation of rights,
56
Gok Madut Gok, Sudan Race Religion and Violence One World publishing Oxford 2008, P.22, 188
57
Ibid. p.188
58
Ibid. p.190
43
44. 1) to privacy
2) association
3) expression
4) income
5) movement
6) dignity
7) personality
8) access to government
These are key concepts that address current state practices to be civilized and
promote a community based on human rights and humane treatment of citizens.
The promotion of the enemy construct could be enabled by differences of
ethnic and religious identities. The loyalty to the state is made up of a core group
which represents the state in principle. Ethnic identity could then be perceived as a
hostile rival. For example, when the American Japanese were sent into internment
camps by the American establishment during World War Two. The Japanese had no
direct connection with Japan, but shared a common heredity and physical
appearances. The purpose of this example is the established group begins to view
national citizens with different ethnic identities. They become a potential threat and
are treated like an enemy; or there is a desire to dominate and control because of
possible threat potentiality that is associated with the concept of evil. The placement
in internment camps could be viewed as a method of conquering to dominate
movement. This is to exclude them from daily practices to promote relative power
44
45. when the actual threat potential was not observable. The goal of this paper is to offer
an explanation of the phenomenon through psycho analytical work through cultural
complexes.
The leaders of the state begin to promote 1) Propaganda for war, 2) Promotion
of racial hatred and violence against ethnic groups, minorities, or ethnicities that share
a common identity with foreign perceived threats, or rivals in the international system.
These notions are used to mobilize popular support, and promote hatred and
fear to promote different levels of violence against the targets of the propaganda. This
notion can be supported by “Arab and African ethnicities are very much intertwined
in Sudan. President Omar Hassan Al-Bashir's government used Arab nationalism, and
money, as a way to rally the landless Arab nomadic militias against their farmer
neighbors, who tended to identify themselves as African.” 59
This is to ensure the status
quo of the established order in economic, government and social institutions are
maintained. This can be seen with the refugee camps in the Darfur in Sudan.
Displaced African identities are targets of brutal violence that is based on ethic
distinction.60
The enabling of the violence is the threat perception that the African
identities are supported by an historical rival in Chad.61
This legitimizes the use of
force and violence against the displaced African ethnic identity because of the
association with other African groups fighting against Arab domination. The
difference here is that the Africans are helpless, and the use of force to subdue the
African threat is not proportionate to actual forced used. A specific example is the
59
Stephanie McCrummen; Washington Post Foreign ServiceA Wide-Open Battle For Power in Darfur
The Washington Post, Met 2 Edition, June 20, 2008 Friday, A-SECTION; Pg. A01
60
allAfrica.com, Sudan; Prosecutor Accuses Bashir Forces of Murder, Rape, Pillage March 2, 2009
Monday Africa News
61
Mohau Pheko, Africans must work to topple Sudan's Arab government September 16, 2007 Sunday
Times (South Africa)
45
46. Islamic militia group known as the Janjaweed which carries out mass killings under
the support of the Arab Islamic Khartoum government.62
The government does not
protect the African identity or promote human rights; the Khartoum government turns
a blind eye to violence and did not try to stop the Janjaweed's actions. A news article
states that the Arab militias and government forces detained 136 African men, then
these men were massacred.63
This is a blatant breach of Jus in Bellum, and could be
considered practicing "no quarter". No quarter is a term that means the captured
enemy is killed rather than offered quarters, which is long term detainment. The
practice of no quarter is a breach of international norms of treatment of civilians and
prisoners of war which makes it a criminal offense.
This paper will be exploring and explaining the historical ethnic struggle that
is manifesting through the states institution. In addition, we will consider the desire
for Arab Islamic hegemony over Sudan, as well as the removing of the African
indigenous identity through many different levels of violence. This is explained
through cultural complexes. These notions are entangled in international norms of
treatment of civilians, minority rights, and basic human rights.
The importance of this study is about promoting international norms and not
allowing practices to derogate into rational calculations of power. Despite the
justification of military force against minorities, they have the right to live and
prosper according to international law. This paper is about how identity is an
62
allAfrica.com, Sudan; Prosecutor Accuses Bashir Forces of Murder, Rape, Pillage March 2, 2009
Monday Africa News
63
Kenneth Roth, Sudan: Government and Militias Conspire in Darfur Killings
http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2004/04/22/sudan-government-and-militias-conspire-
darfur-killings
46
47. important aspect to conflict, and how identity promotes groups to seek power to deter
or dominate each other.
Chapter 3
In this chapter I am looking at past works on the study of the Sudan. In this
section I perform two tasks: One, I begin to use cited history in literature that is
reviewed to support my hypothesis about patterns and causes of behavior; and two, I
critique past methods used to explain the Sudanese ethnic conflict. In this chapter I
look at Stephanie Beswick’s work, Sudan Blood Memories, and Gok Madut Gok’s
work, Sudan Race Religion and Violence, as past works that explain the Sudanese
experience. In the next section of this chapter I begin to look at other methodologies
used in constructivist and post constructivist, and argue my method as an alternative
method of explanation, as well as explain the weaknesses of other methodologies.
Literature Review
Sudan Blood Memories by Stephanie Beswick addresses the legitimacy of the Dinka
ethnic group in Sudan. The lack of a written traditional history begs the question, can
the oral traditions be trusted?
47
48. Although she makes the point that the Dinka and Nubians considered
themselves brothers and kin, Stephanie Beswick claims that the historical relationship
between Southern Sudan and Northern Sudan is one of dependence,.64
The northern
Arabs and Colonial powers often slave raided the Southern African identities.65
A
historical continuous perception about slavery could be ingrained in the unconscious
collective mind of the Arabs. This supports the mythical stories and archetypical
image of master over the Africans. In the view point of studying identity the lack of a
written history by the Dinka could have created the outside impression that they were
nomadic and had no legitimate ties to the land.66
The history of the Northern Arab
influence and Nubian shared a common heredity through marriage and conquest.
Nubian and Arab share a commonality in identity because of a shared mythically
narrative that is derived from religious practices and common heredity. The notion
that the Dinka and the other African identities did not intermarry created an
appearance that they were just estranged nomadic people. This book removed these
perceptions of the Dinka.
The author points out the history of Egypt and Nubia, which could be
considered Northern Sudan. The Kingdom of the Kush ruled Egypt for 600 years
during the years of 300 B.C to 300 A.D., and carries through the history of the
Northern Sudan, the Christian Kingdoms, and the Ottoman Turks.67
Northern Arab-
Nubian legitimacy exists through written narratives, and the identity of Arabs and
Nubian cultural thrived and has roots in northern Sudan. The Dinka narrative has
been documented through oral traditions and observations of other cultures in the
64
Stephanie Beswick, Sudan’s Blood Memories , University of Rochester Press, 2004 p.30
65
Stephanie Beswick, Sudan’s Blood Memories , University of Rochester Press, 2004 p.30
66
Ibid p.1
67
Beswick Stephanie, Sudan's Blood Memories University of Rochester Press 2004 p.29
48
49. region. The Dinka and Nubian connection could be not credible because of lack of
written support. In the modern era rights are not derived from heredity. A relativist
interpretation of rights and the historical perception is being reframed to support
archetypes and past narratives and practices to justify evil actions against the Dinka.
Stephanie Beswick explores the Dinka identity which is located in Central and
Southern Sudan between the Blue and White Nile.68
The Dinka think of themselves
as descendent of the Funj Sultanate.69
Also, they had historical connections with
Nubians. The implied goal of the book was to support the notion that the Nilotic and
Dinka ethnicity had historical roots and have lived and cultivated the land. The
territory was the historical method of providing for the well being of the people.
Stepahanie Beswick explains that the Dinka were a complex culture that had
been historically pushed by rival tribes to the South. The Dinka migration patterns
are based around weather patterns, and to find land to develop agriculture life.70
The
use of war has been a method to force the Dinka into servitude, and to push them off
of desired land. They had complex traditions and political systems. The Dinka
identity was predominately in the northern part of Sudan, then forced south by other
Nilotic identity.
The important aspect in the Sudan situation is the rhetoric of Al Bashir, who
claimed historical and primordial roots in Sudan. The Arab identity shared a common
heredity with the Nubians. This promoted the legitimate notion having sovereignty
68
Ibid. p.186
69
Ibid. P.19
70
Ibid p.34-49 this chapter gives detail account of migration and practices of slavery.
49
50. over Northern Sudan.71
However, the Dinka share the same hereditary ties to the
Nubian ancestors. The implied claim is that the Arab identity laid claimed to greater
Sudan. The logical assumption could be the Dinka and Nilotic tribes were not
sophisticated and did not create a safe method or traditions of interaction; that they
were just nomadic people who traveled to and fro. But the relationship of the Dinka
and Nubians is well documented, providing for the Dinka rights to Nubian heritage.
The old concept of Terra Nullis--, or abandoned and undeveloped land,72
--could be
the reasoning behind the Arab elite’s claims to have dominion over the Central and
Southern Sudan, and limits decision making from the other ethnic identities. The
notions that Islamic practices are superior and more effective methods of organizing
and to maintain society could be the basis of the exclusion and the discrimination
against the Dinka and the other ethic tribes.73
Sunni Islamic notions of legitimacy include that entitlement to leadership of
political and economic institutions are based on heredity. This could promote the
justification of exclusion of the African identity. The leaders of the community come
from families. The past heroics of the family are more important than the new
successes of the people of different families.74
Only certain actors can be considered
for a leadership position in the nation or society based on heredity.75
This could be a
past cultural practice transferred to the Sudan from Sunni Islamic practices. The right
to lead comes from heredity or a small group of princes who are related to each other.
71
Al-jazeera talk show discusses identity and Arabism in Sudan, Feb 1 2007 BBC Monitoring Middle
East
72
Malanzuk Peter, Akehurst Modern Introduction to International Law, 7th
ed Routledge p.148
73
Gok Madut Gok, Sudan Race Religion and Violence One World publishing Oxford 2008 p. 54,56
74
Barnaby Rogerson The Heirs to Muhammad The Overlook Press Woodstock and New York 2006
p.19
75
Ibid p.19
50
51. This practice undermines democratic notions of plurality and popular election of
leaders. This promotes an institutionalized subordination through mythical stories that
become archetypical patterns of behavior and how to organize society.
The perception of the African identity is that they are not a great empire and
are not as sophisticated in technology and societal and culture structures. Following
the reasoning of the legitimacy of the Sunni Islamic tradition, the Africans would not
be considered worthy to make decisions for the community, because the methods of
choosing leadership is based on the prestige of the family they are descended from.
The Arab considered the African ethnic groups as slaves.76
The Sunni Arab perception
is that the Dinka are not strong enough to protect the land and smart enough to use the
resources properly.77
This is based on Sunni Islamic practices to choose the leaders of
the community. The historical past of the Dinka does not support that they are worthy
to lead, and are not associated with Islamic practices. To be considered worthy to
lead a person must be Islamic and have demonstrated effectiveness in leading or
performing tasks and duties. This could explain why the African identity was
excluded from executive decision making in the Sudan. The institutionalized
subordination will never give them a chance to prove effectiveness in leadership.
Support for notions of ethnic superiority of the Arab and Northern Sudanese
can be seen in the narratives of Egypt and Kush empires, and then later the Christian
Sudanese empires, then through the Islamic and then Turkish Empires over the
territories of Sudan, Egypt and Libya. The legitimacy of the Islamic Arab superiority
76
Gok Madut Gok, Sudan Race Religion and Violence One World publishing Oxford 2008 P.56
Robert O’Collins A history of Modern Sudan Cambridge University Press 2008 p.16-17
77
Robert O’Collins A history of Modern Sudan Cambridge University Press 2008 p
51
52. could be based in primordial beliefs.78
This promotes the assumption that the culture
does not change through the eras. They had complex writing systems and practices.
Their empire was considered sophisticated and civilized. Through common sense,
should not the Northern elite take control because they would make better use of the
land? This could be explained by the primordial identity construction-- the
assumption is that cultures do not change and do not learn. The African identity
would not develop the relationship that could be considered the same over the years.
Plus, the other ethnicities do not have a prestigious history as a method to support
notions of legitimate claims to the land because in the past their practices were
considered inferior. This could be the basis and reasoning of the Islamic Sudanese
exclusionary practices.
The Dinka and the other tribes were often at war with each other, and nomadic
in appearance because they followed weather patterns to develop territory. They had
no real system of writing or standardized method to record history of conflict
resolution as seen in the Arab tradition of the Sunnah and the Hadith.79
These stories
of the greater Arab territory could stem from mythical stories. The proof the Dinka
lineage is based on oral traditions. The importance of being able to support claims of
history is to promote legitimacy, and to have access to resources and legal rights. The
perception could be that the African identities are not as developed and not as
technologically advanced; even though the Africans share a common heredity with
the Nubians, they are descended from slaves and cannot make good use of the
territory. This promotes the necessity for subordination in the perception of the
78
Ibid. South thought they will be independent after British left the region. P.54
79
Gulf Times:http://www.gulf-times.com/site/topics/article.asp?
cu_no=2&item_no=287895&version=1&template_id=47&parent_id=27 accessed 5/2/09
52
53. Arab/Nubian Islamic elite. Because of the lack of a writing system, the African
identities are perceived from historical lenses to the present era, as the Islamic ethnic
group perceives itself from ancient historical roots.
In The Blood Memories of Sudan Stephanie Beswick gives a good description
of the genealogy of the Dinka and the tribes that were indigenous peoples of the
Southern Sudan. The book supports that they were considered a society with complex
traditions and religious practices.
Slavery was practiced by the Islamic ethnic to the African ethnic group. She
does support that the Dinka and Nubians were considered brothers or equal before the
Dinka migrated to southern Sudan, which is the same lineage Arabs are claiming.
The next Book that I believe to have major important work in the Sudan
studies is, Sudan Race, Religion and Violence, by Jok Madut Jok.
The Book by Gok Madut Gok titled Sudan Race, Religion and Violence is
about Sudan’s internal conflict. Gok Madut Gok explains that all the conflicts in
Sudan are interrelated. Although each conflict is in a different geographical region in
the Sudan and deals with different ethnic groups, there is a historical story connecting
these conflicts together.80
The goal of the book is to dispel the myth that Sudan is a
homogeneous nation. He promotes this because past accounts in political science,
social and humanity scholarly works explain the circumstances and reason through
the homogeneous ethnic national lens of analysis.81
Gok Madut Gok argues that the
“Sudanese experience cannot be explained through logical predictable progression.”82
An overarching implication of this type of notion supports that Sudan has a common
80
Gok Madut Gok, Sudan Race Religion and Violence One World publishing Oxford 2008, P.27
81
Ibid. p.27
82
Ibid. p27
53
54. culture. He believes this cannot explain the internal conflict of the Sudan. Namely,
that they have only one cultural narrative. The Sudanese cultural cannot capture the
actual reality of the situation in the Sudan and present a view into the relevant causes
of the internal conflict.
Gok Madut Gok supports this notion by detailing major rebellions in the Blue
Nile, Beja rebellion, and Nuba revolts.83
These internal Sudanese conflicts are in
different geographical regions and deal with different African identity groups
struggling against the core Sudan Elite that use state and private militias.84
The
marginalized groups never recognized the authority of the Sudanese state.85
The reason the author supports this method of explaining the realities in the
Sudan is that most of the international coverage is based on genocide, slavery, and
ethnic conflict. This promotes the notion of a failed state.86
The perception is that the
Sudan elite are exploiting the marginalized groups based on situation and beliefs. The
beliefs are being used to promote the enemy identity. Those who complain about
poverty and bad living environment are associated with foreign powers and are trying
to undermine morality and promote discord among the population.87
The situation has
to do with relative power and influence over governmental institutions. Some groups
support this type of international media coverage to promote outside intervention, as
others think this hinders the process to peaceful conflict resolution.88
The need to look
83
Ibid. p27
84
Ibid p.27
85
Ibid p.27
86
Ibid p.29
87
Ibid. p.30-31
88
Ibid p.31
54
55. at each ethnic group’s perception and narrative is important because there is not a
consensus or unified position. There are different positions on how to quell the
internal conflict. This support Gok Madut Gok’s method of analysis, and objects of
analysis of the Sudanese experience.
The reason Gok Madut Gok wrote this book is because a national identity has
not been created and the lack of a unifying identity is causing the Sudan to be torn
apart by competing ethnic identities for control of resources. He argues that the
fragmentation of the Southern Identities is a driving force behind the writing of this
book. He claims that Southern Sudan never wanted to unify with the Northern part of
Sudan; the fragmented Southern groups sought ways to derail the unification
process.89
I find this an interesting perception. It promotes that the African identities
are not the innocent victims that the international media promotes. A unified
Sudanese identity promotes the idea that the state is abusing and neglecting citizens;
or, the citizens are rebelling against the state. The reality could be that two different
ethnic groups with different historical narratives are promoting their own self
determination. And the state is controlled by one ethnic group that is using state
authority to promote peace through force to unify the separatist ethnic groups that
never acknowledged the sovereignty and authority of the state.
Gok Madut Gok acquired evidence by doing interviews with rebels. He asked
why they think there is conflict, and why they joined the rebel movement. Some
responses include, “to deter ‘Arab domination.'”90
His book studies the history from
independence to present. Looking at the rise of Islamic militarization, the method to
explain this phenomenon was through historical accounts. The methods of promoting
89
Ibid p.32
90
Ibid p.36
55
56. national unity were done through religion, and by racially stratifying the society.91
It
could be equated to the fascist model or a neo-feudalist organization in my systemic
analysis. The fragmented groups do not unify with the Arab controlled north because
the social system promotes discrimination. Ethnic reactions to the Islamic military
industrial complex, and promotion of this societal ordering was studied through the
reaction of the non-Arab ethnic groups that are in areas of contention and active
rebellious activities.
The book explores the power relations and the resistance to Arab domination
through munities of military force and disrupting economic activity. He uses
structural arguments to promote the notion of resource competition. Marginalized
groups use ideology to resist the use of state power to promote an assimilation to an
Arab centered social system,92
which inherently promotes Arab domination of the
political and social system. The focus of the book is the resistance to a unifying
identity and the choosing of the ethnic and religious identity as identity marker. The
Southern Sudanese desire to be free from the oppressive practices of the Sudanese
Arab elite. Complaints of treatment or practices are met with violence, which causes
the Southern Sudanese identities to desire to break away to their own autonomous
regions. The method of supporting is looking at behavior and structural constraints
such as control of critical resources such as oil.
The author uses narratives and history to show the exploitation and
discrimination done through policy and through extra judicial forms through societal
pressures. He identifies cause of conflict building through each chapter.
91
Ibid p.45
92
Ibid p.46-49
56
57. Gok Madut Gok uses examples of situations to explain causes of conflict and
explains the idea is to resist domination. The acceptance of Arab control would only
promote a subordinate position in society and open oneself to covert violence and
derogation of dignity. The refusal to allow Arab domination leads to starvation,
abductions, ethnic cleansing, and mass murdering is the recorded results.93
The
African identities resist through methods of self determination. The book begins to
delve into the psycho-historical context of the Arabs and their perception that the
African identity desires to be dominated. It also postulates that another explanation
could be that the Arabs just want to control the land.94
The religious and political
ideologies become a method to promote power and subordination of the other not in
the elite group. He does support clearly that the Sudan Arab elite would rather use
military options, instead of an economic collaborative solution to settle grievances.95
They support the desire to punish, and promote conformity through fear of violence,
rather than meet the needs of the people of the same nationality with different ethnic
and religious backgrounds. The Northern Sudan elite wanted to remove other ethnic
identities, either through assimilation or genocide. The book gives valid accounts of
how the Arabs promoted the marginalization process and opted to use military
violence and exclusion of resources to promote their social and political order. The
underlying theme in the book is the promotion of the subordination of the African
identity. The book gives good detail of historical events on both sides of the conflict
and promotes and understanding of history.
93
Ibid p.107
94
ibid p.116
95
Ibid p.80
57
58. In the conclusion of the book Gok Madut Gok argues that the Northern
Sudan's present agreement with the South has lead the International Community to
turn a blind eye to the Darfur.96
The perception of the civil militias is that they are out
of control in the Darfur—the government cannot control them.97
The military
aggression towards the African ethnic identities is systematic and calculated, but not
directed by government. In a news report, however, a Janjaweed militia men
confirmed collaboration between government and the militia.98
This countervailing to
Al Bashir claims this could affect Al Bashir’s credibility.
I extend this narrative to support an overarching and general theme by looking
deeper into identity constructions. The primordial rooted relationships between the
Arab and African identity cause violence and a desire to promote subordination. The
method Gok Madut Gok uses is through narratives, but does dwell in rationality in
determining behavior and policy. The rationality is to gain power and control, and to
promote survival. The example Gok Madut Gok puts forth is that power projects a
future predictable behavior: the desire to dominate and control the African identity.
The Sudanese experience might be able to predict behavior because the example
promotes a strict logical causation for domination and survival. This does promote
causation and consequences of conflict. The perception put forth is the actors are just
relative power seeking and using religion and political ideologies as tools to mobilize
and promote a method to control and order society. The evidence Gok Madut Gok is
important to explain existing human rights breaches and explains how each party has
96
Ibid p. 296
97
Ibid. p.296-297
98
Jon Snow Snowmail: Al-Bashir indictment July 14 2008
http://www.channel4.com/news/articles/politics/international_politics/snowmail+albashir+indictment/2
336867 access 5/10/09
58
59. behaved. The underlying assumption I am putting forth is the symbolic emotional
response from historical humiliation is the causal factor. The ability to subdue and
control the African uprising could promote prestige overcoming past humiliation.
The two different narratives between the African identity and Islamic identity
are plainly seen. The difference between the two groups can be from different
geographical regions, religious, social and political practices. The two identities are
distinct. The problem is the perception of rights over territory and the historical
relationships. The northern Arab elite had a perception of the Dinka and the southern
ethnicities as subordinate. This perception and idea could be carrying through to
modern era.
Methodology Argument
In this section I will be arguing why I am choosing which method to analysis
for the paper. This will be done by through promoting of definition of what identity is
for the purpose of this paper and argue against different methods to describe identity.
This is going to be done through exploring at different scholars work on identity—
examining the major ways how identity has been addressed.
To begin explain how identity has been approach to explain behavior in
International Relations. According to Marilyn B Bremmer of Ohio State University
in her article The many faces of Social Identity and the implications for Political
Psychology. The goal of the concept of Social identity is to conceptual bring the
individual level of analysis to the group level of analysis.99
Social Identity comes
99
Bremmer B Marilynn, The many faces of social identities: Implications for Political Psychology
Political Psychology Vol. 22 2001. p.116
59
60. from the psycho analytical theory. The method of understanding how groups create
cohesion is based on categorical distinctions rather than functional categories.100
What
the author means is that the function of roles in society. This is according to Marilyn
Bremmer to mean that individuals are socialized into identities that the individual
internalizes--values, norms and practices of the group that the functional role requires.
This could be structural approach of constructing identity because it is the regulative
rules and the constitutive rules that affects the individual’s behavior in the system. To
relate this to States and international relations it could be seen in the current world
system. The Northern Sudanese Arabs are the decision makers and African Sudanese
are the workers and servants could be example. Also the role of the United States is to
world police or the leading to create a new world order based around democratic
peace. Switzerland is considered the neutral peace maker. The role of each is defined
by the expectations of the group and is when the roles are not performed properly
there is usually a punishment.
Social Identity theory is considered based in the psycho-analytical
framework. Group identities are constructed through common characteristics and
social experience. It is the categorical experience that constructs levels of identity.101
An actor can have many levels of identities that are based on loyalties and alliances.102
The notion of constructed identity is about relationship to other actors in the group
rather than the functions of the role of expected behavior, which can help define
interaction but does not define relation specifically. The relationships are based on
common characteristics and social experience.
100
Ibid.
101
Ibid. 122
102
Ibid. 122
60
61. To show the difference between functional and social experience I will be
using the example of the United States and NATO relationship and Socialist
alignments during the cold war. The United States function is to deter threats by
having an effective military. The relationship with alliance is directly influenced by
its function, but not the social experience. The NATO alignment, however, is based
on ideology that can be reduced to norms and practices and perceptions about the
methods to achieve goals. This creates a social experience between those that are part
of the alliance. The relationship does promote the function to promote trade and
access to resources. Is this relationship based on functionality to promote individual
needs rather than promoting the group? It could be perceived that offering of security
for access resources could discredit the common social experience as the creation of
the group, but the function of the other states becomes primary in aligning.
To explain further we could look at socialist state alignments which can help
describe the common social experience. The socialist security and economic
alignment could have been based on the experience with capitalist nations. The
eventuality of the practice of capitalism and nineteenth century great power politics
that promoted resource acquirement lead to eventual conflict that this civilization
goal, methods, and practice leads to war.103
The social experience promoted alignment
based on perceptions of resource competition is based on promotion of security or
military potentiality. The desire for common socialist alignments could be because of
past results of the industrial capitalist practices leading to war and does not fit with
desired civilization goals. The perception could have nothing to do with the function
of each state, but the relationship has a common ground on past social experiences
which represent shared values which manifests in norms.
103
61
62. Primordial theory
Is that the actor is static and does not learn or change through different eras; so
the culture does not change. I am supporting this theory in some cases but not with all
societies and actors. The archetype must be considered dogmatic.
Post Constructivism looks at other internal factors rather than structural factors.
Language could be the container of the spirit of the nation. This could mean
the core of identity is with the language of the people. That language is a central
method of creating common identity. Some scholars that support this concept are
Pierre Bourdieu, Micheal Foucault, Jurgen Habermas, Hans-Geog Gadamer. This
could explain that the past stories of the ethnic group and nation are written in the
language. This allows for the past accomplishments and achievements. This is to
promote a prestige and collective self-esteem. The values, principles and creeds could
be transmitted through the common language, which could be considered the spirit of
the nation. The assertion is identity is based on prestigious past practices.
From a functionalist point of view an individual that ascribes to the national
identity begins to internalize the spirit of the nation by adopting the past practices and
principles through the reading of the language. The identity construction becomes a
role a person plays, and national identity or type of identity is applied to the person.
The laws purpose was to reinforce identity expectations. This could be seen when the
National Islamic Front began their cultural reforms in Sudan after Al Bashir took
62
63. power through a coup.104
This could not be considered an instrumental approach
because the person is not choosing to conform but being assimilated through threats
of coercion. The identity is not a choice of the actor but forced upon the actor. The
instrumental approach could be perceived this way, although the choice of
cooperation is because of access to resources. The form of punishment is not active,
but by choice exclusion. In the functionalist approach it could be considered an active
punishment to promote conformity to national identity expectations.
The notion that language could sculpt and create the understanding of the
universe affects perception. The understanding of the patterns of the reality is
confirmed with emotional associations. This is where the phantom process and
collective reflection could explain how identity is constructed and norms are diffused.
This helps creates value judgments: emotions associated with comfort to promote
acceptance, and emotions associated with fear to promote the need to protect and
defend. Language can express narratives of histories, and practices and reasons why a
cultural does a certain behavior, but it is the emotion that promotes the actions and
judgments. It could be also argued that languages could help express internal states
and how the actor expresses how they perceive reality.
Language does not explain identity construction because people from different
states can use the same languages and can share the same religious and political
beliefs, thus creating a different identity constructs. Plus people can use different
languages and live in the same state but have different ethnic and political ideologies
which can be seen in the tearing apart of Yugoslavia during the 1990s. Groups with
the same language and different archetypes promote conflict and relative power
104
Salma Ahmed Nageeb New Spaces and Old Frontiers Women, Social Spaces and Islamization in
Sudan Lexington Books, 2004, p.16
63
64. seeking behavior. Language does not define identity innately. There is more to
identity construction.
The commonality that creates the common bonds between, and causes major
divides of, the people I am putting forth is archetypes and shared emotions that
manifested in the cultural complex. It is how the individual imagines the reality and
cognitively understands the context and interrelations and how society should be
organized on an unconscious level which is embedded and associated with emotions.
This is manifested in the cultural complex.
This paper is refuting the assumption that human agents are always reflective,
as Alexander Wendt put forth in his paper, "The Agent Structure Problem in
International Relations Theory."105
The structure does not always promote reflective
monitoring. Giddens argues the reflection in the perception process happens when the
structure triggers the habit. Thus, the actor must take some reflective thought based on
rationality which would be a calculation from the structure; thus, a reflection on
which habit to use.106
Habits are consistently changing to adapt to the structure. What
I am putting forth is that the actor acts from archetypes and narratives which are
associated with emotions. That reflection that promotes rationality from the structure
does not exist because of a confirmation bias. While Giddens is arguing that
sometimes habits promote reaction, that is non-reflective; but a reflection upon the
structure is needed to know which habit to use to obtain rational goals. So the
structure triggers the response from the actor. The actor rationalizes and reasons to
conform to the structure demands. While I am putting forth that perception of the
response is due to agents understanding of the world and desire to extend and to
105
Alexander E. Wendt, International Organization Vol. 41 No.3 (Summer, 1987) 335-370 p.340
106
The Logic of Habit, not reason Giddeons P.16
64
65. protect the agents understanding. This is not out of habit, but out of emotional impulse
that is static and does not change. The perception is to protect the unconscious
patterning of the mind that is connected emotional well being. The difference between
the two theories is about the agents adapts habits to meet the needs of the structure. I
argue the agent changes perception of structure to meet their static understanding. My
theory is a small theory to provide explanation of certain cases.
Chapter 3
In this section of the paper I will begin to describe the important concepts of
the method of analysis I am employing to explain alignment and enemy creation in
the Sudan. Although these definitions are still up to academic critique, the ones that I
am using are accepted but still open to scrutiny. The concepts being explained are
archetypes, cultural complex, collective reflection, concepts of evil, phantom process
and the collective shadow in the context of enemy creation. The goal is to employ
them to see if the empirical evidence can support the pattern of internal processes of
the actors. The study of these concepts is a complex and complicated endeavor
because it is about the study of the non-cognitive mind which affects behavior.
The underlying assumption to this theory is the manifested behavior does give
insight to the unconscious ordering which is internal processes of the actor.107
The
actors in this study are ethnic groups. The goal of this paper is to apply the following
concepts to explain causation of behavior. The concepts can fall under the general
107
Anthony Stevens, Archetypes A Natural History of the Self Quill 1983 p. 28
65
