The rate of incarcerated females has increased nearly 650% in the past 30 years due to tough sentencing laws. Compared to men, women are incarcerated less often for violent crimes. Many female inmates have histories of abuse, mental illness, substance abuse issues, and were primary caregivers to children prior to incarceration. These complex needs are often not adequately addressed by prison rehabilitation programs. High recidivism among female inmates is linked to lack of education, employment opportunities, and health issues. Improving access to educational programs in prison can help reduce recidivism by 23% by increasing post-release employment prospects and social functioning. The children of incarcerated mothers also often face developmental, emotional and academic challenges that exacerbate their mothers'

1. Running head: BACKGROUND OF FEMALE INMATES 1
The Background of Female Inmates and the
Implications on Recidivism
Mariah Stanforth
Northern Kentucky University

2. BACKGROUND OF FEMALE INMATES 2
Abstract
The population of female inmates has more than tripled since 1980. Mandatory
minimums and sentencing guidelines are sending women to prison at higher rates and
for a longer period of time than ever before. In an attempt to understand the spike, it is
important to consider not only the crimes that females are committing, but also the
driving factors and the unique challenges they face. The present paper will explore the
relationship between female inmates’ backgrounds and their adjustment to
incarceration, as well as its relationship with factors effecting recidivism.

3. BACKGROUND OF FEMALE INMATES 3
The Background of Female Inmates and the
Implications on Recidivism
The rate of incarcerated females has increased nearly 650 percent in the past
thirty years. With “tough on crime” policies and mandatory minimums, women are being
incarcerated at higher rates than ever before. Compared to men, women are
incarcerated for violent offenses far less often, with only 10 percent of female inmates
being incarcerated for a violent offense. Despite the drastic increase in the number of
female inmates, prison programs have failed to address the unique needs of the
population. Female inmates require conditions and rehabilitation programs that are
adapted to handle their complex emotional and behavioral tendencies. Female
offenders often have histories of abuse, low self-esteem, mental illness, and are single
mothers typically living in poverty. Therefore, it is important to understand biographical
influences, incarceration adjustment, and post-incarceration integration into society to
understand the factors effecting female recidivism.
In order to become fully aware of the obstacles that female inmates face before,
during, and post incarceration, it is crucial that we understand who these women are
and the path that leads them to incarceration. The Bureau of Justice Statistics has
found that within the female inmate population, more than two-thirds of them are ethnic
and/or racial minorities (Carson & Golinelli 2013). The average age of female inmates is
about 34.5 years old, slightly older than the age of the male prison population. Roughly
59 percent of females are incarcerated for drug offenses and property crimes. Sixty-two
percent of incarcerated females had minor children living in their home when they were
incarcerated, while forty-one percent had more than one minor child in their home when

4. BACKGROUND OF FEMALE INMATES 4
they were incarcerated. Furthermore, roughly one in four women are pregnant when
they enter prison (Carson & Golinelli 2013).
Lack of education is an important factor that contributes to the high rates of
women being incarcerated. In a study of 801 incarcerated females, Proctor (2012)
found that nearly 35 percent of the women had not completed high school or attained a
GED, while only 17 percent had formal post high school education (Proctor, 2012).
School provides structure and often teaches young adults about becoming a mature
adult, as well as the relationship between actions and consequences. When a woman
drops out of school, especially at an early age, she is not gaining the necessary tools,
such as work ethic and respect for authority, to be successful in the real world.
Furthermore, school provides a pro-social environment for students. When a student is
removed from that environment, she can easily begin to display antisocial tendencies,
while possibly encircling herself in a deviant crowd. Now, not only does the student lose
her pro-social ties, she no longer has an education to fall back on.
For a woman without a high school diploma, finding employment is nearly
impossible. In the same study conducted by Proctor (2012), over half of the inmates did
not have a job prior to incarceration. Similarly to education, a job provides pro-social ties
and a sense of motivation and dedication. Steady employment also consumes much of
someone’s day, leaving her less time to commit the crimes that could incarcerate her.
Most importantly, gaining employment means having a steady income, which reduces
the drive to commit crimes. However, 63 percent of incarcerated females earned less
than $10,000 a year before incarceration, while only 5 percent earned more than

5. BACKGROUND OF FEMALE INMATES 5
$30,000 (Proctor, 2012). Because the cost easily exceeds $10,000, more than thirty
percent of inmates were receiving welfare when they were incarcerated (Proctor 2012).
Prior abuse is one of the most prominent factors effecting incarcerated women,
with 78 percent of female inmates experiencing some type of abuse (Islam-Zwart & Vik,
2004). The effects of abuse, regardless of type or perceived severity, can be
devastating. Childhood sexual abuse is the most reported physical trauma for women
within the criminal justice system. The emotional and physical responses to such
trauma are everlasting. Women that endured childhood sexual abuse have reported an
altered self-image, difficulties in social adjustment, suicidal ideation, self-harm
behaviors, sleeping difficulties, mood instability, and dissociation. Women also reported
feelings of paranoia, hostility, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder. Because
of the emotional instability, personal relationships become difficult to maintain.
Childhood sexual abuse, especially during the formative years, can alter a woman’s
ability to decipher between healthy and unhealthy relationships, while also hindering the
formation of trust in those relationships.
Fifty-six percent of state prison inmates suffer from mental illness or have recent
history of mental health problems (Gallagher, Carbonell & Gottfried, 2013). Furthmore,
nearly half of all federal inmates also suffered from severe mental illness, such as major
depression, schizophrenia, and bipolar disorder. Mental illness exacerbates feelings of
shame, depression, guilt and fear. Women, compared to men with mental disorders,
also have significantly higher occurrences of suicide ideation, memory loss, disturbing
thoughts, and self-esteem issues.

6. BACKGROUND OF FEMALE INMATES 6
While suffering from mental illness in prison can be devastating to a woman’s
emotional state, it can also lead them to be physically victimized. Gallagher, Carbonell
and Gottfriend (2013) found that state female inmates with a history of mental illness
were twice as likely to be injured in a physical fight. While physical victimization is
rampant, sexual victimization for those with mental illness is constantly rising. In a study
by Wolff, Blitz and Shi (2007), of 325 inmates with a mental disorder, 88 reported being
sexually victimized by staff or by another inmate. This same study also found that
inmates with mental disorder were more likely to be sexual victimized than women
without a mental disorder (Wolff, Blitz, & Shi, 2007). Because women with mental illness
are already fragile, they are supposed “easy targets.” They often become victims
because they are seen as less trustworthy, that if they speak out against their
victimization, no one will believe them. While those with mental illness have trouble
adjusting to prison, sexual victimization complicates this further, especially when
conducted by staff.
Nearly one-third of female inmates are incarcerated for drug-related offenses,
and half of these inmates were under the influence of alcohol or drugs while they were
committing the crime in which they were incarcerated for (Proctor, 2012). Two-thirds of
the women who were under the influence at the time of their crime met the criteria for
substance dependence, as outlined by the DSM-IV (Proctor, 2012). The offenders were
not one-time users; they were habitual, chemically dependent users whose motivation
for the substance eventually became inhibiting to their daily lives. For many, their
alcohol or drug addiction becomes too costly; therefore, they turn to means of
supporting their addiction that are not only illegal, but unhealthy and unsafe.

7. BACKGROUND OF FEMALE INMATES 7
Fickenscher, Lapidus, Silk-Walker, and Becker (2001), for axample, found that 43
percent of incarcerated females had, at least one time, traded sex in exchange for
drugs. In these scenarios, the addiction has become so powerful that the woman would
rather sell her body for a fix than go through the withdrawal symptoms. Now, not only is
she involved in drugs, she now has to deal with the repercussions of prostitution,
whether the consequences are criminal prosecution, health problems, or the emotional
turmoil involved in that lifestyle.
Once incarcerated, female offenders must find an appropriate way to cope with
their past, as well as their life in prison. Gallagher (2001) found that there are three
different coping problems that many women face once incarcerated. Initially, a woman
feel overstimulated and strong feelings of resentment. They may choose to dwell on a
single act, like a prior event, such as abuse, or the crime that landed them in prison.
This causes them to become overwhelmed, if she doesn’t have adequate coping skills,
this may result in aggression towards other inmates, staff, and possibly self-injury. The
second is under stimulation, caused by the monotony of day to day activities. This can
transition into depression and further complicate prison adjustment. The final stage is an
attempt by the inmate to communicate the seriousness of her problems and the need of
support to the prison staff. If a woman is unable to cope in healthy ways, if her coping
strategies are uneffective, she may return to drugs and alcohol to help her cope
(Gallagher 2001).
Over 40 percent of female inmates did not have health insurance at the time
they were incarcerated. Not having health insurance means that even if a woman
wanted to go into a rehabilitation center, she may not be able to afford it (Gallagher,

8. BACKGROUND OF FEMALE INMATES 8
Carbonell, & Gottfried 2013). This deters many women from even making an
appointment with a healthcare provider or counselor to discuss their options. Therefore,
women living in poverty are often forced to conquer addictions on their own. In addition
to healthcare, other factors may present as impediments to women’s treatment seeking
and use. “Social stigma, lack of awareness regarding treatment options, concerns about
confrontational approaches that were pervasive in male-dominated traditional substance
abuse treatment, co-occurring mental disorders or a history of trauma and victimization,
as well as homelessness all present possible barriers for women (Greenfield, Back,
Lawson, & Brady, 2010)”.
Educational opportunities have proven to be a key component in rehabilitation.
Education increases the opportunity for post-release employment and decreases the
likelihood of recidivism (Case, Fasenfest, & Sarri, 2005). Prison education provides the
ability to improve job skills, thus increasing employability, but also an opportunity for
socialization which increases self-esteem and social functioning. A three-state study
conducted by the Correctional Educational Association in 2001, found that simply
attending school behind bars reduces the likelihood of re-incarceration by 23 percent
(Matsuyama & Prell, 2010). Furthermore, a Federal Bureau of Prison study found that
4.2 percent fewer offenders who successfully participated in at least one education
course per each six months of their prison term were arrested or had their paroles
revoked after three years of release compared to those who did not take the same
number of education courses (Matsuyama & Prell, 2010). Education has proven to be
an influential component in rehabilitation and reducing recidivism, yet educational
courses in female prisons are still lacking and underdeveloped. Case, Fasenfest, and

9. BACKGROUND OF FEMALE INMATES 9
Sarri (2005) found that female prison educational opportunities are often limited to
cosmetology and clerical work, and even those programs are outdated and poorly
taught (Case, Fasenfest, & Sarri 2005). This leaves the inmates poorly educated for
civilian life. Cosmetology does not provide a stable, sufficient income for women right
out of prison. Thus, they will often turn to the food service industry as a means of
income. Data from Offender Re-entry and Employment in Iowa found that the food
services industry employed the highest average number of female offenders, employing
up to 65 percent (Matsuyama & Prell, 2010). While working in the food service does
provide income, it does not provide the necessary environment conducive to women
post-release. The Correctional Educational Association found that women employed by
food service companies had decreased job quality scores and increases the rate of
recidivism by about 11 percent (Matsuyama & Prell, 2010). Working in the food service
industry can be demeaning to one's already fragile self-worth.
Children of incarcerated mothers often have a difficulty adjusting to their new life
without their mother. When a woman is incarcerated, her children are only placed with
the father 26 percent of the time. More than 66 percent of children, live with a female
relative or family friend. This places more stress on already financially restricted women
and tests familial relationships. Young children in these situations experience
developmental delays, separation anxiety, trust issues, and attachment difficulties, while
school age children may exhibit a myriad of emotional and academic difficulties.
They will often fall behind in school and exhibit education delays. This creates
more stress and anxiety on the child, resulting in isolation from peers and a decrease in
self-esteem. These problems will continue to exist throughout childhood into the

10. BACKGROUND OF FEMALE INMATES 10
teenage years. Once a child has reached maturity, the consequences of having an
incarcerated parent drastically increase, effecting emotionality and achievements. They
are more likely to display violence, agitation, and lack of conformity. Young adults of
incarcerated mothers are far more likely to drop out of school and ultimately, become
incarcerated. This can be attributed to a lack of family support and lack of structure. It
can also be a result of a self-fulfilling prophecy; they believe that because they have
one, or more, parents that are incarcerated, that it is ultimately where they will end up.
Children, of all ages, are more likely to live in poverty than their peers. This opens the
child up to peer ridicule and peer rejection. They will often fall into the wrong crowd in
attempt to find belonging and acceptance. This all ultimately adds more stress to the
incarcerated mother, realizing she has let her child down and is unable to be there for
them throughout their childhood, relying on someone to raise them for her.
Women face society’s harsh judgments that can be devastating to a woman’s
stability and self-esteem post release. Women are often interrogated about activities
having no relation to their crimes. They are often discriminated against based on sexual
activities, interracial relationships, and having children out of wedlock (Case, Fasenfest,
& Sarri, 2005). These stigmas are simply added to the complexities of being
incarcerated and being an incarcerated mother. People judge them more harshly for
their parental mistakes and in-turn, immediately believe the woman is an unfit parent.
This contributes to a woman’s already decreased self-esteem. Because many women
are single mothers, reuniting with her child post-release can be extremely stressful. She
must learn once again how to take care of her family, while building a relationship with
her children, estranged or not, that has previously been damaged.

11. BACKGROUND OF FEMALE INMATES 11
Education, employment, and past abuse and addiction histories all contribute to
the high recidivism rates for women leaving prison. Education, before and while
incarcerated, decreases recidivism greatly. It allows for self-esteem growth that begins
to repair the consequences of being socially isolated, as well as provides necessary
tools for gaining employment. The presence of violence and abuse in prison and pre-
prison, also increases the chance of recidivism. Prison should be a place where women
can receive treatment for their substance use problems, while also receiving guidance
on ways to cope with any abuse and violence she has endured. A safe prison
environment is conducive to rehabilitation. We cannot preach to women the importance
of a safe social circle in society, free of drugs and violence, when prisons cannot offer
that to them.
Women experience a myriad of differences that set them apart from male
inmates. Women have higher rates of abuse, they are often caring for children, and they
have higher rates of mental illness. Women are inherently less violent and less of a
threat to society, but an equal threat to themselves. Without proper treatment and
rehabilitation services, female inmates are not going to successfully be reintegrated
back into society. They are going to leave prison, without proper coping skills,
emotionally unstable and deprived, while having a criminal record which deters
employment. By understanding who these women are and how they get where they are,
we can begin to structure programs and services to address the high recidivism rates
and the stigma carried by being a woman with a criminal record.

12. BACKGROUND OF FEMALE INMATES 12
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13. BACKGROUND OF FEMALE INMATES 13
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