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JOE GYURKO
Joe Gyurko was a union man. His whole life was dedicated to the fight for
social justice for all working people. His own words best show what he was
about, and Ruth Needleman of IUN and I have interviewed him a number of
times. I worked with Joe for many years at Local 1010 of the United
Steelworkers of America (USWA). He was a mentor to me. A real leader,
who walked the walk. Like the fabled Joe Hill, Joe never seemed to miss a
picket line or a demonstration. If there was a fight for people’s rights, Joe
was in it.
I met Joe and his wife Mary in 1970. I was a young radical "Independent
Democrat" running for City Council in Hessville. I was for open housing.
Not knowing the Gyurkos at all, I went to the house to meet them and ask
for their support.
The very first question they asked me was how I stood on open
housing! I thought, oh boy, I sure hope I'm not in the wrong place!
Well, I confessed I was for open housing, and the rest is history. Your
father walked the precinct door to door for our campaign, I joined the
Rank & File and Joe and Mary became an inspiration to me.
Born in Chicago in 1919, the same year as the Great Steel Strike, Joe
Gyurko embodied the labor struggle for justice and equality. He dedicated
his life to fighting for workers’ rights, from his first day in the steel mill to
his final years as an active SOAR member and president of his local chapter
(Steelworkers Organization of Active Retirees).
Joe Gyurko was a first generation Midwesterner. His father was an
immigrant from Hungary, and one of many who walked the picket lines at
1
US Steel South Works during the 1919 steel strike. His mother emigrated in
1912 also from Hungary.
Joe grew up in the 1920s in Chicago and was in high school for most of the
Depression years, 1934-1938. While still in school, he worked at Goldblatt’s
but got fired for refusing to work for free on Sundays—even that early in his
life. Goldblatt’s had workers come in Sundays to do inventory but never
paid them. Joe refused and ended up in court testifying against the company.
The books proved he had not been paid for Sunday work but he got fired
anyway—Joe’s first lesson in how the system works against workers!
In 1923 the Gyurkos built a house in Hammond, where the family remained.
The bank almost took it back during the Great Depression. Joe went to
Hammond Tech. The ’37 graduating class all got jobs but when Joe
graduated in ‘38 there was nothing—except another depression. He finally
got hired into a steel mill in ‘39. He worked 4 days at Youngstown Sheet
and Tube, but there was not enough work to hold him, and Inland had called
him. “Inland called me and goodbye!” is the way Joe Gyurko put it.
Gyurko recalled his first day in the mill. “When I walked in my first day, it
was the pipe mill at Youngstown, it was filthy dirty, gassy, the ovens where
they heated the bars
 the flames were just shooting out. All the gas, just
coming out, and crazy cranemen would take the racks right over your head.”
He was relieved to hire in at Inland, where he went into the Tin Mill. Joe’s
first job was “packing tin.”
2
Before his first month was over, Joe was wearing the November union
button of the Steelworkers’ Lodge 1010. “I wasn’t even in the mill 30 days.”
“You paid your dues every month and you got a different color button,” Joe
explained in an interview. “I think that one was orange and black.” From
1939 on, Joe held union positions, from dues steward to griever to chairman
of the Grievance Committee, in many ways the most important job in the
union local. As a retiree he served as president of his local’s SOAR chapter.
Joe’s wife Mary Obradovich was a woman union activist as well. Mary was
one of a small group of women WWII workers who took an active lead in
the union. She was the 1st woman to hold office in Local 1010. They were
married for 53 yrs
Joe Gyurko moved around the mill for a while, but then spent most of his
shop-floor days in the Open Hearth as an electrician and a union
representative. Joe led and participated in a number of wildcat strikes in the
1940’s. Joe was a union man every minute of his life; he fought Inland to
win seniority rights for every worker, and forced the company to abide by
the contract. During the forties his efforts opened decent jobs for minorities
in the open hearth, especially Mexican and Puerto Rican workers. He even
took on his union brothers in the fight for equality; he challenged established
sequences set up to exclude minority workers.
Due to his persistence, the jobs became integrated. Gyurko was one of the
first rank and file steelworkers to support plantwide seniority. As a result of
his support for minorities, the white workers in his department un-elected
Joe, but integrity and equality were more important to him than looking out
for himself. When Inland bought the Lincoln Hotel in the late forties to
3
house Puerto Rican workers brought in under “Operation Bootstraps,” Joe
found out that the Company was deducting room, board and more from their
paychecks. He would take the workers with their pay stubs and deductions
to demand their pay. “They were padding all the bills, putting bricks and
stuff on there, and charging them triple what anything cost. I got them their
money back.” Joe was a 24-hour union rep. “I remember one day the walls
were shaking, I was hollering so much. When I came out of there, the
company agreed with me on everything,” he remembered.
When the new Open Hearth opened in the early fifties, Joe Gyurko
transferred there and had to fight the battle all over again to get minorities
into the cranes and out of the pits. In Joe’s words, “the shovel in the open
hearth didn’t know the difference between English and Spanish.” In the end,
Inland workers recognized that Joe could not be bought or turned against his
union values and ideals, and they re-elected him repeatedly.
Joe Gyurko was proud of his local’s reputation. It was known in the past as
“the red local” for its militancy. “We were, I think, the most outspoken local
in the whole industry,” noted Gyurko. “Everybody looked to us for what we
were doing, and then they followed.” Joe campaigned door to door for
Progressive Party presidential candidate Henry Wallace in 1948, as he did
for many progressives. To the end, Joe walked the walk. Joe also recalled
the House Un-American Activities Committee’s hearings in Gary in the late
fifties. Activists from the local were being harassed during the McCarthy
period. “They were public hearings,” Joe said. “I know I was there.” Right
after the Hearings Joe was un-elected again, but then workers put him back
in office.
4
During the fifties, according to Joe, the union leadership changed, and after
financial misappropriations, it went into administratorship. “The main issue
was fighting the company, not putting more restrictions on the membership,”
explained Joe. During this period, the union was discouraging rank and file
activism.
Joe’s caucus, the “Rank and File,” never stopped mobilizing the members,
however, and by the sixties, Joe and others were back in office.
Joe was a member of the Rank & File Caucus of Local 1010 until his
retirement, serving on its steering committee and as Treasurer for many
years.
Joe felt that the union really changed once it started paying people to do
union work. “If you’re doing it for nothing,” he pointed out, “you’re doing it
because you know it’s the right thing to do, and you want to do it because
it’s helping the membership. You start paying for the work, then that’s a
question, ‘are you doin’ it for the money?’ It used to burn me up, when the
first thing you hear from somebody who wants to run for office, ‘how much
does it pay?’ Then you know, scratch that one off!”
Joe expressed concern for the future of the union, as the company got more
sophisticated. “You know as the unions got stronger, the company did too.
They started putting on more people in more departments. I’ve heard it said,
throw the damn contract out and settle things on a day-to-day basis right on
the shop floor! You’d be better off. When we had a gripe, we got the gang
together and went up and saw the superintendent.
 Today you get a bunch
of letters. ..When I was griever in #1 open hearth, I’d put the word out—I
got a meeting with the superintendent, all you guys gotta be there.”
5
In those days, Joe added, “the people were more involved. They felt they did
something toward their own end. It was a victory for them as well as the
griever, because they got to go into the office and confront the
superintendent. I did that in the mold foundry. I called for a meeting on
safety. I says I want all you guys up in the office. Close to 100 came up
 A
group of people carries more weight than the best union representatives.”
Joe resented how bureaucratic the grievance procedure became because it
left out the workers on the shop floor. “I kept preaching at negotiations,” Joe
remembered, “settle the damn grievances on the ground floor
You get a
group of workers in there, and that’s what they’re scared of.”
To anybody active in the labor movement today I’d say, try to be like Joe
Gyurko, and you’ll be among the truly great.
Joe helped elect the first African American president of Local 1010 USWA,
William Bill Andrews who served 3 terms.
He supported and worked for the campaigns of Ed Sadlowski for USWA
president and Jim Balanoff, USWA District 31 Director.
Joe was a founder of the first Environmental Committee in the USWA at
local 1010 in 1972. He worked tirelessly for environmental and safe-energy
causes.
Joe Gyurko made a big difference for workers in his lifetime. He improved
working conditions, raised wages and forced the company to provide equal
treatment and some justice in the workplace. Most of all, he emphasized, “I
knew who the enemy was. I instilled in the people
you got to always fight
them. The company tries to lull you to sleep.” Long after retirement, Joe
recounted that he’d wake up in the middle of the night thinking if he should
have done anything differently. “Sometimes I think of things that should
6
have been addressed and never got addressed, time you kept your mouth
shut and you shouldn’t have.” What counted were principles. “You got your
principles, and you think you’re right, stick to them. Win or lose.” One
question he had as he watched the layoffs and downsizing in the 1980s, “I
could never figure out why the hell didn’t they do what they did in the
thirties?” His remedy for the situation was simple: “Massive education
program. It has start all the way from the bottom to the top. You got to get
them when they’re kids, in high school.”
“There’s not enough emphasis on where we’ve been, what it took to get to
where we are today, and how we’d get it.” Joe Gyurko walked that tough
path from the union’s beginning. He never stopped fighting, never shut his
mouth, and always brought all the rank and file workers along with him. He
was the best union man I ever knew.
We miss him.
7
Personal Tribute to Joe
Ruth Needleman
I had only been in NW Indiana 2 months when I met Joe. I sat down next to
him on a USW 1010 bus headed to DC for Solidarity Day, 1981. The more
he talked, and Joe could talk, the more I felt I had landed in the right place,
coming here. What an outspoken, down-to-earth, dedicated grass-roots
unionist! It didn’t take long for me to realize he was one of kind.
Joe believed in a union run by the rank and file. He wanted to settle every
grievance by calling a hundred guys into the superintendent’s office, using
power where the union had it, right there on the shop floor. He stood for the
principles that made unions strong: solidarity, equality and fairness, and he
made his choices based on his principles, not his own self-interest. He
fought discrimination in the mill and the community, integrating jobs,
sequences, departments, restaurants and movie theaters, at the expense, mind
you, of being re-elected. “Win or lose,” he told me, “you got to do what’s
best for the workers.” He lost a number of elections because of stands he
took, but he won even more because of his principles.
Joe used to come to my labor studies classes to talk with the younger
generation of workers. He always had time to mentor those coming up
behind him. He wanted everyone to love the union the way he did,
unconditionally with passion, despite all its shortcomings or even betrayals.
His stories about the early days as a dues steward, catching the guys trying
to climb over the fence without paying, and as a union negotiator “hollering
‘til the walls shook.” He painted a vision of what the union had been and
what it should be. Democracy didn’t scare him. Education didn’t scare him.
8
He never coveted his union position; he took it as a 24-7 responsibility to
bring justice into the workplace.
I remember all those freezing cold Saturday mornings down on rt. 30,
leafleting for Bridgestone-Firestone workers. Joe, in his late seventies, was
always there, with Johnnie Mayerik, first president of 1014, who was in his
late eighties. All kinds of leaders had excuses for not showing up, or leaving
early. Not Joe. He was Mr. Reliable.
I told my classes this week about Joe Gyurko, because the newer generation
never knew him nor the other pioneers whose lives were given to build
democratic and militant unionism in NW Indiana. We need Joe today; we
need his clarity and commitment. His passion, and his persistence. As he
told me in one of the interviews I did with him back in the eighties, “these
guys today,” he said shaking his head, “are so busy fighting each other, they
don’t even know any more who the enemy is.” Joe knew which side he was
on, and he knew what would make the union strong. Long live Joe’s kind of
unionism! Thank you, Joe, for everything.
9
He never coveted his union position; he took it as a 24-7 responsibility to
bring justice into the workplace.
I remember all those freezing cold Saturday mornings down on rt. 30,
leafleting for Bridgestone-Firestone workers. Joe, in his late seventies, was
always there, with Johnnie Mayerik, first president of 1014, who was in his
late eighties. All kinds of leaders had excuses for not showing up, or leaving
early. Not Joe. He was Mr. Reliable.
I told my classes this week about Joe Gyurko, because the newer generation
never knew him nor the other pioneers whose lives were given to build
democratic and militant unionism in NW Indiana. We need Joe today; we
need his clarity and commitment. His passion, and his persistence. As he
told me in one of the interviews I did with him back in the eighties, “these
guys today,” he said shaking his head, “are so busy fighting each other, they
don’t even know any more who the enemy is.” Joe knew which side he was
on, and he knew what would make the union strong. Long live Joe’s kind of
unionism! Thank you, Joe, for everything.
9

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Joe Gyurko Euology

  • 1. JOE GYURKO Joe Gyurko was a union man. His whole life was dedicated to the fight for social justice for all working people. His own words best show what he was about, and Ruth Needleman of IUN and I have interviewed him a number of times. I worked with Joe for many years at Local 1010 of the United Steelworkers of America (USWA). He was a mentor to me. A real leader, who walked the walk. Like the fabled Joe Hill, Joe never seemed to miss a picket line or a demonstration. If there was a fight for people’s rights, Joe was in it. I met Joe and his wife Mary in 1970. I was a young radical "Independent Democrat" running for City Council in Hessville. I was for open housing. Not knowing the Gyurkos at all, I went to the house to meet them and ask for their support. The very first question they asked me was how I stood on open housing! I thought, oh boy, I sure hope I'm not in the wrong place! Well, I confessed I was for open housing, and the rest is history. Your father walked the precinct door to door for our campaign, I joined the Rank & File and Joe and Mary became an inspiration to me. Born in Chicago in 1919, the same year as the Great Steel Strike, Joe Gyurko embodied the labor struggle for justice and equality. He dedicated his life to fighting for workers’ rights, from his first day in the steel mill to his final years as an active SOAR member and president of his local chapter (Steelworkers Organization of Active Retirees). Joe Gyurko was a first generation Midwesterner. His father was an immigrant from Hungary, and one of many who walked the picket lines at 1
  • 2. US Steel South Works during the 1919 steel strike. His mother emigrated in 1912 also from Hungary. Joe grew up in the 1920s in Chicago and was in high school for most of the Depression years, 1934-1938. While still in school, he worked at Goldblatt’s but got fired for refusing to work for free on Sundays—even that early in his life. Goldblatt’s had workers come in Sundays to do inventory but never paid them. Joe refused and ended up in court testifying against the company. The books proved he had not been paid for Sunday work but he got fired anyway—Joe’s first lesson in how the system works against workers! In 1923 the Gyurkos built a house in Hammond, where the family remained. The bank almost took it back during the Great Depression. Joe went to Hammond Tech. The ’37 graduating class all got jobs but when Joe graduated in ‘38 there was nothing—except another depression. He finally got hired into a steel mill in ‘39. He worked 4 days at Youngstown Sheet and Tube, but there was not enough work to hold him, and Inland had called him. “Inland called me and goodbye!” is the way Joe Gyurko put it. Gyurko recalled his first day in the mill. “When I walked in my first day, it was the pipe mill at Youngstown, it was filthy dirty, gassy, the ovens where they heated the bars
 the flames were just shooting out. All the gas, just coming out, and crazy cranemen would take the racks right over your head.” He was relieved to hire in at Inland, where he went into the Tin Mill. Joe’s first job was “packing tin.” 2
  • 3. Before his first month was over, Joe was wearing the November union button of the Steelworkers’ Lodge 1010. “I wasn’t even in the mill 30 days.” “You paid your dues every month and you got a different color button,” Joe explained in an interview. “I think that one was orange and black.” From 1939 on, Joe held union positions, from dues steward to griever to chairman of the Grievance Committee, in many ways the most important job in the union local. As a retiree he served as president of his local’s SOAR chapter. Joe’s wife Mary Obradovich was a woman union activist as well. Mary was one of a small group of women WWII workers who took an active lead in the union. She was the 1st woman to hold office in Local 1010. They were married for 53 yrs Joe Gyurko moved around the mill for a while, but then spent most of his shop-floor days in the Open Hearth as an electrician and a union representative. Joe led and participated in a number of wildcat strikes in the 1940’s. Joe was a union man every minute of his life; he fought Inland to win seniority rights for every worker, and forced the company to abide by the contract. During the forties his efforts opened decent jobs for minorities in the open hearth, especially Mexican and Puerto Rican workers. He even took on his union brothers in the fight for equality; he challenged established sequences set up to exclude minority workers. Due to his persistence, the jobs became integrated. Gyurko was one of the first rank and file steelworkers to support plantwide seniority. As a result of his support for minorities, the white workers in his department un-elected Joe, but integrity and equality were more important to him than looking out for himself. When Inland bought the Lincoln Hotel in the late forties to 3
  • 4. house Puerto Rican workers brought in under “Operation Bootstraps,” Joe found out that the Company was deducting room, board and more from their paychecks. He would take the workers with their pay stubs and deductions to demand their pay. “They were padding all the bills, putting bricks and stuff on there, and charging them triple what anything cost. I got them their money back.” Joe was a 24-hour union rep. “I remember one day the walls were shaking, I was hollering so much. When I came out of there, the company agreed with me on everything,” he remembered. When the new Open Hearth opened in the early fifties, Joe Gyurko transferred there and had to fight the battle all over again to get minorities into the cranes and out of the pits. In Joe’s words, “the shovel in the open hearth didn’t know the difference between English and Spanish.” In the end, Inland workers recognized that Joe could not be bought or turned against his union values and ideals, and they re-elected him repeatedly. Joe Gyurko was proud of his local’s reputation. It was known in the past as “the red local” for its militancy. “We were, I think, the most outspoken local in the whole industry,” noted Gyurko. “Everybody looked to us for what we were doing, and then they followed.” Joe campaigned door to door for Progressive Party presidential candidate Henry Wallace in 1948, as he did for many progressives. To the end, Joe walked the walk. Joe also recalled the House Un-American Activities Committee’s hearings in Gary in the late fifties. Activists from the local were being harassed during the McCarthy period. “They were public hearings,” Joe said. “I know I was there.” Right after the Hearings Joe was un-elected again, but then workers put him back in office. 4
  • 5. During the fifties, according to Joe, the union leadership changed, and after financial misappropriations, it went into administratorship. “The main issue was fighting the company, not putting more restrictions on the membership,” explained Joe. During this period, the union was discouraging rank and file activism. Joe’s caucus, the “Rank and File,” never stopped mobilizing the members, however, and by the sixties, Joe and others were back in office. Joe was a member of the Rank & File Caucus of Local 1010 until his retirement, serving on its steering committee and as Treasurer for many years. Joe felt that the union really changed once it started paying people to do union work. “If you’re doing it for nothing,” he pointed out, “you’re doing it because you know it’s the right thing to do, and you want to do it because it’s helping the membership. You start paying for the work, then that’s a question, ‘are you doin’ it for the money?’ It used to burn me up, when the first thing you hear from somebody who wants to run for office, ‘how much does it pay?’ Then you know, scratch that one off!” Joe expressed concern for the future of the union, as the company got more sophisticated. “You know as the unions got stronger, the company did too. They started putting on more people in more departments. I’ve heard it said, throw the damn contract out and settle things on a day-to-day basis right on the shop floor! You’d be better off. When we had a gripe, we got the gang together and went up and saw the superintendent.
 Today you get a bunch of letters. ..When I was griever in #1 open hearth, I’d put the word out—I got a meeting with the superintendent, all you guys gotta be there.” 5
  • 6. In those days, Joe added, “the people were more involved. They felt they did something toward their own end. It was a victory for them as well as the griever, because they got to go into the office and confront the superintendent. I did that in the mold foundry. I called for a meeting on safety. I says I want all you guys up in the office. Close to 100 came up
 A group of people carries more weight than the best union representatives.” Joe resented how bureaucratic the grievance procedure became because it left out the workers on the shop floor. “I kept preaching at negotiations,” Joe remembered, “settle the damn grievances on the ground floor
You get a group of workers in there, and that’s what they’re scared of.” To anybody active in the labor movement today I’d say, try to be like Joe Gyurko, and you’ll be among the truly great. Joe helped elect the first African American president of Local 1010 USWA, William Bill Andrews who served 3 terms. He supported and worked for the campaigns of Ed Sadlowski for USWA president and Jim Balanoff, USWA District 31 Director. Joe was a founder of the first Environmental Committee in the USWA at local 1010 in 1972. He worked tirelessly for environmental and safe-energy causes. Joe Gyurko made a big difference for workers in his lifetime. He improved working conditions, raised wages and forced the company to provide equal treatment and some justice in the workplace. Most of all, he emphasized, “I knew who the enemy was. I instilled in the people
you got to always fight them. The company tries to lull you to sleep.” Long after retirement, Joe recounted that he’d wake up in the middle of the night thinking if he should have done anything differently. “Sometimes I think of things that should 6
  • 7. have been addressed and never got addressed, time you kept your mouth shut and you shouldn’t have.” What counted were principles. “You got your principles, and you think you’re right, stick to them. Win or lose.” One question he had as he watched the layoffs and downsizing in the 1980s, “I could never figure out why the hell didn’t they do what they did in the thirties?” His remedy for the situation was simple: “Massive education program. It has start all the way from the bottom to the top. You got to get them when they’re kids, in high school.” “There’s not enough emphasis on where we’ve been, what it took to get to where we are today, and how we’d get it.” Joe Gyurko walked that tough path from the union’s beginning. He never stopped fighting, never shut his mouth, and always brought all the rank and file workers along with him. He was the best union man I ever knew. We miss him. 7
  • 8. Personal Tribute to Joe Ruth Needleman I had only been in NW Indiana 2 months when I met Joe. I sat down next to him on a USW 1010 bus headed to DC for Solidarity Day, 1981. The more he talked, and Joe could talk, the more I felt I had landed in the right place, coming here. What an outspoken, down-to-earth, dedicated grass-roots unionist! It didn’t take long for me to realize he was one of kind. Joe believed in a union run by the rank and file. He wanted to settle every grievance by calling a hundred guys into the superintendent’s office, using power where the union had it, right there on the shop floor. He stood for the principles that made unions strong: solidarity, equality and fairness, and he made his choices based on his principles, not his own self-interest. He fought discrimination in the mill and the community, integrating jobs, sequences, departments, restaurants and movie theaters, at the expense, mind you, of being re-elected. “Win or lose,” he told me, “you got to do what’s best for the workers.” He lost a number of elections because of stands he took, but he won even more because of his principles. Joe used to come to my labor studies classes to talk with the younger generation of workers. He always had time to mentor those coming up behind him. He wanted everyone to love the union the way he did, unconditionally with passion, despite all its shortcomings or even betrayals. His stories about the early days as a dues steward, catching the guys trying to climb over the fence without paying, and as a union negotiator “hollering ‘til the walls shook.” He painted a vision of what the union had been and what it should be. Democracy didn’t scare him. Education didn’t scare him. 8
  • 9. He never coveted his union position; he took it as a 24-7 responsibility to bring justice into the workplace. I remember all those freezing cold Saturday mornings down on rt. 30, leafleting for Bridgestone-Firestone workers. Joe, in his late seventies, was always there, with Johnnie Mayerik, first president of 1014, who was in his late eighties. All kinds of leaders had excuses for not showing up, or leaving early. Not Joe. He was Mr. Reliable. I told my classes this week about Joe Gyurko, because the newer generation never knew him nor the other pioneers whose lives were given to build democratic and militant unionism in NW Indiana. We need Joe today; we need his clarity and commitment. His passion, and his persistence. As he told me in one of the interviews I did with him back in the eighties, “these guys today,” he said shaking his head, “are so busy fighting each other, they don’t even know any more who the enemy is.” Joe knew which side he was on, and he knew what would make the union strong. Long live Joe’s kind of unionism! Thank you, Joe, for everything. 9
  • 10. He never coveted his union position; he took it as a 24-7 responsibility to bring justice into the workplace. I remember all those freezing cold Saturday mornings down on rt. 30, leafleting for Bridgestone-Firestone workers. Joe, in his late seventies, was always there, with Johnnie Mayerik, first president of 1014, who was in his late eighties. All kinds of leaders had excuses for not showing up, or leaving early. Not Joe. He was Mr. Reliable. I told my classes this week about Joe Gyurko, because the newer generation never knew him nor the other pioneers whose lives were given to build democratic and militant unionism in NW Indiana. We need Joe today; we need his clarity and commitment. His passion, and his persistence. As he told me in one of the interviews I did with him back in the eighties, “these guys today,” he said shaking his head, “are so busy fighting each other, they don’t even know any more who the enemy is.” Joe knew which side he was on, and he knew what would make the union strong. Long live Joe’s kind of unionism! Thank you, Joe, for everything. 9