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Referendum 2015: The Campaign for Human Equality
1. Introduction
In post-colonial Ireland, there have been many referendums conducted which have
altered the way of living in this country. As well as this, these referendums have highlighted
local protest, community action and alternative politics in Ireland over the years. Social
Activism is a forever growing aspect in Ireland of modern times and since the collapse of the
global financial market in 2008, the idea of protesting and having a voice has become
increasingly popular as a result of harsh austerity and the political crisis suffered by the
public. Since 2008, the population of Ireland have dealt with corrupt government
representatives as well as corrupt bankers during the post-housing crash and resulting global
economic crisis. It was with this global recession that a time of change was necessary for the
development of society in Ireland as people’s wages and public spending began to suffer in
an attempt to bail out Ireland from the recession and the European Central Bank (ECB).
According to Hearne (2014), this form of neoliberal austerity contained ‘cumulative cuts to
public spending, social welfare and raising of taxes, predominantly on middle and low
income households, of over €30bn’.
In Nine Theses on Social Movements, Frank & Fuentes (1987) explain how ‘Many
social movements respond to people's frustration with, and sense of injustice towards,
political-economic forces beyond their control’. It is with this statement that we grasp an
understanding in the idea of social movements and social activism of present day and how the
public fight for a ‘true democracy’ through methods of peaceful protests. In this report I will
focus on this year’s referendum for marriage equality and investigate how both sides of the
spectrum feel the outcome of the vote will affect society in Ireland. In many cases
Christianity and the Catholic Church have had major impacts on the outcomes of these
decisions in this country due to Ireland’s strong religious background. From the controversial
debate of divorces during the mid-nineties to the more modern protests concerning the
taxation of water, the constitution of Ireland is forever being altered to facilitate those living
in a fast-paced, developed first world country, but still the majority of the population is
influenced by ideologies constructed by the Church. In regards to the campaign for marriage
equality, the Referendum Commission Board (2015) states ‘you may vote Yes or No to the
proposal to include a new clause about marriage in the Constitution. This new clause
provides that two people may marry each other regardless of their sex’. It is with these
changes to the constitution where we see a divide in the opinions of the population; the’
YesEquality’ Campaign supported by the majority of those under the age of twenty five and
on the other hand, the ‘Vote NO’ Campaign supported mainly by those from a strong
religious background who believe it goes against the words of God in the Bible. With this
years upcoming referendum we could witness one of the biggest advances in society in
Ireland’s history as the ‘YesEquality’ Campaign attempts to break free the idea of a
stereotypical, corrupted Ireland whose ideologies lie embedded within the roots of
Catholicism.
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In Beyond Scholar Activism: Making Strategic Interventions Inside and Outside the
Neoliberal University, Chatterton (2009) discusses the impact of neo-liberal globalisation and
its negative effect on scholar activism, however, Chatterton goes on to highlight how ‘in the
last few years a new generation of human geographers have returned to issues of political
relevance with an outpouring of special collections, disciplinary networks and conference
panels debating how to make geography more ‘’public’’, ‘’activist’’, ‘’moral’’, ‘’radical’’,
and ‘‘participatory’’, and less dominated by the current Anglo-American hegemony’. Thus,
in this report I will be investigating the campaign for marriage equality in Ireland and how
scholar activism has impacted both sides of the debate, whether they be for or against the
proposed amendment to the constitution. Said proposed amendment is contained in the
Thirty-Fourth Amendment of the Constitution, the marriage bill, which states; ‘Marriage may
be contracted in accordance with law by two persons without distinction as to their
sex’(Refcom2015). On May 22nd, registered voters from all over Ireland will vote on this
proposed amendment and the outcome may shape not only our society but also the manner in
which social activism and social movements influence the government and world we live in.
In my investigations I will draw attention to the motivations of those involved on both sides
of the campaign and analyse ‘whether or not the groups are achieving social change and
pursuing socio-spatial justice and solidarity’ through their campaigning and branding while
paying significant attention to the ‘YesEquality Campaign’.
1.1 Aims & Objectives
My aims and objectives for my research project are as follows:
● To examine scholar activism and social movements in relation to the referendum and
analyse the mindset of the Irish population in relation to the marriage bill.
● To investigate the role of social movements, civil society and solidarity in a modern
Ireland.
● To highlight public protests in favour and against same-sex marriages and investigate
both the ‘YesEquality’ and ‘Vote No’ Campaigns.
● To gather and compare personal opinions of the referendum from members of the
church, the government and the Maynooth Student Union.
● To investigate the relationship between same-sex partnerships and the Irish
constitution and how this has affected the mental health’s of same-sex relationships in
Irish society.
● To highlight aspects of inequalities in people’s human rights in relation to the
constitution.
2. Literature Review
2.1 Civil Society, Social Movements and Solidarity
In modern geography, the idea of space, human rights and ‘creating utopia’ in society
has become the main protocol for human geographers in their investigations into the
ideologies between space and place. Social movements in recent decades have become more
and more prominent with people parading the streets in large numbers to have their voices
heard and in an attempt to create a better society to live in. These social movements challenge
the socio-political injustices occurring globally and attempt to reconstruct the social
boundaries in which we live in. Rory Hearne (2013) of Maynooth University explains how
following the global economic crisis ‘Ireland has been held up as an example by the
international political and financial elite as a successful neoliberal and austerity model that
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maintained social order and acceptance of the necessity of austerity and financial sector
bailouts’. This sort of radicalism inflicted on the Irish people has resulted in a new wave of
scholar activism and social movements where the people of Ireland refuse to experience the
same injustices that were experienced during the global economic crisis. During the global
recession Ireland was depicted as a sort of ‘push-over’ for the likes of the International
Monetary Fund and European Central Bank, however these injustices inflicted on the Irish
people in recent years have resulted in a wave of social movements and social activism as the
people of Ireland protest for their voices to be heard. In Creating utopia through real
struggle: a case study of the Rialto community housing campaign, Hearne (2013) analyses the
demise of a ‘harsh neoliberal austerity regime’ on Irish society and how this produced ‘a
profound economic, social and political crisis’. It is clear from the negative impact of the
global recession on Irish society, how a new wave of public involvement in political matters
has been introduced. Here we witness links and trends in social activism since 2008
following the global economic crisis and see how today people feel it’s important to protest
their views in order to have a voice in the face of the government. This new wave of social
activism has been introduced to Irish society as a result of harsh austerity, cuts to public
spending and injustices within the Irish Government.
Similar To Hearne, Mary Murphy(2009) investigates aspects of civil society in
Ireland and the social movements which we are more accustomed to in recent years,
following the global economic crisis. Murphy investigates the key concepts which are
involved within civil society and participation to decipher what drives the Irish population to
become more socially active and partake in social movements and solidarity. Murphy(2009)
states ‘The challenge for civil society is to provide alternative ideas and societal pressure to
force the state to embed the economy to serve the interest of society’. Here we can
understand the importance of civil society, social movements and solidarity, especially in
relation to the marriage referendum of this year. Although in recent years most civil actions
and social movements have been related to the cuts in public spending and harsh austerity
measures, the protests of late have been more associated with themes of space and place and
the topic of marriage equality. This debate on the idea of ‘marriage’, pits both sides of the
debate against each other in two separate movements of solidarity and social movements.
Walter Nicholls (2008) explains that ‘Much of the recent research on social movements has
revealed that networks play a pivotal role in coordinating principal activities and tasks’ and
that the majority of social movements are influenced by traits of the ‘structuration theory’. In
Place, Networks, Space: Theorising the Geographies of Social Movements, Nicholls argues
‘that the central processes in the production and reproduction of social relations and
institutions occurs through distinct territorial units’ and the idea of ‘place’ is a location where
‘wider economic and political process are played out, social and organisational relations
develop to mediate micro responses to macro level processes and spatial imaginaries form to
give people a sense of meaning in their particular worlds’. By theorising the geographies of
social movements, Nicholls tries to define the growing relationship between human
geographers and social and political contexts by discussing in detail the solidarities involved
with smaller, tight-knit communities. In Nicholls’ study of the Paris Commune, it is made
clear that the idea of ‘solidarity played a much more important role than class’ in motivating
people to risk their lives and freedom to the cause. In this year’s Marriage Referendum, we
must examine the alternate solidarities which will be voting for or against the marriage
equality bill and how these communities have becoming distinctive in their campaigning.
2.2 Homosexuality in Ireland and The Marriage Equality Bill
In a country embedded within its religious roots, it is evident that the idea of marriage
equality in Ireland would be a giant step in the development of our future societies. When we
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decipher the two distinct solidarities we can see how each community’s ideologies of the
constitution differ. In Ireland, where Catholicism and the Church have ruled, it comes as no
surprise that there remains a large percentage of the population opposed to the idea of same-
sex marriage. According to Jacob M. Held(2009), ‘The basic religious argument is simply:
according to one’s religion, homosexuality is a sin or marriage is a holy sacrament between a
man and a woman, or both’. In Gay Marriage, Liberalism, and Recognition: The Case for
Equal Treatment, Held(2009) argues that gay marriage is more than just a religious matter, it
is a ‘political and legal issue, one that relates to the distribution of rights and privileges’.Held
believes that no person should be granted or denied rights based on ‘religious beliefs or
affiliations’. Thus, marriage should have no legal definition reliant on religious foundations
or beliefs. In a modern world, politics should not be overruled by religion and religious
ideologies. As Held explains marriage creates ‘a protected class of individuals who are
granted special economic, health, and legal rights and benefits, these cannot be distributed
based on religiously determined grounds’.
In my fieldwork, I wish to outline the fact that this year’s marriage referendum is
much more than a religious matter and also reiterate the points made by Held in that we must
move on from societies governed by religious traditions and move into an era where human
rights and equality become a more prominent political and legal issue. There is no dismissing
the fact that, in Ireland especially, where Religion is a part of most people’s everyday life that
members of the LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual & Transgender) community have been
treated unfairly and as second rate citizens in some cases. This mistreatment of the LGBT
community has led to many cases of mental health and depression in this country, where
inequalities and exploitation have had a major toll on depression and self-esteem issues
within the LGBT community. Carlson & Baxter (1984) explain Ireland’s viewpoint on
homosexuality as recent as the 1980’s where at that time the law classified ‘homosexual acts
between two men as criminal, and punishment can be as severe as life at hard labor’. This
prolonged mental abuse suffered by the LGBT men and women in Ireland has led to many
cases of depression in Irish society and it is Weinberg and Williams’ hypothesis which states
that ‘homosexuals in a society which is highly intolerant of sexual deviancy would
experience greater psychological problems’. According to Paula Maycock(2010) ‘Eighty
percent of online survey participants had experienced verbal insults because of their LGBT
identification, with a quarter of all respondents reporting having experienced physical
violence as a consequence of their LGBT identification’. In the conclusion of the same report,
Maycock put forward that the ‘psychological distress experienced by LGBT people were
strongly associated with external stressors such as presumed heterosexuality, homophobia,
prejudice and victimisation and that internal stressors were strongly associated with the
anxiety of coming out’.
This year’s marriage referendum will be majorly influential on Irish society in the
future if it passes as it will make way for a society which will not be governed under the laws
of Catholicism and will provide equality to every person regardless of their sexuality. The
leader of Catholicism in Ireland, Archbishop Eamon Martin, when questioned about
practicing civil marriages for members of the LGBT in churches responded with; ‘What will
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we be expected to teach children in school about marriage or about homosexual acts? Will
those who continue to sincerely believe that marriage is between a man and a woman be
forced to act against their faith and conscience?’(Finn, 2015). These are the arguments being
constructed by those from a religious background who feel they are being forced to go
against the word of the bible, whereas on the alternate side of the spectrum people from the
‘YesEquality’ Campaign are protesting for the rights of the LGBT community stating ‘The
Yes Equality campaign has been established by GLEN, Marriage Equality and the ICCL,
which have been working for equality for LGBT people for many years’ (YesEquality, 2015).
Takahashi(2009) of the University of California explains ‘Individuals and groups that are
deemed to be undesirable or socially unacceptable by the mainstream have worked
collectively to improve material living conditions’ and to challenge ‘discrimination and
prejudice, to expand rights and capacity to engage in public debates, to facilitate economic
advancement, and to promote self-determination’. In my investigation I will use these
ideologies to research campaigning in Ireland and focus on the marriage referendum, while
referencing motions of social movements and social activism to highlight trends in
campaigning for the marriage equality bill.
3. Methodology & Methods
3.1 Methodology
Throughout the duration of my fieldwork I maintained a humanistic approach with
aspects of praxism in order to carry out my investigation to its full potential. According to
Aidan Sammon in The Humanistic Approach: The Basics, humanistic approaches ‘start from
the assumption that every person has their own unique way of perceiving and understanding
the world and that the things they do only make sense in this light’. In this case I’ve applied
an humanistic approach to those campaigning in the marriage referendum and through
identifying unique characteristics from both oppositions I was able to separate distinct
ideologies and qualities from both of those for marriage equality and those opposed to
marriage equality. By studying the unique opinions and experiences of different people on
both sides of the referendum I was able to construct a greater argument and understanding in
the development of both campaigns. Through a praxist approach I not only discussed and
analysed the referendum with these campaigners, but I also engaged in fieldworks and
protests carried out by both campaigns. By doing so I managed to grasp a greater
understanding into reasons such as why people are driven to protest and carry out public
demonstrations regarding their opinions and morals.
3.2 Methods
The methods I carried out during my research project included interviews and surveys
carried out over a duration of two weeks. I chose to do both interviews and surveys as I felt
although surveys can be extremely helpful and full of information, through interviews I
managed to grasp emotions and more developed answers from those involved within
campaigning in the marriage referendum. The application of these qualitative methods, which
also included attending focus groups, allowed me to get an insight into both campaigns and
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gave me sufficient knowledge into the emotions involved within this year’s marriage
referendum. Through these qualitative methods I managed to critically analyse trends I
noticed within both campaigns and highlighted aspects of the campaign which allowed me to
grasp a more in-depth understanding in to both sides’ arguments.
3.3 Interviews, Surveys & Focus Groups
In my field work I decided to interview and survey a random selection of members of
the public. These included men and women ranging in ages from 18-60, and the contrasting
responses are extremely interesting as opinions and views contrast between age groups. I
received over one hundred responses for my survey which can be found in my appendix and
carried out a simple, straight to the point interview with three members of the public, all from
a mixed background. These quantitative methods support my favoured approach of
qualitative methods as they allow us to understand the severity of a topic through statistics
and percentages. During the analysis of my field work I will refer to my interviewees as;
‘Interviewee 1’, ‘Interviewee 2’ and ‘Interviewee 3’, all of which wished to remain
anonymous in my investigation. Interviewee 1 is a female, twenty eight year old
‘YesEquality’ activist, Interviewee 2 is a sixty year old woman of a strong religious
background and Interviewee 3 is a twenty-four year old man who feels the marriage
referendum is not of a ‘great significance in our society’.
During my research I attended three focus groups and meetings in relation to the
marriage referendum. Two were organised by the ‘YesEquality’ Campaign and the third was
the raising for the flag for equality by the Maynooth Student’s Union outside their
headquarters. These rallies and acts of equality became essential to my understanding of the
morals and inequalities related to the marriage referendum.
4. Results & Analysis
During the course of my study into my research project I came across many obstacles
when attempting to highlight the social movement towards marriage equality. By using
humanistic approaches and aspects of praxism I was able to highlight key concept and
themes, especially those involved within the ‘YesEquality’ Campaign. These themes included
equality, human rights and aspects of the role of the church in Irish society. From the surveys
I carried out I was able to understand the points made, predominantly by the yes side of the
vote. For example, over the hundred surveys I carried out, out of the 85 people who had
registered to vote, 95% said that they would be voting yes to the marriage equality
referendum(Bergin, 2015). This figure shows the number of those in support of not only
same-sex marriage but also in support of human rights and equality in Ireland. Through the
responses I received through my surveys I could tell that there was a demand for human
equality in most cases. According to respondent 5 of Q6 (See Appendix), ‘I am yet to hear a
reasonable argent from the no campaign, a successful yes campaign will lead to a broader
discussion on civil rights, hopefully there will be a large youth turnout which will encourage
the youth of Ireland to vote more frequently and take an active role in politics’. Throughout
my investigation I could sense the overwhelming support for the yes vote in Dublin for the
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upcoming referendum. The public who partook in my survey based their answers purely
around the need for human equality, civil rights and social activism in future societies.
Respondent 20 of Q4 stated ‘Personally, it will allow me to marry in the future. But mostly,
right now, when marriage isn't on my mind since I'm twenty, it'll guarantee a status of
equality for me within Ireland. It'll foster the normalisation of being LGBT in Ireland for
generations to come’. Here we see an opinion from a member of the LGBT community and
how the upcoming referendum will affect not only her marital status but also the person’s
status of equality at present in Ireland. I found that this topic could lead to be a major reason
for youth emigration to foreign countries in the future as some respondents argued ‘If it's
voted no some of my friends had said she'll have to re plan her life and possibly move to
another country where same sex marriage is possible’. This would harshly impact society in
Ireland as a educated, young labour force will be forced to emigrate due to the restrictions on
their sexual orientations. During my research I found that the public’s demand for human
equality majorly out-weighed the arguments made by the ‘Vote No’ campaign and the
church. Interviewee 1 explains that ‘every person should have the same rights and should not
be discriminated or out-casted, because of his/her gender, religion, ethnicity or sexual
orientation’. Interviewee 1 goes on to explain how religious trends have impacted society
and life in Ireland and that if Ireland passes the amendment we could ‘set an important
example and could function as a role model in this question for other countries and societies
and could therefore make the world a better and more righteous place’. I feel these opinions
offer a real insight into modern scholar activism and social movements in present day Ireland
where people are beginning to protest for moral issues such as human rights and solidarity is
becoming a mainstream attribute of Irish life.
One challenge I faced in my studies however was trying to get an interview with a
church representative and Minister Leo Varadkar, who has only recently opened up about his
own sexuality in the face of the referendum. It became clearer during my research that the
‘YesEquality’ Campaign out-weighed the ‘Vote No’ Campaign and that the people in favour
of the referendum were much more out spoken than those against it, such as the Catholic
Church and the Iona Institute. Breda O’Brien, Patron of the Iona Institute, has stated ‘a Yes
vote would lead to marriage becoming a “genderless” institution, without “yin and
yang”(Independent, 2015). This allegation, it would seem, comes across very ignorant to the
case of the marriage referendum as one would find it hard to believe that a marriage within
the LGBT community would alter the ‘yinyang’ society we live in. It is these types of
opinions which halt the growth of the LGBT community in Ireland and have also attributed to
the number of depression and self-esteem issues found in the LGBT community as discussed
by Held(2009). However, we must keep in mind that throughout my methods of research
such as the survey, questions were answered by the inhabitants of Dublin and more rural parts
were not accounted for, thus we must keep in mind the strong religious traditions still held
within rural Ireland and how this may affect the outcome of the referendum in May.
According to Interviewee 2, ‘If the yes vote passes we as a country will lose part of our
heritage and tradition as we break away from our religious background’. I found this
statement interesting as I feel the social movements towards human equality and civil rights
play much more an important part in society than religious ideologies.
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I can conclude from my research findings that in Dublin at present, there is a social
movement towards human equality in the form of the marriage referendum. Through the
many people I have spoken to on the topic, the feeling of social activism as discussed my
Murphy (2009) was mutual as people wished to campaign for the cause in the face of the
government and the Church. By coding my research methods I was able to highlight themes
of civil rights, human equality and the role of the church in my research project and how
these themes are affecting the functioning of a present day Ireland and the mental health of
the LBT community in our society. Although I found it difficult to contact a church
representative on the topic, it is clear that the Iona Institute have been spreading the message
for them through the ‘Vote No’ Campaign and the advertising of their controversial ‘stock
family’ billboards. As seen through my surveys, when asked were they familiar with the two
opposing campaigns a staggering 78% were familiar with the ‘YesEquality’ Campaign
whereas only 16% were familiar with the ‘Vote No’ Campaign. These statistics show the
work carried out by the YesEquality campaign and how through solidarity and social
activism, they have become the most recognised community canvassing throughout this
referendum.
5. Summary & Conclusion
In conclusion, it is evident throughout my research project how the marriage
referendum has sparked a new wave of social movements and scholar activism in this
country. In my research I found it interesting to highlight where both sides of the referendum
have gathered their motivation to campaign for their beliefs and how the enacted this. As
discussed, the ideologies behind the ‘YesEquality’ Campaign were focused around themes of
human progression in society such as human equality, civil rights and a fairness in the eyes of
the government. On the other hand the ‘Vote No’ Campaign constructed their campaign
around religious ideologies formed by the Catholic church which still have a prominent role
in Irish society today. The Church in Ireland plays a significant role in the country’s heritage
and traditions and it comes as no surprise that the ‘Vote No’ has support from those raised in
a strong religious background and members of the Iona Institute. From my investigation, I
originally wished to have highlighted themes which have driven both campaigns in this
referendum which I feel I have achieved by referencing journals based around themes of civil
rights, mental health in the Irish LGBT community and the role of social movements/activism
in society today.
Perhaps the most influential ideology I came across in my investigation was as
follows; to campaign for marriage equality a person does not need to be homosexual nor
know a homosexual but to recognise injustices and inequalities in our modern society. This
statement portrays a society based on equality where no bias or prejudices live and truly
stands as a model for future societies in Ireland to base their lives around. Thus, this
persuades us to believe that the marriage equality referendum will act as much more than a
stand for human equality for LGBT communities at present but also the development of a fair
and just society for all walks of life in a future Ireland.
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6. Appendix
Fieldwork:
Thurdsay, April 2nd, 2015.
Maynooth Student Union; Raising of the flag for equality outside MSU headquarters
11am: Crowd c. 100 people gather in the entrance of the students union building
11:05:Ben Finnegan (Student’s Union President) welcomes the crowd and discusses the
reasons for the raising of the flag;
 Ben refers to an offensive postcard which the SU had received from the ‘No Way is
Ireland Gay’ campaign the Tuesday prior.
 Credits the massive support for marriage equality throughout the student body.
 Highlights that the flag does not only represent equality in same-sex marriages but in
all walks of life where discrimination is present.
11:10: Introduces the president of the Pride Society to deliver a few words to the crowd
 Explains how overwhelmed she is personally and on behalf of the Pride Soc. by the
support of the student body and how the time is now for marriage equality in Ireland.
 Refers to the postcard again and how this ignorant view must be dismissed.
 Expresses her delight with the Pride Society being voted Maynooth’s Best Society for
2015 and how it is a step forward for equality.
11:15: Ben invites the crowd outside the SU to take a group picture for a local journalist and
photographer.
11:20: With support from the Student’s Union Ops Team, Ben raises the flag for equality at
the entrance of the Student’s Union building.
Ben Finnegan raising the flag for equality
(Bergin, 2015)
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Survey: 100 Responses
Q1.
Q2.
Q.3
Q4. If so, How? (See select responses on following page)
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Q5.
Q6. What are your thoughts about the upcoming referendum and how may the result affect
society in Ireland? ( See select Responses on the following page)
Q4. Responses:
1. ‘It would mean that friends and family members would now have the opportunity to
get married to their partner’.
2. ‘If yes, my gay friends will be able to marry the person they love. If yes, the children
of my gay friends will have the same legal relationship with their parents as my
children will have with me and I and my friends have with our parents now’.
3. ‘My Friends and relatives won't be able to make decisions for themselves that I take
for granted’.
4. ‘It will allow people in my family and many of my friends to marry the ones they
love. And be treated equally in this society’.
5. ‘I’m gay and if my children or any family are gay I want them to be able to express
their love for the person they love in this country and not have to move to express it’.
6. ‘I have plenty of gay friends and it would give them the same chance to be in a happy,
loving relationship that will be recognised legally’.
7. ‘My friend will have the same rights as everyone else’.
8. ‘It will determine whether they can have the same legal rights as heterosexual married
couples’.
9. ‘If it's voted no some of my friends had said she'll have to re plan her life and possibly
move to another country where same sex marriage is possible!’.
10. ‘My family, friends and future children of the gay community can be a lot happier and
less insecure’.
11. ‘It will affect friends and family and their ability to marry and obtain the same rights
as heterosexuals’.
12. ‘They get equal rights to everyone else’.
13. ‘It allows the people close to me to marry and unite which gives them more rights if
something were to happen to their loved one’.
14. ‘As it may bring in equality’.
15. ‘They will be able to marry and able to fully feel equal’.
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16. ‘Equal rights’.
17. ‘It will change how myself and people close to me view the community’.
18. ‘It will grant me the rights I deserve as a human being’.
19. ‘My neighbours are gay and they have been together for 19 years and should be
allowed to marry’.
20. ‘Personally, it will allow me to marry in the future. But mostly, right now, when
marriage isn't on my mind since I'm twenty, it'll guarantee a status of equality for me
within Ireland. It'll foster the normalisation of being LGBT in Ireland for generations
to come’.
Q6. Responses:
1. ‘I believe a yes vote will be a positive step into the future of the Irish society’.
2. ‘It will affect it, for the better. People need to realise that a no vote won't stop gay
people raising children and growing old together, it will simply satisfy a human right-
to marry the one they love’.
3. ‘It is a great thing that should of happened a long time ago, it will show that Ireland is
moving forward with the times and no longer basing people's ability to get married
around religion and the church also stigmas attached to peoples sexual preference
should change as everyone will have the same opportunity to marry their loved ones
so equal rights for all’.
4. ‘The result shouldn't effect society to much as its just a basic human right to love
someone
5. I am yet to hear a reasonable argent from the no campaign, a successful yes campaign
will lead to a broader discussion on civil rights, hopefully there will be a large youth
turnout which will encourage the youth of Ireland to vote more frequently and take an
active role in politics’.
6. ‘It annoys me that the no side are using children as a pathetic excuse to somehow
convince people that voting no is better when it's not . Love is not gender specific so
whether a child has two mams or two dads doesn't matter at all’.
7. ‘I think the "No" campaign are basing their views around the rights of the child saying
children have a right to a mother and a father. Not only is this offensive to same sex
couples but also to any single parent in the country. As long as a child grows up and
flourishes, as lon as they are loved, educated and supported then it should not matter
the family dynamic. It is time for reform in this country, I hope the Yes campaign
wins!’.
8. ‘I believe the no campaigning is misleading, the posters say "surrogacy?" And "a
child deserves its mother and father" does this mean single parents also do not deserve
children? It is invalid against the campaigning of marriage equality. Society will be a
better place in Ireland if the outcome is a majority yes vote, as every person deserves
a basic human right of marriage’.
9. ‘There is no logic in voting no! A Yes vote will not affect the lives of those who want
to vote No, but a No vote will completely affect the lives of many people by not
allowing them the same basic rights as a straight person! A no vote will send a
negative message to so many people young and old that society does not accept them
for who they are’.
10. ‘I think if Ireland votes no in the referendum it shows the narrow mindedness of the
country. More and more people are coming out and I think they deserve the same
rights as any, to be happy and for them to have the say over whether they'd like to get
married or not. Everyone deserves to be happy not just the so called 'normal' people’.
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11. ‘It seems to be a very passion-fueled referendum in terms of how strongly both sides
have been canvassing. Hopefully, with the amount of young people who seem to be
behind Yes equality, the Yes vote will win and there'll be beneficial and exciting
results for Irish society. If the no vote wins, I think there will be serious uproar and
society will be negatively affected’.
12. ‘ I don’t think it will effect current society too much’.
13. ‘I think it's a little shameful in this day and age to have a vote on whether 2 people
have a right to marry, it shouldn't affect anyone other in anyway but positive allowing
2 people to marry has no affect on society other than the fact 2 people who love each
other can marry’.
14. ‘Only good things can come from a yes vote. Change needs to happen in order to
move on with the times. A no vote will affect so many people's lives in such a tragic,
right-stripping way. Everybody deserves to marry the person they love, be it same sex
or not. It's not something that should even have to be voted on, it's just basic human
rights that everyone should be entitled to, period’.
15. ‘To me it's a human rights issue and any human right should be supported. A no vote
will just make the lives of the LGBTQ society slightly more difficult but it won't stop
them from existing. I think a no vote will just increase the rallying and support for
them. A "yes" vote will just prove Ireland is evolving into a more developed and
rational nation and hopefully society will realise that’.
16. ‘It will be one step closer in making Ireland a truly inclusive and non-discriminative
society, something that is needed on a global level and it will also be one step closer
to the full equality that the LGBTQ community deserve’.
17. ‘I feel the upcoming referendum is chance to showcase what the next generation
wants for the Irish society. I think that we have been swept under the rug of not being
taken seriously enough. With this referendum, I hope that we are finally
acknowledged by the government for our views’.
Interview Questions
1. How do you feel about the upcoming marriage referendum and what are your
arguments for or against the amendment?
2. How do you think the outcome of this referendum will shape the future society of
Ireland?
3. Do you feel the Churches role in the governing of Ireland has become out-dated?
4. How will the outcome of the referendum affect your life(if any)?
5. What is your opinion of society in Ireland at present?
14
CONTENTS
1. Introduction...........
1.1 Aims & Objectives
2. Literature Review………
2.1 Civil Society, Social Movements and Solidarity
2.2 Homosexuality in Ireland and The Marriage Equality Bill
3. Methodology & Methods..........
3.1 Methodology
3.2 Methods
3.3 Interviews, Surveys and Focus Groups
4. Results & Analysis.........
5. Summary & Conclusion..........
6. Appendix.........
7. Bibliography..........
15
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Carlson, H. and Baxter, L. (1984). Androgyny, depression, and self-esteem in irish
homosexual and heterosexual males and females. Sex Roles, 10(5-6).
Chatterton, P. (2010) ACME: An International E-Journal for Critical Geographies, 2010, 9
(2), 245-275. (Accessed 20th April 2015) Available at: http://www.acme-
journal.org/vol9/AGC10.pdf
Drudy, P & Collins, L. (2011). Ireland from Boom to Austerity, Cambridge Journal of
Regions, Economy and Society. 4. pp339-354. Oxford.
Frank, A. and Fuentes, M. (1987). Nine Theses On Social Movements. Thesis Eleven, 18-
19(1), pp.143-165.
Hearne, R. (2014) Democracy usurped: corporate takeover, community resistance and the
movement for a New Republic. Paper for the People’s Forum 2014 ‘Community in A
Corporate Imperium’. (Accessed 20th April 2015) Available at:
https://2015.moodle.maynoothuniversity.ie/pluginfile.php/148308/mod_resource/content/1/F
orPeoplesforum%20%281%29.pdf
Held, J. (2009) Gay Marriage, Liberalism, and Recognition: The Case for Equal Treatment.
Public Affairs Quarterly. 21.3 (Accessed online 2nd May 2015) Available at:
http://www.academia.edu/265815/Gay_Marriage_Liberalism_and_Recognition_The_Case_f
or_Equal_Treatment
Journal.ie. (2015). Church still undecided if it will carry out civil ceremonies if referendum
passes. (Accessed online 2nd May 2015) Available at: http://www.thejournal.ie/eamon-
martin-same-sex-marriage-2083383-May2015/
Maycock, P. (2010). Supporting LGBT Lives. A study of the Mental Health and Well Being
of LGBT People.
Murphy, M. (2009). Irish Culture in the National Interest. (Accessed 20th April 2015)
Available at:
https://www.maynoothuniversity.ie/sites/default/files/assets/document/Irish_culture_in_the_n
ational_interestMPMurphy_1.pdf
Referendum Commission. (2015). Marriage Referendum. (Accessed Online 2nd May 215)
Available at: refcom2015.ie/marriage/.
Sammons, A. (2005). Psychlotron. (Accessed 10 April 201) Available at:
http://www.psy.dmu.ac.uk/drhiles/P1010.htm.
Takahashi, L. (2009). Activism. (Accessed online 20th April 2015) Available at:
luskin.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/cv-pdfs/LOIS_CV.pdf
16
Yes Equality. (2015). The Campaign for Civil Marriage Equality. (Accessed Online 2nd April
2015) Available at: https://www.yesequality.ie/about-us/.

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Referendum 2015: The Campaign for Human Equality

  • 1. 1 Referendum 2015: The Campaign for Human Equality 1. Introduction In post-colonial Ireland, there have been many referendums conducted which have altered the way of living in this country. As well as this, these referendums have highlighted local protest, community action and alternative politics in Ireland over the years. Social Activism is a forever growing aspect in Ireland of modern times and since the collapse of the global financial market in 2008, the idea of protesting and having a voice has become increasingly popular as a result of harsh austerity and the political crisis suffered by the public. Since 2008, the population of Ireland have dealt with corrupt government representatives as well as corrupt bankers during the post-housing crash and resulting global economic crisis. It was with this global recession that a time of change was necessary for the development of society in Ireland as people’s wages and public spending began to suffer in an attempt to bail out Ireland from the recession and the European Central Bank (ECB). According to Hearne (2014), this form of neoliberal austerity contained ‘cumulative cuts to public spending, social welfare and raising of taxes, predominantly on middle and low income households, of over €30bn’. In Nine Theses on Social Movements, Frank & Fuentes (1987) explain how ‘Many social movements respond to people's frustration with, and sense of injustice towards, political-economic forces beyond their control’. It is with this statement that we grasp an understanding in the idea of social movements and social activism of present day and how the public fight for a ‘true democracy’ through methods of peaceful protests. In this report I will focus on this year’s referendum for marriage equality and investigate how both sides of the spectrum feel the outcome of the vote will affect society in Ireland. In many cases Christianity and the Catholic Church have had major impacts on the outcomes of these decisions in this country due to Ireland’s strong religious background. From the controversial debate of divorces during the mid-nineties to the more modern protests concerning the taxation of water, the constitution of Ireland is forever being altered to facilitate those living in a fast-paced, developed first world country, but still the majority of the population is influenced by ideologies constructed by the Church. In regards to the campaign for marriage equality, the Referendum Commission Board (2015) states ‘you may vote Yes or No to the proposal to include a new clause about marriage in the Constitution. This new clause provides that two people may marry each other regardless of their sex’. It is with these changes to the constitution where we see a divide in the opinions of the population; the’ YesEquality’ Campaign supported by the majority of those under the age of twenty five and on the other hand, the ‘Vote NO’ Campaign supported mainly by those from a strong religious background who believe it goes against the words of God in the Bible. With this years upcoming referendum we could witness one of the biggest advances in society in Ireland’s history as the ‘YesEquality’ Campaign attempts to break free the idea of a stereotypical, corrupted Ireland whose ideologies lie embedded within the roots of Catholicism.
  • 2. 2 In Beyond Scholar Activism: Making Strategic Interventions Inside and Outside the Neoliberal University, Chatterton (2009) discusses the impact of neo-liberal globalisation and its negative effect on scholar activism, however, Chatterton goes on to highlight how ‘in the last few years a new generation of human geographers have returned to issues of political relevance with an outpouring of special collections, disciplinary networks and conference panels debating how to make geography more ‘’public’’, ‘’activist’’, ‘’moral’’, ‘’radical’’, and ‘‘participatory’’, and less dominated by the current Anglo-American hegemony’. Thus, in this report I will be investigating the campaign for marriage equality in Ireland and how scholar activism has impacted both sides of the debate, whether they be for or against the proposed amendment to the constitution. Said proposed amendment is contained in the Thirty-Fourth Amendment of the Constitution, the marriage bill, which states; ‘Marriage may be contracted in accordance with law by two persons without distinction as to their sex’(Refcom2015). On May 22nd, registered voters from all over Ireland will vote on this proposed amendment and the outcome may shape not only our society but also the manner in which social activism and social movements influence the government and world we live in. In my investigations I will draw attention to the motivations of those involved on both sides of the campaign and analyse ‘whether or not the groups are achieving social change and pursuing socio-spatial justice and solidarity’ through their campaigning and branding while paying significant attention to the ‘YesEquality Campaign’. 1.1 Aims & Objectives My aims and objectives for my research project are as follows: ● To examine scholar activism and social movements in relation to the referendum and analyse the mindset of the Irish population in relation to the marriage bill. ● To investigate the role of social movements, civil society and solidarity in a modern Ireland. ● To highlight public protests in favour and against same-sex marriages and investigate both the ‘YesEquality’ and ‘Vote No’ Campaigns. ● To gather and compare personal opinions of the referendum from members of the church, the government and the Maynooth Student Union. ● To investigate the relationship between same-sex partnerships and the Irish constitution and how this has affected the mental health’s of same-sex relationships in Irish society. ● To highlight aspects of inequalities in people’s human rights in relation to the constitution. 2. Literature Review 2.1 Civil Society, Social Movements and Solidarity In modern geography, the idea of space, human rights and ‘creating utopia’ in society has become the main protocol for human geographers in their investigations into the ideologies between space and place. Social movements in recent decades have become more and more prominent with people parading the streets in large numbers to have their voices heard and in an attempt to create a better society to live in. These social movements challenge the socio-political injustices occurring globally and attempt to reconstruct the social boundaries in which we live in. Rory Hearne (2013) of Maynooth University explains how following the global economic crisis ‘Ireland has been held up as an example by the international political and financial elite as a successful neoliberal and austerity model that
  • 3. 3 maintained social order and acceptance of the necessity of austerity and financial sector bailouts’. This sort of radicalism inflicted on the Irish people has resulted in a new wave of scholar activism and social movements where the people of Ireland refuse to experience the same injustices that were experienced during the global economic crisis. During the global recession Ireland was depicted as a sort of ‘push-over’ for the likes of the International Monetary Fund and European Central Bank, however these injustices inflicted on the Irish people in recent years have resulted in a wave of social movements and social activism as the people of Ireland protest for their voices to be heard. In Creating utopia through real struggle: a case study of the Rialto community housing campaign, Hearne (2013) analyses the demise of a ‘harsh neoliberal austerity regime’ on Irish society and how this produced ‘a profound economic, social and political crisis’. It is clear from the negative impact of the global recession on Irish society, how a new wave of public involvement in political matters has been introduced. Here we witness links and trends in social activism since 2008 following the global economic crisis and see how today people feel it’s important to protest their views in order to have a voice in the face of the government. This new wave of social activism has been introduced to Irish society as a result of harsh austerity, cuts to public spending and injustices within the Irish Government. Similar To Hearne, Mary Murphy(2009) investigates aspects of civil society in Ireland and the social movements which we are more accustomed to in recent years, following the global economic crisis. Murphy investigates the key concepts which are involved within civil society and participation to decipher what drives the Irish population to become more socially active and partake in social movements and solidarity. Murphy(2009) states ‘The challenge for civil society is to provide alternative ideas and societal pressure to force the state to embed the economy to serve the interest of society’. Here we can understand the importance of civil society, social movements and solidarity, especially in relation to the marriage referendum of this year. Although in recent years most civil actions and social movements have been related to the cuts in public spending and harsh austerity measures, the protests of late have been more associated with themes of space and place and the topic of marriage equality. This debate on the idea of ‘marriage’, pits both sides of the debate against each other in two separate movements of solidarity and social movements. Walter Nicholls (2008) explains that ‘Much of the recent research on social movements has revealed that networks play a pivotal role in coordinating principal activities and tasks’ and that the majority of social movements are influenced by traits of the ‘structuration theory’. In Place, Networks, Space: Theorising the Geographies of Social Movements, Nicholls argues ‘that the central processes in the production and reproduction of social relations and institutions occurs through distinct territorial units’ and the idea of ‘place’ is a location where ‘wider economic and political process are played out, social and organisational relations develop to mediate micro responses to macro level processes and spatial imaginaries form to give people a sense of meaning in their particular worlds’. By theorising the geographies of social movements, Nicholls tries to define the growing relationship between human geographers and social and political contexts by discussing in detail the solidarities involved with smaller, tight-knit communities. In Nicholls’ study of the Paris Commune, it is made clear that the idea of ‘solidarity played a much more important role than class’ in motivating people to risk their lives and freedom to the cause. In this year’s Marriage Referendum, we must examine the alternate solidarities which will be voting for or against the marriage equality bill and how these communities have becoming distinctive in their campaigning. 2.2 Homosexuality in Ireland and The Marriage Equality Bill In a country embedded within its religious roots, it is evident that the idea of marriage equality in Ireland would be a giant step in the development of our future societies. When we
  • 4. 4 decipher the two distinct solidarities we can see how each community’s ideologies of the constitution differ. In Ireland, where Catholicism and the Church have ruled, it comes as no surprise that there remains a large percentage of the population opposed to the idea of same- sex marriage. According to Jacob M. Held(2009), ‘The basic religious argument is simply: according to one’s religion, homosexuality is a sin or marriage is a holy sacrament between a man and a woman, or both’. In Gay Marriage, Liberalism, and Recognition: The Case for Equal Treatment, Held(2009) argues that gay marriage is more than just a religious matter, it is a ‘political and legal issue, one that relates to the distribution of rights and privileges’.Held believes that no person should be granted or denied rights based on ‘religious beliefs or affiliations’. Thus, marriage should have no legal definition reliant on religious foundations or beliefs. In a modern world, politics should not be overruled by religion and religious ideologies. As Held explains marriage creates ‘a protected class of individuals who are granted special economic, health, and legal rights and benefits, these cannot be distributed based on religiously determined grounds’. In my fieldwork, I wish to outline the fact that this year’s marriage referendum is much more than a religious matter and also reiterate the points made by Held in that we must move on from societies governed by religious traditions and move into an era where human rights and equality become a more prominent political and legal issue. There is no dismissing the fact that, in Ireland especially, where Religion is a part of most people’s everyday life that members of the LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual & Transgender) community have been treated unfairly and as second rate citizens in some cases. This mistreatment of the LGBT community has led to many cases of mental health and depression in this country, where inequalities and exploitation have had a major toll on depression and self-esteem issues within the LGBT community. Carlson & Baxter (1984) explain Ireland’s viewpoint on homosexuality as recent as the 1980’s where at that time the law classified ‘homosexual acts between two men as criminal, and punishment can be as severe as life at hard labor’. This prolonged mental abuse suffered by the LGBT men and women in Ireland has led to many cases of depression in Irish society and it is Weinberg and Williams’ hypothesis which states that ‘homosexuals in a society which is highly intolerant of sexual deviancy would experience greater psychological problems’. According to Paula Maycock(2010) ‘Eighty percent of online survey participants had experienced verbal insults because of their LGBT identification, with a quarter of all respondents reporting having experienced physical violence as a consequence of their LGBT identification’. In the conclusion of the same report, Maycock put forward that the ‘psychological distress experienced by LGBT people were strongly associated with external stressors such as presumed heterosexuality, homophobia, prejudice and victimisation and that internal stressors were strongly associated with the anxiety of coming out’. This year’s marriage referendum will be majorly influential on Irish society in the future if it passes as it will make way for a society which will not be governed under the laws of Catholicism and will provide equality to every person regardless of their sexuality. The leader of Catholicism in Ireland, Archbishop Eamon Martin, when questioned about practicing civil marriages for members of the LGBT in churches responded with; ‘What will
  • 5. 5 we be expected to teach children in school about marriage or about homosexual acts? Will those who continue to sincerely believe that marriage is between a man and a woman be forced to act against their faith and conscience?’(Finn, 2015). These are the arguments being constructed by those from a religious background who feel they are being forced to go against the word of the bible, whereas on the alternate side of the spectrum people from the ‘YesEquality’ Campaign are protesting for the rights of the LGBT community stating ‘The Yes Equality campaign has been established by GLEN, Marriage Equality and the ICCL, which have been working for equality for LGBT people for many years’ (YesEquality, 2015). Takahashi(2009) of the University of California explains ‘Individuals and groups that are deemed to be undesirable or socially unacceptable by the mainstream have worked collectively to improve material living conditions’ and to challenge ‘discrimination and prejudice, to expand rights and capacity to engage in public debates, to facilitate economic advancement, and to promote self-determination’. In my investigation I will use these ideologies to research campaigning in Ireland and focus on the marriage referendum, while referencing motions of social movements and social activism to highlight trends in campaigning for the marriage equality bill. 3. Methodology & Methods 3.1 Methodology Throughout the duration of my fieldwork I maintained a humanistic approach with aspects of praxism in order to carry out my investigation to its full potential. According to Aidan Sammon in The Humanistic Approach: The Basics, humanistic approaches ‘start from the assumption that every person has their own unique way of perceiving and understanding the world and that the things they do only make sense in this light’. In this case I’ve applied an humanistic approach to those campaigning in the marriage referendum and through identifying unique characteristics from both oppositions I was able to separate distinct ideologies and qualities from both of those for marriage equality and those opposed to marriage equality. By studying the unique opinions and experiences of different people on both sides of the referendum I was able to construct a greater argument and understanding in the development of both campaigns. Through a praxist approach I not only discussed and analysed the referendum with these campaigners, but I also engaged in fieldworks and protests carried out by both campaigns. By doing so I managed to grasp a greater understanding into reasons such as why people are driven to protest and carry out public demonstrations regarding their opinions and morals. 3.2 Methods The methods I carried out during my research project included interviews and surveys carried out over a duration of two weeks. I chose to do both interviews and surveys as I felt although surveys can be extremely helpful and full of information, through interviews I managed to grasp emotions and more developed answers from those involved within campaigning in the marriage referendum. The application of these qualitative methods, which also included attending focus groups, allowed me to get an insight into both campaigns and
  • 6. 6 gave me sufficient knowledge into the emotions involved within this year’s marriage referendum. Through these qualitative methods I managed to critically analyse trends I noticed within both campaigns and highlighted aspects of the campaign which allowed me to grasp a more in-depth understanding in to both sides’ arguments. 3.3 Interviews, Surveys & Focus Groups In my field work I decided to interview and survey a random selection of members of the public. These included men and women ranging in ages from 18-60, and the contrasting responses are extremely interesting as opinions and views contrast between age groups. I received over one hundred responses for my survey which can be found in my appendix and carried out a simple, straight to the point interview with three members of the public, all from a mixed background. These quantitative methods support my favoured approach of qualitative methods as they allow us to understand the severity of a topic through statistics and percentages. During the analysis of my field work I will refer to my interviewees as; ‘Interviewee 1’, ‘Interviewee 2’ and ‘Interviewee 3’, all of which wished to remain anonymous in my investigation. Interviewee 1 is a female, twenty eight year old ‘YesEquality’ activist, Interviewee 2 is a sixty year old woman of a strong religious background and Interviewee 3 is a twenty-four year old man who feels the marriage referendum is not of a ‘great significance in our society’. During my research I attended three focus groups and meetings in relation to the marriage referendum. Two were organised by the ‘YesEquality’ Campaign and the third was the raising for the flag for equality by the Maynooth Student’s Union outside their headquarters. These rallies and acts of equality became essential to my understanding of the morals and inequalities related to the marriage referendum. 4. Results & Analysis During the course of my study into my research project I came across many obstacles when attempting to highlight the social movement towards marriage equality. By using humanistic approaches and aspects of praxism I was able to highlight key concept and themes, especially those involved within the ‘YesEquality’ Campaign. These themes included equality, human rights and aspects of the role of the church in Irish society. From the surveys I carried out I was able to understand the points made, predominantly by the yes side of the vote. For example, over the hundred surveys I carried out, out of the 85 people who had registered to vote, 95% said that they would be voting yes to the marriage equality referendum(Bergin, 2015). This figure shows the number of those in support of not only same-sex marriage but also in support of human rights and equality in Ireland. Through the responses I received through my surveys I could tell that there was a demand for human equality in most cases. According to respondent 5 of Q6 (See Appendix), ‘I am yet to hear a reasonable argent from the no campaign, a successful yes campaign will lead to a broader discussion on civil rights, hopefully there will be a large youth turnout which will encourage the youth of Ireland to vote more frequently and take an active role in politics’. Throughout my investigation I could sense the overwhelming support for the yes vote in Dublin for the
  • 7. 7 upcoming referendum. The public who partook in my survey based their answers purely around the need for human equality, civil rights and social activism in future societies. Respondent 20 of Q4 stated ‘Personally, it will allow me to marry in the future. But mostly, right now, when marriage isn't on my mind since I'm twenty, it'll guarantee a status of equality for me within Ireland. It'll foster the normalisation of being LGBT in Ireland for generations to come’. Here we see an opinion from a member of the LGBT community and how the upcoming referendum will affect not only her marital status but also the person’s status of equality at present in Ireland. I found that this topic could lead to be a major reason for youth emigration to foreign countries in the future as some respondents argued ‘If it's voted no some of my friends had said she'll have to re plan her life and possibly move to another country where same sex marriage is possible’. This would harshly impact society in Ireland as a educated, young labour force will be forced to emigrate due to the restrictions on their sexual orientations. During my research I found that the public’s demand for human equality majorly out-weighed the arguments made by the ‘Vote No’ campaign and the church. Interviewee 1 explains that ‘every person should have the same rights and should not be discriminated or out-casted, because of his/her gender, religion, ethnicity or sexual orientation’. Interviewee 1 goes on to explain how religious trends have impacted society and life in Ireland and that if Ireland passes the amendment we could ‘set an important example and could function as a role model in this question for other countries and societies and could therefore make the world a better and more righteous place’. I feel these opinions offer a real insight into modern scholar activism and social movements in present day Ireland where people are beginning to protest for moral issues such as human rights and solidarity is becoming a mainstream attribute of Irish life. One challenge I faced in my studies however was trying to get an interview with a church representative and Minister Leo Varadkar, who has only recently opened up about his own sexuality in the face of the referendum. It became clearer during my research that the ‘YesEquality’ Campaign out-weighed the ‘Vote No’ Campaign and that the people in favour of the referendum were much more out spoken than those against it, such as the Catholic Church and the Iona Institute. Breda O’Brien, Patron of the Iona Institute, has stated ‘a Yes vote would lead to marriage becoming a “genderless” institution, without “yin and yang”(Independent, 2015). This allegation, it would seem, comes across very ignorant to the case of the marriage referendum as one would find it hard to believe that a marriage within the LGBT community would alter the ‘yinyang’ society we live in. It is these types of opinions which halt the growth of the LGBT community in Ireland and have also attributed to the number of depression and self-esteem issues found in the LGBT community as discussed by Held(2009). However, we must keep in mind that throughout my methods of research such as the survey, questions were answered by the inhabitants of Dublin and more rural parts were not accounted for, thus we must keep in mind the strong religious traditions still held within rural Ireland and how this may affect the outcome of the referendum in May. According to Interviewee 2, ‘If the yes vote passes we as a country will lose part of our heritage and tradition as we break away from our religious background’. I found this statement interesting as I feel the social movements towards human equality and civil rights play much more an important part in society than religious ideologies.
  • 8. 8 I can conclude from my research findings that in Dublin at present, there is a social movement towards human equality in the form of the marriage referendum. Through the many people I have spoken to on the topic, the feeling of social activism as discussed my Murphy (2009) was mutual as people wished to campaign for the cause in the face of the government and the Church. By coding my research methods I was able to highlight themes of civil rights, human equality and the role of the church in my research project and how these themes are affecting the functioning of a present day Ireland and the mental health of the LBT community in our society. Although I found it difficult to contact a church representative on the topic, it is clear that the Iona Institute have been spreading the message for them through the ‘Vote No’ Campaign and the advertising of their controversial ‘stock family’ billboards. As seen through my surveys, when asked were they familiar with the two opposing campaigns a staggering 78% were familiar with the ‘YesEquality’ Campaign whereas only 16% were familiar with the ‘Vote No’ Campaign. These statistics show the work carried out by the YesEquality campaign and how through solidarity and social activism, they have become the most recognised community canvassing throughout this referendum. 5. Summary & Conclusion In conclusion, it is evident throughout my research project how the marriage referendum has sparked a new wave of social movements and scholar activism in this country. In my research I found it interesting to highlight where both sides of the referendum have gathered their motivation to campaign for their beliefs and how the enacted this. As discussed, the ideologies behind the ‘YesEquality’ Campaign were focused around themes of human progression in society such as human equality, civil rights and a fairness in the eyes of the government. On the other hand the ‘Vote No’ Campaign constructed their campaign around religious ideologies formed by the Catholic church which still have a prominent role in Irish society today. The Church in Ireland plays a significant role in the country’s heritage and traditions and it comes as no surprise that the ‘Vote No’ has support from those raised in a strong religious background and members of the Iona Institute. From my investigation, I originally wished to have highlighted themes which have driven both campaigns in this referendum which I feel I have achieved by referencing journals based around themes of civil rights, mental health in the Irish LGBT community and the role of social movements/activism in society today. Perhaps the most influential ideology I came across in my investigation was as follows; to campaign for marriage equality a person does not need to be homosexual nor know a homosexual but to recognise injustices and inequalities in our modern society. This statement portrays a society based on equality where no bias or prejudices live and truly stands as a model for future societies in Ireland to base their lives around. Thus, this persuades us to believe that the marriage equality referendum will act as much more than a stand for human equality for LGBT communities at present but also the development of a fair and just society for all walks of life in a future Ireland.
  • 9. 9 6. Appendix Fieldwork: Thurdsay, April 2nd, 2015. Maynooth Student Union; Raising of the flag for equality outside MSU headquarters 11am: Crowd c. 100 people gather in the entrance of the students union building 11:05:Ben Finnegan (Student’s Union President) welcomes the crowd and discusses the reasons for the raising of the flag;  Ben refers to an offensive postcard which the SU had received from the ‘No Way is Ireland Gay’ campaign the Tuesday prior.  Credits the massive support for marriage equality throughout the student body.  Highlights that the flag does not only represent equality in same-sex marriages but in all walks of life where discrimination is present. 11:10: Introduces the president of the Pride Society to deliver a few words to the crowd  Explains how overwhelmed she is personally and on behalf of the Pride Soc. by the support of the student body and how the time is now for marriage equality in Ireland.  Refers to the postcard again and how this ignorant view must be dismissed.  Expresses her delight with the Pride Society being voted Maynooth’s Best Society for 2015 and how it is a step forward for equality. 11:15: Ben invites the crowd outside the SU to take a group picture for a local journalist and photographer. 11:20: With support from the Student’s Union Ops Team, Ben raises the flag for equality at the entrance of the Student’s Union building. Ben Finnegan raising the flag for equality (Bergin, 2015)
  • 10. 10 Survey: 100 Responses Q1. Q2. Q.3 Q4. If so, How? (See select responses on following page)
  • 11. 11 Q5. Q6. What are your thoughts about the upcoming referendum and how may the result affect society in Ireland? ( See select Responses on the following page) Q4. Responses: 1. ‘It would mean that friends and family members would now have the opportunity to get married to their partner’. 2. ‘If yes, my gay friends will be able to marry the person they love. If yes, the children of my gay friends will have the same legal relationship with their parents as my children will have with me and I and my friends have with our parents now’. 3. ‘My Friends and relatives won't be able to make decisions for themselves that I take for granted’. 4. ‘It will allow people in my family and many of my friends to marry the ones they love. And be treated equally in this society’. 5. ‘I’m gay and if my children or any family are gay I want them to be able to express their love for the person they love in this country and not have to move to express it’. 6. ‘I have plenty of gay friends and it would give them the same chance to be in a happy, loving relationship that will be recognised legally’. 7. ‘My friend will have the same rights as everyone else’. 8. ‘It will determine whether they can have the same legal rights as heterosexual married couples’. 9. ‘If it's voted no some of my friends had said she'll have to re plan her life and possibly move to another country where same sex marriage is possible!’. 10. ‘My family, friends and future children of the gay community can be a lot happier and less insecure’. 11. ‘It will affect friends and family and their ability to marry and obtain the same rights as heterosexuals’. 12. ‘They get equal rights to everyone else’. 13. ‘It allows the people close to me to marry and unite which gives them more rights if something were to happen to their loved one’. 14. ‘As it may bring in equality’. 15. ‘They will be able to marry and able to fully feel equal’.
  • 12. 12 16. ‘Equal rights’. 17. ‘It will change how myself and people close to me view the community’. 18. ‘It will grant me the rights I deserve as a human being’. 19. ‘My neighbours are gay and they have been together for 19 years and should be allowed to marry’. 20. ‘Personally, it will allow me to marry in the future. But mostly, right now, when marriage isn't on my mind since I'm twenty, it'll guarantee a status of equality for me within Ireland. It'll foster the normalisation of being LGBT in Ireland for generations to come’. Q6. Responses: 1. ‘I believe a yes vote will be a positive step into the future of the Irish society’. 2. ‘It will affect it, for the better. People need to realise that a no vote won't stop gay people raising children and growing old together, it will simply satisfy a human right- to marry the one they love’. 3. ‘It is a great thing that should of happened a long time ago, it will show that Ireland is moving forward with the times and no longer basing people's ability to get married around religion and the church also stigmas attached to peoples sexual preference should change as everyone will have the same opportunity to marry their loved ones so equal rights for all’. 4. ‘The result shouldn't effect society to much as its just a basic human right to love someone 5. I am yet to hear a reasonable argent from the no campaign, a successful yes campaign will lead to a broader discussion on civil rights, hopefully there will be a large youth turnout which will encourage the youth of Ireland to vote more frequently and take an active role in politics’. 6. ‘It annoys me that the no side are using children as a pathetic excuse to somehow convince people that voting no is better when it's not . Love is not gender specific so whether a child has two mams or two dads doesn't matter at all’. 7. ‘I think the "No" campaign are basing their views around the rights of the child saying children have a right to a mother and a father. Not only is this offensive to same sex couples but also to any single parent in the country. As long as a child grows up and flourishes, as lon as they are loved, educated and supported then it should not matter the family dynamic. It is time for reform in this country, I hope the Yes campaign wins!’. 8. ‘I believe the no campaigning is misleading, the posters say "surrogacy?" And "a child deserves its mother and father" does this mean single parents also do not deserve children? It is invalid against the campaigning of marriage equality. Society will be a better place in Ireland if the outcome is a majority yes vote, as every person deserves a basic human right of marriage’. 9. ‘There is no logic in voting no! A Yes vote will not affect the lives of those who want to vote No, but a No vote will completely affect the lives of many people by not allowing them the same basic rights as a straight person! A no vote will send a negative message to so many people young and old that society does not accept them for who they are’. 10. ‘I think if Ireland votes no in the referendum it shows the narrow mindedness of the country. More and more people are coming out and I think they deserve the same rights as any, to be happy and for them to have the say over whether they'd like to get married or not. Everyone deserves to be happy not just the so called 'normal' people’.
  • 13. 13 11. ‘It seems to be a very passion-fueled referendum in terms of how strongly both sides have been canvassing. Hopefully, with the amount of young people who seem to be behind Yes equality, the Yes vote will win and there'll be beneficial and exciting results for Irish society. If the no vote wins, I think there will be serious uproar and society will be negatively affected’. 12. ‘ I don’t think it will effect current society too much’. 13. ‘I think it's a little shameful in this day and age to have a vote on whether 2 people have a right to marry, it shouldn't affect anyone other in anyway but positive allowing 2 people to marry has no affect on society other than the fact 2 people who love each other can marry’. 14. ‘Only good things can come from a yes vote. Change needs to happen in order to move on with the times. A no vote will affect so many people's lives in such a tragic, right-stripping way. Everybody deserves to marry the person they love, be it same sex or not. It's not something that should even have to be voted on, it's just basic human rights that everyone should be entitled to, period’. 15. ‘To me it's a human rights issue and any human right should be supported. A no vote will just make the lives of the LGBTQ society slightly more difficult but it won't stop them from existing. I think a no vote will just increase the rallying and support for them. A "yes" vote will just prove Ireland is evolving into a more developed and rational nation and hopefully society will realise that’. 16. ‘It will be one step closer in making Ireland a truly inclusive and non-discriminative society, something that is needed on a global level and it will also be one step closer to the full equality that the LGBTQ community deserve’. 17. ‘I feel the upcoming referendum is chance to showcase what the next generation wants for the Irish society. I think that we have been swept under the rug of not being taken seriously enough. With this referendum, I hope that we are finally acknowledged by the government for our views’. Interview Questions 1. How do you feel about the upcoming marriage referendum and what are your arguments for or against the amendment? 2. How do you think the outcome of this referendum will shape the future society of Ireland? 3. Do you feel the Churches role in the governing of Ireland has become out-dated? 4. How will the outcome of the referendum affect your life(if any)? 5. What is your opinion of society in Ireland at present?
  • 14. 14 CONTENTS 1. Introduction........... 1.1 Aims & Objectives 2. Literature Review……… 2.1 Civil Society, Social Movements and Solidarity 2.2 Homosexuality in Ireland and The Marriage Equality Bill 3. Methodology & Methods.......... 3.1 Methodology 3.2 Methods 3.3 Interviews, Surveys and Focus Groups 4. Results & Analysis......... 5. Summary & Conclusion.......... 6. Appendix......... 7. Bibliography..........
  • 15. 15 BIBLIOGRAPHY Carlson, H. and Baxter, L. (1984). Androgyny, depression, and self-esteem in irish homosexual and heterosexual males and females. Sex Roles, 10(5-6). Chatterton, P. (2010) ACME: An International E-Journal for Critical Geographies, 2010, 9 (2), 245-275. (Accessed 20th April 2015) Available at: http://www.acme- journal.org/vol9/AGC10.pdf Drudy, P & Collins, L. (2011). Ireland from Boom to Austerity, Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society. 4. pp339-354. Oxford. Frank, A. and Fuentes, M. (1987). Nine Theses On Social Movements. Thesis Eleven, 18- 19(1), pp.143-165. Hearne, R. (2014) Democracy usurped: corporate takeover, community resistance and the movement for a New Republic. Paper for the People’s Forum 2014 ‘Community in A Corporate Imperium’. (Accessed 20th April 2015) Available at: https://2015.moodle.maynoothuniversity.ie/pluginfile.php/148308/mod_resource/content/1/F orPeoplesforum%20%281%29.pdf Held, J. (2009) Gay Marriage, Liberalism, and Recognition: The Case for Equal Treatment. Public Affairs Quarterly. 21.3 (Accessed online 2nd May 2015) Available at: http://www.academia.edu/265815/Gay_Marriage_Liberalism_and_Recognition_The_Case_f or_Equal_Treatment Journal.ie. (2015). Church still undecided if it will carry out civil ceremonies if referendum passes. (Accessed online 2nd May 2015) Available at: http://www.thejournal.ie/eamon- martin-same-sex-marriage-2083383-May2015/ Maycock, P. (2010). Supporting LGBT Lives. A study of the Mental Health and Well Being of LGBT People. Murphy, M. (2009). Irish Culture in the National Interest. (Accessed 20th April 2015) Available at: https://www.maynoothuniversity.ie/sites/default/files/assets/document/Irish_culture_in_the_n ational_interestMPMurphy_1.pdf Referendum Commission. (2015). Marriage Referendum. (Accessed Online 2nd May 215) Available at: refcom2015.ie/marriage/. Sammons, A. (2005). Psychlotron. (Accessed 10 April 201) Available at: http://www.psy.dmu.ac.uk/drhiles/P1010.htm. Takahashi, L. (2009). Activism. (Accessed online 20th April 2015) Available at: luskin.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/cv-pdfs/LOIS_CV.pdf
  • 16. 16 Yes Equality. (2015). The Campaign for Civil Marriage Equality. (Accessed Online 2nd April 2015) Available at: https://www.yesequality.ie/about-us/.