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The particle in today: its use and
function in Ixquihuacán Nahuatl
Mitsuya SASAKI
University of Tokyo, JSPS research fellow
Northeastern Nahuatl Conference 2014
May 9, 2014 at Yale University
1
Abstract
(I)n is used systematically in Ixquihuacán
Nahuatl, just like a definite article
– Information structure
– Semantic type of the host NPs
Still, it retains its original status as an
adjunctor / subordinator
2
Particle in in Nahuatl
Classical Nahuatl
In īc cē capítulo īntechpa tlahtoa in oc cencah
tlapanahuiah tēteoh in quinmoteōtiāyah īhuān in
quintlamaniliāyan in ye huehcāuh.
(Florentine Codex I, 1)
3
What exactly does in mean?
“... [T]he particle in is an adjunctor, NOT a
determiner. ... Adjunction in Nahuatl can be
marked or not ...”
(Andrews 2003:40–41)
“A noun complex preceded by in is somewhat
more likely to refer to a specific thing or being, a
noun without it to be indefinite.”
(Lockhart 2001:60)
4
In in Classical Nahuatl
A “subordinator” (Lockhart) or
“adjunctor” (Andrews)
Likely to correspond to specificity or
givenness, but only incompletely
5
San Francisco Ixquihuacán
San Francisco Ixquihuacán
– Municipality of Ahuacatlán, Puebla
– 3,500 inhabitants (mostly Nahuatl speakers)
6
Municipality
of Ahuacatlán
State of Puebla
Ixquihuacán Nahuatl
A variant of Zacatlán–Ahuacatlán–Tepetzintla
Nahuatl (ISO 639-3: nhi)
More innovative than the neighboring dialects
7
Dialectological features of
Ixquihuacán Nahuatl
Simple past ō- vs. perfective yō-
Systematic use of -tok (progressive)
Decline of honorifics
Systematic use of the particle (i)n
etc.
8
Particle (i)n in Ixquihuacán
Realizes as in / C_C, but:
– Word-final Vh becomes a simple V
– Word-final Vn becomes Ṽ (a nasal vowel)
Realizes as n elsewhere
– Usually procliticizes to a following word
9
(I)n vs. sē
(5a) witsis in bāsoh
“The glass will fall.”
(5b) witsis sē bāsoh
“A glass will fall.”
(6a) n Guadalupe kikwās in nakatl de kaxtīl
“Guadalupe will eat chicken meat.”
(6b) n Guadalupe kikwās sē nakatl de kaxtīl
“Guadalupe will eat a [cut of] chicken meat.”
10
Obligatoriness
(9) n tichalōtl kikwa n būitl
“A/the squirrel bites a/the tree.”
(10) yōkalakeh n itskwimeh
“Dogs came in.”
11
Obligatoriness (2)
(11) n īchã (*n) Japón
“His home is in Japan.”
(12) kipixtok (*in) pistōlah
“He/she has a pistol.”
12
Obligatoriness (3)
(13a) niktlatiwīs in tlahsōl.
“I will throw garbage away.”
(13b) niktlatiwīs tlahsōl.
“I discharge garbage from my body.”
13
Absence is (i)n in predicates
(15a) bēx dies in tokambioh?
“Is our change ten pesos?”
(15b) bēx in dies tokambioh?
“Is this ten-peso coin our change?”
(15c) ? bēx in dies in tokambioh?
14
Absence is (i)n in predicates (2)
(16a) n tichalōtl kikwa n būitl
“A/the squirrel bites a/the tree.”
(16b) n tichalōtl kikwa būitl
“A squirrel eats a tree as its staple food.”
15
Discourse function of (i)n
(17a) n Luis kiniki kafēn
“Luis wants coffee.”
(17b) n Luis kiniki n kafēn
“Luis wants the coffee.”
16
Discourse function of (i)n (2)
(18) n īchã (*n) Japón
“His home is in Japan.”
(19) kipixtok (*in) pistōlah
“He/she has a pistol.”
17
Discourse function of (i)n (3)
(20a) niās sakatlã īka kombih
“I will go to Zacatlán by combi.”
(20b) niās sakatlã īka n kombih
“I will go to Zacatlán in the combi.”
18
Discourse function of (i)n (4)
(22) nikniki (*n) gasolīnah
“I want gasoline.”
(24) tikwīkas in gasolīnah ītich (in) kārroh?
“Will you carry the gasoline by car?”
“Will you carry the gasoline in the car?”
19
Semantic type and (i)n
Person names (or more generally,
expressions of “type e”) consistently have
(i)n even in focus / new information
20
Semantic type and (i)n (2)
(25) āmo tikitstok n Elías?
“Haven’t you seen Elías?”
(26) n Elías? āxah āmo nikitstok
“Elías? No, I haven’t seen him today.”
21
Semantic type and (i)n (3)
(29) wan ōehkok n īprīmoh
“Then his/her cousin arrived.”
22
Semantic type and (i)n (4)
Demonstratives nīn “this” and nōn “that”
– Combinations of the particle (i)n and the stem
īn/ōn ?
– cf. Classical inīn/inōn
23
Type-e expressions in focus
Type-e expressions consistently have (i)n
But a predicate cannot have (i)n
What happens when a person name
appears in the focus position?
24
Type-e expressions in focus (2)
(30) āki nōn ōahsik achtõ, yēn (< yeh n)
Dulce o yēn Ebelardo?
“Who arrived first, Dulce or Ebelardo?”
25
Type-e expressions in focus (3)
Classical Nahuatl
in tēuctli yehhuātl in Pedro
26
Type-e expressions in focus: summary
Given / non-focus New / focus
Ordinary nominals (i)n No marking
Person names (i)n yeh (i)n
27
Conclusion: the particle (i)n in
Ixquihuacán Nahuatl
In Ixquihuacán Nahuatl, (i)n is used in a
systematic and elegant way to build a
sentence or discourse
(I)n today is quite article-like, but it
retains its original status as a subordinator
28
¡Tlasohkāmati!
¡Muchas gracias!
29

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The particle IN today: its use and function in Ixquihuacán Nahuatl

  • 1. The particle in today: its use and function in Ixquihuacán Nahuatl Mitsuya SASAKI University of Tokyo, JSPS research fellow Northeastern Nahuatl Conference 2014 May 9, 2014 at Yale University 1
  • 2. Abstract (I)n is used systematically in Ixquihuacán Nahuatl, just like a definite article – Information structure – Semantic type of the host NPs Still, it retains its original status as an adjunctor / subordinator 2
  • 3. Particle in in Nahuatl Classical Nahuatl In īc cē capítulo īntechpa tlahtoa in oc cencah tlapanahuiah tēteoh in quinmoteōtiāyah īhuān in quintlamaniliāyan in ye huehcāuh. (Florentine Codex I, 1) 3
  • 4. What exactly does in mean? “... [T]he particle in is an adjunctor, NOT a determiner. ... Adjunction in Nahuatl can be marked or not ...” (Andrews 2003:40–41) “A noun complex preceded by in is somewhat more likely to refer to a specific thing or being, a noun without it to be indefinite.” (Lockhart 2001:60) 4
  • 5. In in Classical Nahuatl A “subordinator” (Lockhart) or “adjunctor” (Andrews) Likely to correspond to specificity or givenness, but only incompletely 5
  • 6. San Francisco Ixquihuacán San Francisco Ixquihuacán – Municipality of Ahuacatlán, Puebla – 3,500 inhabitants (mostly Nahuatl speakers) 6 Municipality of Ahuacatlán State of Puebla
  • 7. Ixquihuacán Nahuatl A variant of Zacatlán–Ahuacatlán–Tepetzintla Nahuatl (ISO 639-3: nhi) More innovative than the neighboring dialects 7
  • 8. Dialectological features of Ixquihuacán Nahuatl Simple past ō- vs. perfective yō- Systematic use of -tok (progressive) Decline of honorifics Systematic use of the particle (i)n etc. 8
  • 9. Particle (i)n in Ixquihuacán Realizes as in / C_C, but: – Word-final Vh becomes a simple V – Word-final Vn becomes Ṽ (a nasal vowel) Realizes as n elsewhere – Usually procliticizes to a following word 9
  • 10. (I)n vs. sē (5a) witsis in bāsoh “The glass will fall.” (5b) witsis sē bāsoh “A glass will fall.” (6a) n Guadalupe kikwās in nakatl de kaxtīl “Guadalupe will eat chicken meat.” (6b) n Guadalupe kikwās sē nakatl de kaxtīl “Guadalupe will eat a [cut of] chicken meat.” 10
  • 11. Obligatoriness (9) n tichalōtl kikwa n būitl “A/the squirrel bites a/the tree.” (10) yōkalakeh n itskwimeh “Dogs came in.” 11
  • 12. Obligatoriness (2) (11) n īchã (*n) Japón “His home is in Japan.” (12) kipixtok (*in) pistōlah “He/she has a pistol.” 12
  • 13. Obligatoriness (3) (13a) niktlatiwīs in tlahsōl. “I will throw garbage away.” (13b) niktlatiwīs tlahsōl. “I discharge garbage from my body.” 13
  • 14. Absence is (i)n in predicates (15a) bēx dies in tokambioh? “Is our change ten pesos?” (15b) bēx in dies tokambioh? “Is this ten-peso coin our change?” (15c) ? bēx in dies in tokambioh? 14
  • 15. Absence is (i)n in predicates (2) (16a) n tichalōtl kikwa n būitl “A/the squirrel bites a/the tree.” (16b) n tichalōtl kikwa būitl “A squirrel eats a tree as its staple food.” 15
  • 16. Discourse function of (i)n (17a) n Luis kiniki kafēn “Luis wants coffee.” (17b) n Luis kiniki n kafēn “Luis wants the coffee.” 16
  • 17. Discourse function of (i)n (2) (18) n īchã (*n) Japón “His home is in Japan.” (19) kipixtok (*in) pistōlah “He/she has a pistol.” 17
  • 18. Discourse function of (i)n (3) (20a) niās sakatlã īka kombih “I will go to Zacatlán by combi.” (20b) niās sakatlã īka n kombih “I will go to Zacatlán in the combi.” 18
  • 19. Discourse function of (i)n (4) (22) nikniki (*n) gasolīnah “I want gasoline.” (24) tikwīkas in gasolīnah ītich (in) kārroh? “Will you carry the gasoline by car?” “Will you carry the gasoline in the car?” 19
  • 20. Semantic type and (i)n Person names (or more generally, expressions of “type e”) consistently have (i)n even in focus / new information 20
  • 21. Semantic type and (i)n (2) (25) āmo tikitstok n Elías? “Haven’t you seen Elías?” (26) n Elías? āxah āmo nikitstok “Elías? No, I haven’t seen him today.” 21
  • 22. Semantic type and (i)n (3) (29) wan ōehkok n īprīmoh “Then his/her cousin arrived.” 22
  • 23. Semantic type and (i)n (4) Demonstratives nīn “this” and nōn “that” – Combinations of the particle (i)n and the stem īn/ōn ? – cf. Classical inīn/inōn 23
  • 24. Type-e expressions in focus Type-e expressions consistently have (i)n But a predicate cannot have (i)n What happens when a person name appears in the focus position? 24
  • 25. Type-e expressions in focus (2) (30) āki nōn ōahsik achtõ, yēn (< yeh n) Dulce o yēn Ebelardo? “Who arrived first, Dulce or Ebelardo?” 25
  • 26. Type-e expressions in focus (3) Classical Nahuatl in tēuctli yehhuātl in Pedro 26
  • 27. Type-e expressions in focus: summary Given / non-focus New / focus Ordinary nominals (i)n No marking Person names (i)n yeh (i)n 27
  • 28. Conclusion: the particle (i)n in Ixquihuacán Nahuatl In Ixquihuacán Nahuatl, (i)n is used in a systematic and elegant way to build a sentence or discourse (I)n today is quite article-like, but it retains its original status as a subordinator 28