This senior capstone examines the Devadasi tradition found in parts of India, in which daughters are sometimes dedicated to Hindu temples. It outlines the relevant history, explores push and pull factors, examines the previous legislation aimed at eradicating this system, and proposes policy recommendations for the future.

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A System of Religious Prostitution: The Devadasi Tradition
Introduction:
The practice of dedicating daughters to Hindu temples for the Goddess is a trend that
remains prevalent throughout Southern India, despite the government formally criminalizing the
tradition in 1982. The girls dedicated as part of this tradition are called devadasis, which
translates to “slave of God” (Ramberg “Given to the Goddess,” 2014 p.3). As a result of this
practice continuing, the degradations of an outdated tradition persist and devadasis face futures
with limited socio-economic mobility, lessened autonomy, and the inevitable engagement in sex
work. As such, a reevaluation and reformation of social welfare programs, legislation, and its
enforcement is necessary. An increased engagement and commitment to end this system can only
be achieved with the cooperation of local communities, grassroots organizations, and the Indian
government. In undertaking this task, not only will the lives of those actively engaged in the
current system be improved, but future dedications can also be prevented and the overall rights
of Indian women improved.
MASS and Our Goals:
Mahila Abhivrudhi Mattu Samrakshana Smasthe (MASS) is an organization comprised
of former devadasis from the Belgaum District of Karnataka (“MASS Belgaum” 2016). As
members of MASS, we have a primary vested interest in eliminating the devadasi tradition and
the oppressions it spurs. For this reason we are appealing to you, the Indian government, to join
with us and help transform our communities in essential ways. The state of Karnataka is one of
the few remaining Indian states where the tradition continues to thrive (Black, 2007 p.2). As
stated on our website, our primary interests are to prevent the revival of the devadasi tradition, to
protect exploited and vulnerable women and children from various discriminations by creating a

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more conducive legal and social environment, provide greater access to support services, and to
create awareness among the public about such issues, all while working with agencies that
support similar interests (“MASS Belgaum” 2016).
As an organization, we believe that in order to most successfully achieve these goals, it is
essential to reexamine shortcomings of current legislation and social programs. In doing so, we
hope to work with various other organizations and the government in order to implement reforms
that will finally put an end to this oppressive system. For the purposes of this policy
recommendation, we strive to target Karnataka specifically, as this is the state in which the
system remains most prominent and the state in which our organization primarily operates. With
that in mind, our short-term goal is to eliminate the devadasi practice in Karnataka through
programs of empowerment, improved legislation, and community engagement. Our long-term
goal is to use the eventual progress in Karnataka as a model of change to implement in other
Indian states, continually learning and adapting in order to best meet the unique circumstances of
all affected states.
Policy Objectives:
This policy recommendation has four main objectives. It will first outline the relevant
history that has contributed to an evolution of the devadasi tradition, producing its modern form.
Next, it will explore this current form by outlining the push and pull factors that perpetuate this
system and the negative outcomes that result. Then, it will examine the previous legislation that
aimed to eradicate the system and analyze how the shortcomings of such legislation enabled the
tradition to continue. Finally, MASS will recommend that in order to end this system, grassroots
organizations and the Indian government work in conjunction to improve social welfare

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programs, reform legislation, and educate the community. In this section, potential objections
will also be addressed.
A History of the Devadasi Tradition:
In analyzing the devadasi system, as it exists in its current state, it is necessary to
understand the way complex historical and cultural underpinnings have influenced the system’s
evolution. Rooted in religious tradition, the devadasi system once existed under much more
reputable terms. There is significant debate surrounding the origins of this tradition. Some
sources argue that it emerged between the 6th and 9th centuries and that devadasis were first
referenced during the Keshari Dynasty (Shingal, 2015 p.109). Conversely, other scholars argue
that the tradition has existed in some form since 2500 B.C.E. (Sugden 2013).
Regardless of its inception, the tradition took a clear observable form sometime in its
early history, at which point consensus suggests that the dedicated women were viewed with
great respect, often treated as the Goddess herself (Ramberg “Given to the Goddess,” 2014 p.61).
During this early period, the main duties of devadasis included various temple duties like
learning classical Indian dances, cleaning devotional items, delivering prayers and food to Gods,
and performing at temple rituals (Lee, 2011 p.3). Because the roles of devadasis were associated
with sacred forms of worship, these women were viewed as ritually significant, allowing them to
occupy important social positions (Orchard, 2007 p.2380). As such, devadasis typically learned
to read and write—a privilege most Indian women were not afforded (Evans, 1998 p.25).
Additionally, it was not uncommon for devadasis to receive land or material wealth from
admirers, further providing them with more mobility than their peers (Nair, 1994 p.3159).
It is important to note that even during this early period there was a sexual element
involved with the devadasi tradition. The system’s primary importance was in relation to

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religious worship and practice, but the examples set by kings, priests, and wealthy landowners
helped solidify connections between devadasis, sex work, and “sacred eroticism.” However,
during this period sex work was far from the central role of devadasis and most women had only
one to two patrons in her entire lifetime (Orchard, 2007 p.2381). This is not meant to suggest that
the system has always been exploitative in unchanging ways. Rather, it was seen as a norm of
Indian culture before the imposition of British morals, values, and ideologies. It is with this that
the sexual element of temple worship became increasingly stigmatized (Ramberg “When the
Devi is your Husband,” 2011 p.43).
The role devadasis played in maintaining and transmitting Indian and Hindu culture
placed devadasis within a framework in which they achieved esteemed social status, irrespective
of the sometimes-sexual nature of their position. However, this reverence for devadasis began to
wane under colonial rule. This transformation occurred in two important ways. First, British
colonizers imposed a hierarchy that ultimately displaced rulers who were supportive of the
system. Secondly, because of a continuous period of British rule, Western conceptions of
morality were increasingly disseminated throughout Indian society, including notions of
sexuality (Shingal, 2015 pp.110-11). As such, the devadasi tradition became emblematic of the
“backwardness” of Indian society, despite the fact that British influence actually narrowed the
range of options available for progress and manufactured oppression that had not previously
existed (Sreenivas, 2011 p.3). The combination of these two processes led to the continued
marginalization, and thus exploitation of devadasis. As this transformation took place and the
tradition lost much of its prestige, it became increasingly and harmfully cemented in relation to
sex work. The changing landscape of the devadasi practice continued on a negative trajectory

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and ultimately resulted in legal initiatives to outlaw it entirely beginning in 1934 (Lalou, 1995
p.25).
The Modern Devadasi System:
Despite the proliferation of legislation banning the practice, today, the devadasi system
still thrives in parts of India, most particularly in Southern India. Though little scholarship exists
explaining the continued prominence of the tradition in the south and not the north, some
scholars suggest this geographical discrepancy parallels directly with the rise and fall of Hindu
temples. That is, temples were first destroyed by invaders who entered from the northwestern
borders of the country, leading to the decline in the status of temples quickly in Northern India
and slowly in Southern India (Chawla, 2002 p.17). Therefore, due to the relationship between
temples and devadasis, this temporary weakening in temple status is seen as directly correlative
to the decline in the devadasi system in the north.
Today, the states in which the tradition is most prominent include Maharashtra, Andhra
Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka (Dewey, Kelly, 2011 p.2). In Karnataka, according to
surveys carried out by the National Commission for Women, the devadasi practice currently
exists in 6 districts, including Raichur, Bijapur, Belgaum, Dharwad, Bellari and Gulbarga
(Chawla, 2002 p.48). The devadasi tradition has successfully ended in other parts of India, in
which it once flourished, demonstrating that the same is possible in Karnataka.
Though girls with physical or mental disabilities are often dedicated, there is one primary
motivator for daughter dedication: economic necessity. When British colonizers tactfully
proliferated the caste system in order to consolidate their own power, the devadasi system was
also set on a new course in which marginalized communities would come to comprise the
majority of the tradition. Devadasis invariably originate from lower social classes. Most notably,

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they are disproportionately represented by dalits and adivasis (Shingal, 2015 p.113). In the same
report from the National Commission for Women in India, it was estimated that “girls dedicated
to temples in the Maharashtra-Karnataka border area number over 250,000 and are all from the
dalit community of untouchables” (Devenddrappa, Hiremath, 2013 p.2).
Daughter dedication is one of the few viable alternatives for these marginalized groups
who already experience lesser socio-economic standing. Through this system, lower caste girls
as young as five or six, are “‘married’ to a Hindu Goddess and sexually exploited by temple
patrons and higher caste individuals” once reaching puberty (Shingal, 2015 p.108). Dedicating a
daughter to a temple is beneficial for families in that the income generated from the child
through sex work is often funneled back to the larger familial household. In this way, because the
value of daughters is often perceived to be low in India, daughter dedication functions as a way
of producing a “son” and unburdening oneself of a daughter. Devadasis are given the “structural
position and the social obligations of a son” in the natal family, which in many ways incentivizes
families to participate in the tradition in order to circumnavigate the perceived detriment of
having a daughter (Ramberg “Given to the Goddess,” 2014 p.185).
Dedication of girls usually occurs before puberty, which is itself problematic. As
devadasis, girls are expected to live a life of temple worship, dancing outside of temples and
participating in holiday festivals. Additionally, because they are considered to be “married” to
the Goddess, once dedicated these girls are unable to actually marry as adults. As such, they tend
to lack autonomy and almost all possibility for social mobility, beginning at a young age and
remaining socially binding for a lifetime. This, coupled with the fact that devadasis, once having
reached puberty, are expected to auction off their virginity and engage in sex work, creates a

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system of “religious prostitution” fraught with depravity that serves to institutionalize the
exploitation of women (Parthasarathy 2013).
Articles 34 and 35 of the Indian Convention of Rights of the Child calls for the state to
protect children from all forms of sexual exploitation and organized crime (Parthasarathy 2013).
Additionally, as defined in the United Nations Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of
Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery of 1956, the devadasi
tradition technically falls under the definition of slavery (Black, 2007 p.3). Article 1 (d) of this
convention prohibits “any institution or practice whereby a child or a young person under the age
of 18 is delivered by either or both of his natural parents or by his guardian to another person,
whether for reward or not, with a view to the exploitation of the child or young person” (“United
Nations,” 1956 p.1). Both of these precedents demonstrate that despite its failure, the Indian
government is legally responsible, on both a national and international level, to protect against
such practices as those which the devadasi system promotes: the exploitation, normalization, and
monetization of the sexuality of children.
Several other problematic trends are associated with this tradition, most of which result
from the lack of social mobility previously referenced. One such trend is the pattern of devadasis
often dedicating their own daughters to the tradition. Because of engagement with sex work,
devadasis often bear the offspring of their patrons, resulting in “illegitimate children” who lack
opportunities simply as a matter of circumstance (Lalou, 1995 p.30). In the report from the
National Commission for Women in India it was estimated that “95.2 % of these women have
children, and among those with children, more than 95% could not register the names of their
patrons in school admission records” (Devenddrappa, Hiremath, 2013 p.2). This problematizes
and lessens the opportunities afforded to children of devadasis, adding further strain on the

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matrilineal household. Facing social stigma, lacking their own social mobility, and receiving no
monetary help from the children’s fathers results in a trend where devadasis lack alternatives to
dedicating their own daughters—contributing to a hereditarily generational system that is
proliferated in increasingly complicated ways.
Another problematic result of this system is the fact that devadasis, once past the age of
sex work, are relegated to begging outside of temples in order to survive. Additionally, devadasis
experience higher rates of sexually transmitted diseases, most notably HIV and AIDS, as a result
of the nature of their work. The life expectancy of devadasis is lower than the country average,
and it is uncommon to find devadasis older than fifty (Gurav, Blanchard, 2013 p.31). According
to research published in the International Journal of STD & AIDS, devadasis experienced an
AIDS associated mortality rate 10 times higher than that of the national rate among women
(Becker et al., 2012 p.37). In this way, this system is not only socially oppressive but also
physically detrimental.
Past Policy:
The Devadasi system clearly still exists despite a history of legislation attempting to end
it. As mentioned previously, the first legal initiative to outlaw the tradition was proposed in
1934. The Bombay Devadasi Protection Act, which addressed Bombay specifically, made the
dedication of daughters illegal, made the marriage of ex-devadasis lawful, and legitimated the
status of children born to devadasis. Additionally, it outlined punitive action for those involved
in dedication, including a fine and/or imprisonment (“Bombay Devadasi Protection Act,” 1934
p.52). In 1947, with India gaining independence, the Madras Devadasi (Prevention of
Dedication) Act was passed into law. It reiterated the same points of the previous Bombay

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legislation, but applied specifically to what was, at the time, the Madras Province in Southern
India (now the state of Tamil Nadu). This law was considered an essential first step in the
dismantling of the devadasi system because it also contained a plan for “government
enfranchisement of the women’s temple lands,” but ultimately it proved ineffective in preventing
new dedication (Dewey, Kelly, 2011 pp.176-177).
Similar legislation was created in various other Indian states in the following years and in
1982, the Joint Women’s Program (JWP) launched a massive media campaign in order to create
awareness surrounding the devadasi plight (Dewey, Kelly, 2011 p.177). As a result of the
national and local press coverage of these issues, the state was pressured to pass new legislation,
with the JWP as the driving force. The resulting legislation was the most comprehensive to date:
the Karnataka Devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication) Act. This bill nullified the dedication of any
woman, legalized the marriage of woman previously dedicated, declared the children of such
unions legitimate and also made authorizing, participating or abetting dedication a crime
punishable by up to five years imprisonment and a fine of up to $1,180 (“Karnataka Devadasis
(Prohibition of Dedication) Act,” 1982 pp.1-6). Additionally, this bill importantly empowered
the state government to create rules of enforcement and also provided provisions for “the
women’s care, protection, and rehabilitation” (Dewey, Kelly, 2011 p.178). The 1982 legislation
also made dedication a crime against the state, which was previously not the case.
This legislation provided the framework for which the formal ban and criminalization
was reinforced nation-wide in 1988 (Devenddrappa, Hiremath 2, 2013 pp.89-97). With this
legislation, the temples began to publicly distance themselves from the devadasi plight, although
their support for the tradition continued to flourish behind closed doors in Karnataka. While this
legislation aptly eliminated the devadasi system in other Indian states, substantial change failed

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to reach the ground and the practice persevered, most especially in the southern Indian states and
even more specifically Karnataka.
Shortcomings of the Legislation:
It is important to examine the shortcomings of current legislation in order to understand,
and better address a total elimination of the system in the near future. One significant problem
with this legislation boils down to it’s actual enforcement. Though on paper there are harsh
punishments for participating in daughter dedication, the government has failed to enforce such
penalties, largely because it is logistically difficult to do and in other cases it is due to corruption
(LaLou, 1995 p.27). Additionally, lack of sustained efforts to modify or eliminate such systems
is a primary shortcoming. Note that the legislation has not been revisited for over 3 decades, and
therefore fails to account for the increased financial and social constraints fueling the system that
have been brought on by modernity and globalization.
This aside, the legislation, even in its prime, had significant failures that need to be
addressed moving forward. One such problem with the Karnataka Devadasis (Prohibition of
Dedication) Bill was the government’s assumption concerning the coverage of costs associated
with reform activities. It was assumed that the costs of the undertakings would be offset by the
revenue generated from the fines imposed on guilty parties. However, the opposite actually
occurred. Rather than the capital being reinvested in the rehabilitation of devadasis, the main
beneficiaries of the reforms were the corrupt officials initially tasked with “helping” these
women (i.e. police, religious leaders). The monetary extortion that resulted only perpetuated
economic and sexual black markets (Dewey, Kelly, 2011 p. 179). This exploitation made
reforms ineffective and failed to offer long-term sustainable alternatives to sex work.

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Additionally, those rehabilitation schemes and social welfare programs which were
formulated and enacted by the Department of Women and Child Welfare themselves possessed
flaws. The programs in Karnataka for ex-devadasis offer 400 rupees ($7.25) a month as a
“pension,” but local NGOs stress that this amount is grossly insufficient, and therefore not
enough to deter women from continuing as devadasis (Dewey, Kelly, 2011 p.178). Another issue
is that devadasis have reported difficulty accessing social and medical programs to which they
are entitled because of the social stigma attached to their identity. In order for devadasis to
access these programs they have to make their status as devadasi apparent, exposing them to
increased discrimination. For instance, some devadasis report “being kept at the end of the line”
and believing they were entitled to lesser pensions than the official amount (Black, 2007 pp.5,
29). The incorrect belief about pension allotment is either a result of inadequate education
concerning their rights or suggests that officials are pocketing pension money, providing further
evidence of corruption. This point highlights another major shortcoming of the legislated social
welfare programs: devadasis are often unaware of such programs, essentially rendering them
useless (Devendrappa, Hiremath, 2013 p.4).
Contemporary Efforts to End the Tradition:
In order to combat the failures discussed above, in recent years, renewed effort has
emerged separate of the government in an attempt to find alternative solutions for ending this
system. For instance, a voluntary organization called Vimochana has sponsored 1,024 children
from Karnataka, offering them access to an education at the Kannada Medium Residential
School and Residential High School—schools solely for devadasi children (Dewey, Kelly, 2011
p.179). Despite some concern that such services increase devadasi dependence on charity, the

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school has largely been considered operative. This school demonstrates that such systems are
successfully in place and are simply lacking awareness and replication.
An additional initiative in Karnataka is “awareness camps.” These camps are designed to
inform people of the hazards of the tradition. However, those who are tasked with spreading such
awareness, when interviewed, naively associated the “badness” of the tradition with superstitions
rather than pragmatism (Dewey, Kelly, 2011 p.181). Once again, this type of initiative illustrates
an important model needed to end this tradition, despite its failure in its current state.
Policy Recommendations:
Moving forward, it becomes increasingly important to end this tradition in Karnataka,
and ultimately India as a whole. In order to do so, we must learn from the mistakes of past
efforts, and embrace an originative approach. Clearly this problem is economically, legally, and
socially embedded, and as such, future policy should aim to address each of these factors.
Any effective policy must address the economics of the devadasi plight. As mentioned
above, ethnographic research has revealed that the “pensions” afforded to devadasis inadequately
provide for living expenses. Additionally, such pensions run the risk of just shifting dependence
on sex-work generated income, to a new reliance on state provided income. As such, we propose
programs that offer education, employment training, and microfinance opportunity. Through
these programs, various classes will be made available for adult devadasis, including education
on fiscal responsibility, business and work-force training. Providing devadasis with employment
training and microfinance programs would better equip them with the necessary skills for
earning a living for themselves and their children in a sustainable and self-empowering way. In
doing so, the generational component of this tradition is also positively disrupted.

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As for the adolescent devadasis, education will be made available, much like the
Kannada Medium Residential Schools mentioned above. These two schools have been successful
in removing young girls from the devadasi tradition through providing increased opportunities
that result from education. We recommend expanding these schools on a larger scale, initially
opening one in each of the Karnatakan districts that still house the devadasis. Because of the
social stigma mentioned earlier surrounding devadasis, and the lack of proper documentation of
their lineage, it is important that these schools be solely for devadasis so that they do not face
increased discrimination. As these schools prove more and more successful, it is our belief that
attitudes concerning daughters as financially burdensome will also be shifted. As these girls gain
education and go on to work, parents will realize that through education girls can be just as
profitable for natal families. It is absolutely essential that devadasis are made aware of both of
the social programs mentioned above. This will be done through increased ground work by
NGO’s, actively engaging with devadasis and educating them on such programs.
Additionally, such programs are essential if our aim is to ultimately eliminate the
devadasi tradition. If a system, which currently affects substantial numbers of women and their
families, is going to be eliminated there must be other systems in place that are able to offer
alternative forms of income. For this reason alone, having income generating schemes in place is
necessary for short-term and long-term policy.
It is also necessary to implement policy which addresses current legislative shortcomings.
The most recent legislation in place is both outdated and ineffective and therefore needs to be
reformed. As mentioned above, one major issue is the actual enforcement of policy on the
ground. Whether it is a result of corruption or inadequate resources, government agencies have
failed to appropriately respond to and discipline offenders. In order to change this, future

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legislation should require that non-governmental organizations and the government work in
conjunction to recognize and penalize the continuation of such practices. It is not enough to have
legislation on paper, these policies must be implemented on the ground through a self-reflective
process of adaptation.
Previous initiatives targeting the devadasi tradition have historically been led by various
women’s groups, NGO’s, and voluntary organizations (Dewey, Kelly, 2011 p.176). The
organization of such groups has been successful in spurring legislation and implementing
programs of change. For this reason, we believe organizations such as our own, and others, must
play an increased role. Non-governmental organizations, like MASS, have more centralized
ambitions than the government, whose tasked with an overwhelming range of issues to amend. In
this way, NGO’s have an increased ability to focus on a particular issue, and monitor it on a
grassroots level. Because such organizations have a vested interest in ending the devadasi
system, they are also less prone to corruption. For these reasons, legislation would be better
enforced if NGO’s were providing the initial reconnaissance and the government was tasked
with focussing on the legal enforcement and prosecution of offenders identified by NGO’s. It is
also important to be self-reflective, and willing to adapt in order to best combat the system under
its unique contexts as we learn more about the challenges we face.
Our last policy recommendation targets the social element of this problem. That is, one
major issues has been community misunderstandings concerning this tradition and the threat it
poses. In order to gain support for the elimination of this system, active engagement and support
of local communities is necessary. As mentioned above, current “awareness camps” do not work
because of the false understandings of those operating them. The notion that this tradition is bad
for superstitious reasons neglects to address the violation of fundamental human rights, sexual

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exploitation, and degradation that results from the devadasi system. For this reason, we
recommend community education courses, which are to be directed by NGO’s like MASS. It is
important to have these programs run by NGO’s because these organizations truly understand the
human costs of this tradition and will not disseminate misinformation.
Community education will inform the local population about the negative effects of
daughter dedication, including the role this system plays in suppressing the value of women in
the larger society. As community members have increased education about devadasis,
discriminatory beliefs that surround this tradition can be eroded. This education will include
active participation by ex and current devadasis, who can put a face to these degradations, and
most effectively articulate the negative ways in which their lives have been impacted. Former
devadasis, including those who work with MASS, have historically been willing to participate in
community engagement, thereby setting a precedent for such involvement, despite social stigma.
These programs will promote an environment of understanding and empathy that can also work
preventatively. As community members enhance their understandings of the devadasi system,
they are more likely to personally object and intervene if they see it being perpetuated. In this
way, with time, there will be an increased stigma attached to those who want to dedicate a
daughter, rather than the devadasis themselves, thereby making it less likely parents would try to
participate in this diminishing tradition.
Potential Objections:
These policy changes, combined, will correct the failures of the current system, and
ultimately shift the structure on which this tradition relies in positive ways. However, there are
potential objections which may be raised. We expect that some will argue that the policy
recommended to address the economics does not go far enough. That is, the proposed policy

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does not directly tackle the larger issue at hand: families using the devadasi tradition as a means
of unburdening themselves of daughters due to economic strain. While we acknowledge that
such programs would not address the larger structural oppression or systemic issues of the
unequal economic hardship amongst lower castes that drives and motivates daughter dedication,
it does intervene in other economic drivers in essential ways. The inequalities that perpetuate this
tradition also need addressing. However, these are part of a larger system that drives numerous
other discriminatory practices, and as such, they extend beyond the scope of what we are capable
of changing in the immediate future and will require a concerted effort from a broader spectrum
of organizations.
Additionally, there have been instances in which various devadasis spoke of the tradition
as “empowering” (Ramberg “Given to the Goddess,” 2014 p.42). This sense of empowerment
was attributed to the freedom of not having a husband and being able to allocate their earnings
towards their own choosings. Furthermore, devadasis transmit important religious culture. Under
these circumstances then, why not let these women continue to live within this system?
Comprised of former devadasis, MASS acknowledges and understands that the experiences of
devadasis are extremely diversified. But, while this system may be empowering for some
women, it is destructive for most. The vast majority of the time, it is young girls who are
dedicated, lacking the consent to enter into a system that alters the trajectory of their existence
lifelong. We must keep this at the forefront of this debate and not forget: no child or women
should be relegated to a life sentence of inescapable inequity. For this reason, while this system
may empower some and serve some function, this is not enough justification to allow it to
persevere.
Concluding Remarks:

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The devadasi tradition has experienced immense fluidity throughout its history. However,
in the age of modernity it no longer serves the same purpose it once did. Rather, it primarily
serves as a system of discrimination, justified through religion. As such, it is necessary that
Karnataka and Southern India, more broadly, follow suit of other Indian states, and end the
tradition once and for all.
Though it will not be easy, through an implementation of targeted policy, substantial
change can begin. This will begin through the implementation of programs, which provide
devadasis with job training, access to microfinance, and increased education. The government
must reform legislation, mandating increased cooperation between government agencies and
NGO’s in order to enforce penalties for those who engage in this practice. Lastly, it is essential
that the community be further educated on the actuality of this system through classes. These
approaches promote increased involvement and cooperation between the government, NGO’s
and society at large.
The devadasi system is a degradation of both childhood and womanhood, which violates
both domestic and international law. Allowing it to continue only serves to perpetuate a cycle of
patriarchy and systemic oppression. The crossroads of religion, poverty, and societal norms that
influence this tradition create an intersectionality that further complicates combatting the system,
but it is possible (Shingal, 2015 p.108). So long as such traditions persevere, notions that the
value of a daughter's life are less than that of a son’s will continue to be confirmed in practice.
Therefore, an eradication of this system is an important step in improving the overall rights of
women in India, which in turn will improve Indian society as a whole.

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