This document summarizes a research paper about active transportation in Pinellas County, Florida. It discusses the history of passenger rail, bus service, and trails as forms of public transportation. It also analyzes political opposition to expanding public transportation options from groups influenced by Tea Party ideology who oppose additional taxes and government spending. The document evaluates arguments for and against a proposed sales tax increase to fund improvements to bus service and the development of light rail.

1. ACTIVE
TRANSPORTATION
IN PINELLAS COUNTY
Enhancing community spaces through transportation policy.
Emily Fasnacht
Florida Gulf Coast University
Fall 2014

2. 1
PROBLEM IDENTIFICATION
Florida has experienced massive population growth over the past thirty years.
Many are drawn to the state’s beautiful beaches, warm weather, and low taxes (Morel
2013). However, Florida’s infrastructure has struggled to keep pace with the influx of
new residents; particularly in relation to transportation infrastructure. Beyond new
residents, Florida also welcomes millions of tourists to the Sunshine State every year
that require transportation to and from amusement parks, hotels, restaurants, and
cultural landmarks (Visit Florida 2013). The stress impacting the state’s transportation
infrastructure has led some larger regions to consider creative, alternative options for
residents and tourists alike to get around.
Pinellas County has a long history of public transportation options including bus
service, passenger rail, and trail systems. This paper will discuss the history of these
transportation options as well as evaluate them in their current context and in the
context of future development. Research will include a thorough, multidisciplinary
approach accessing periodicals, peer-reviewed journal articles, and government reports
to shape a perspective of what the future of Pinellas County’s transportation may look
like and suggestions for improvement. The final goal of the paper is to develop a
feasible active transportation comprehensive plan through culture, behavior, social
norms, public policy, program planning, special funds, and revenue sources. It will
also show how Pinellas County’s transportation system has evolved and the many

3. 2
challenges it must overcome for transportation alternatives to be viable options in the
eyes of residents.
NARRATIVE
Passenger Rail
One of the greatest impacts on Pinellas County’s growth was the introduction of
the railroad. From 1887 to 1984, residents had the option of taking a passenger train
service between Tampa, Clearwater, and St. Petersburg as well as throughout central
and southern Florida (The Pinellas County Planning Department 2008). The Orange
Belt Railroad, as it was then called, was extended into Pinellas County thanks to Peter
Demens, a Russian immigrant who named St. Petersburg after his hometown (St.
Petersburg, Russia) (The Pinellas County Planning Department 2008). The Orange Belt
brought development into Pinellas County in the form of tourists and residents who
were attracted to the opportunities in the region and the mild, tropical climate (The
Pinellas County Planning Department 2008). The citrus industry also benefited from
the railroad by allowing growers to transport their products to new markets by land
rather than the traditional shipping by sea (The Pinellas County Planning Department
2008). The 1980s witnessed the end of passenger train service in the County (The
Pinellas County Planning Department 2008). The railroad was no longer profitable or
cost effective to operate due to competition with the automobile and the swelling of
government spending on roads and highways that began with the Roosevelt

4. 3
administration (The Pinellas County Planning Department 2008). The railroad
infrastructure became overgrown or was replaced with public trails to be used
recreationally.
In the beginning of 2010, the White House released a report based on research
conducted by the U.S. Department of Transportation detailing a High-Speed Intercity
Passenger Rail Program (referred to as the SunRail) with $1.25 billion appropriated to
initiate the building of tracks between Tampa and Orlando (US Department of
Transportation 2010). According to the report,
Grants from the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) will go
toward the creation of a new high-speed rail corridor that connects Tampa Bay,
Orlando, Miami and other communities in central and south Florida. This region
has experienced significant population growth in recent decades, as well as
increases in the volume of visitors, leading to strains on area roadways and
airports. Currently, the region is almost entirely reliant on automobiles for
transportation between these metro areas, which together have a population of
over 10 million people and account for two of the nation’s 20 largest metro areas.
The new high-speed rail service will provide an attractive and competitive
transportation alternative for residents and visitors in the area. It is estimated
that these investments in high-speed rail will create thousands of jobs throughout
Florida, which has one of the highest unemployment rates in the nation. (US
Department of Transportation 2010)
This massive transportation project was designed to alleviate vehicle congestion on
roadways, improve the transport of people between major metros in Florida, and
promote the tourism industry already flourishing in the state. However, the newly
appointed governor, whose campaign platform was based on Tea Party ideologies, was
not convinced of the benefits of a transportation alternative in Florida. The SunRail

5. 4
project was not a new concept for Governor Scott as he was briefed on many occasions
about the status of its progress and feedback from the public (Florida Department of
Transportation 2011). His sudden rejection of the appropriated federal funds only
months before the scheduled groundbreaking of the rail led many supporters of the
project to believe that he was committing ‘political maneuvering’ (Clemons and McBeth
2009). Scott’s argument for turning down the project was based on perceived overrun
costs and the belief that the benefits of building the SunRail would not outweigh the
costs of maintaining it (Zink 2011). Essentially, he believed it was not a solid
investment in Florida’s future (Zink 2011).
Besides the appropriated federal funds that were set aside for the SunRail
project, a consortium of businesses and local leaders had agreed on investing in and
subsidizing the remaining costs (Florida Department of Transportation 2011). Any
costs that overran those provided by the federal government, businesses, and investors
would be the responsibility of local communities and the state (Florida Department of
Transportation 2011). The potential growth and economic gains associated with a
passenger rail alternative in Pinellas County are endless. In order to improve the
quality of life for residents and tourists in the region, it is essential that citizens and
leaders carefully examine the benefits of investing in alternative transportation
infrastructure such as rail.

6. 5
Bus Service
Public transportation in the form of bus service began in Pinellas County in 1926
with the St. Petersburg Municipal Transit System which provided transportation to
residents in and around the city of St. Petersburg (The Pinellas County Planning
Department 2008). The public transit system serving the central and northern portions
of the County was created by the state legislature in 1970, originally called the Central
Pinellas Transit Authority (CPTA) (The Pinellas County Planning Department 2008).
The CPTA began operations in 1973, but was unified with the St. Petersburg system in
1983 which established the Pinellas Suncoast Transit Authority (PSTA) (The Pinellas
County Planning Department 2008).
PSTA is funded through a special revenue fund as a district which taxes property
owners through ad valorem taxes (State of Florida 1983). It runs 40 bus routes with 203
transit vehicles serving 45,864 residents daily (PSTA 2014). According to its website,
PSTA’s budget consists of federal and state grants (18%), passenger fares (23%),
advertising revenue (6%), and ad valorem taxes (53%) (PSTA 2014). PSTA’s special act
limits the amount of millage taxed on ad valorem taxes to three quarters of a mill (State
of Florida 1983) which has restricted PSTA’s ability to provide quality transportation
service to the residents and visitors of Pinellas County. Due to limited funding and
increasing demand, PSTA proposed a one cent sales tax to replace the current ad
valorem tax which would increase PSTA’s revenue from $34 million per year to $120 -

7. 6
$130 million per year (Pinellas Suncoast Transit Authority 2013). PSTA’s proposal,
Greenlight Pinellas, involved increasing bus service within the County, increasing
regional connections, and the construction of a light rail system connecting St.
Petersburg and Clearwater (Pinellas Suncoast Transit Authority 2013).
The Greenlight Pinellas plan was not formulated in isolation. PSTA engaged
thousands of current bus riders, business and community leaders, and residents
through four years of discourse hosting hundreds of meetings and events to represent
and incorporate the residents’ and communities’ interests (Pinellas Suncoast Transit
Authority 2013). PSTA dedicated considerable resources to educating voters on the
potential for the plan.
In the meantime, an opposition group against the Greenlight Pinellas plan, No
Tax for Tracks, sprouted. Its positions on public transit and government programs in
general are rooted in Tea Party ideologies. No Tax for Tracks organizer, Barb Haselden,
argued that Greenlight Pinellas is extravagant government spending, that it hurts the
poor and middle class, that it’s based on false premises and empty promises, and that
it’s a $100 million tax increase (No Tax for Tracks 2014). No Tax for Tracks’ claims are
not based in facts. The poor and middle class would benefit more from improved
transportation options since they are usually the individuals who rely on public transit
the most. It has been noted by scholars that the scarcity of transportation options for
the urban poor (which are disproportionately minorities) results in minimal access to

8. 7
good jobs, essential services such as medical care, and quality shopping establishments
(Dombroski 2005). This lack of transportation also, “isolates low-income communities
from more prosperous areas in other parts of the city and beyond” (Dombroski 2005).
In regards to the tax, the one cent sales tax increase is not equivalent to a $100 million
tax increase. The revenue generated from the sales tax would likely increase PSTA’s
budget by $100 million which is an increase in revenue, not a $100 million tax increase.
The lack of understanding between the disparate definitions of tax and revenue by the
No Tax for Tracks organization is startling. Furthermore, one third of Pinellas County’s
sales tax is paid by tourists and is not applied to essential products such as food,
medicine, or housing (Pinellas Suncoast Transit Authority 2013). As a radical political
group, No Tax for Tracks uses language such as extravagant public spending; and false
premises and empty promises to encourage distrust in public agencies such as PSTA
through propaganda promulgation. They also incite fear in residents through their
dissemination of misinformation. The one fact that No Tax for Tracks gets correct is
that a one cent sales tax increase would make Pinellas County’s sales tax the highest in
the state (No Tax for Tracks 2014) albeit by one half percent.
A viable transportation improvement plan that was developed over four years
with inclusion of all stakeholders has become a political target for Tea Party ideologues
who consider any government project that does not benefit them directly a threat to

9. 8
their freedom. It is likely that political obstacles involving public improvement projects
and Tea Partiers will continue into the near future.
Trails
In 1980, Pinellas County’s home rule charter was approved which enabled the
County government to submit matters of local interest directly to the voters without
asking the state legislature for permission (The Pinellas County Planning Department
2008). The County government did just that in 1989 when it requested from voters a
one penny sales tax (Penny for Pinellas) to fund infrastructure projects such as road
improvements, jail facilities, parks, environmental lands, and the Pinellas Trail (The
Pinellas County Planning Department 2008). The Pinellas Trail was created with the
abandoned railroad track infrastructure from the former passenger rail that was
disassembled in 1984 (The Pinellas County Planning Department 2008). The now 47-
mile long linear park connects communities from North to South Pinellas for
recreational activities and/or alternative transportation facilities.
The success of the Pinellas Trail has led to other trail projects across the Tampa
Bay region and the state including Florida’s Office of Recreation and Parks’ Coast to
Coast Connector project linking communities between St. Petersburg and Titusville
allowing residents and visitors to explore Central Florida by bicycle or foot (Florida
Department of Environmental Protection 2013). According to the Coast to Coast
Connector literature, the economic impact of and public demand for trails are

10. 9
significant (Florida Department of Environmental Protection 2013). The literature cites
the case of Dunedin where “private business occupancy rates increased from 30% to
nearly 100% following the establishment of the Pinellas Trail” (Florida Department of
Environmental Protection 2013). Ecological, social, and economic benefits are derived
from trails. They help to maintain the health of ecosystems and provide a network for
residents to access significant community hubs and public recreational facilities.
Besides the evident benefits inherent in trails as recreational amenities, the
inclusion of them as a feasible transportation alternative enhances healthy lifestyles and
reduces vehicle emissions. Jayajit Chakraborty’s study on the environmental and health
impacts of air pollution caused by high traffic roadways found that neighborhoods
characterized by low home ownership and higher proportions of African Americans
and Hispanics were disproportionately affected by the air pollutants and subsequent
medical conditions caused by heavy exposure to car emissions (Chakraborty 2009).
Increasing the use of trails as a realistic transportation alternative would reduce vehicle
emissions and improve the health of those using the trail and those enduring the
chronic medical conditions associated with air pollution. Furthermore, trails as a
transportation alternative removes the discrimination inherent in the geospatial context
of high traffic roadways and minority neighborhoods.
It has been suggested that active commuting (walking or biking) may be the
solution to the current obesity epidemic in North America (Shephard 2008). Obesity in

11. 10
the United States contributes to millions of dollars in medical costs and hospital bills for
conditions that could have been prevented by even minimal exercise routines
(Shephard 2008). Promoting active commuting through community trails and bicycle
friendly routes could save taxpayers billions in healthcare costs and improve the quality
of life for citizens within the County and across the country. Active commuting is
another alternative whose benefits are evident, but is avoided in favor of a personal
vehicle. Deciphering why residents choose to drive rather than walk or bike will
support future alternative transportation efforts.
ANALYSIS
Ideology of Political Extremism
Many terms have been coined to describe a growing trend of minimal
governance attitudes over responsible governance in general. Some refer to this
movement as the Tea Party or the Patriot movement (Potok 2012) whereas others refer
to it by the names of the wealthiest who back its beliefs, the Koch brothers (Graves
2014). Regardless of what it’s called, the ideology behind the beliefs is the same: less is
more in terms of government power and authority. This ideology is what drives the
enthusiasm behind the No Tax for Tracks supporters and other far-right radical political
groups.
The Patriot movement first emerged in 1994 as a response to violent government
repression of dissident groups such as with Waco, Texas, along with anger at gun

12. 11
control and the Democratic Clinton Administration (Potok 2012). The movement
peaked in 1996, a year after the Oklahoma City bombing, and again in 2008 just as the
economy went south with the subprime collapse and as Barack Obama appeared on the
political scene as the Democratic nominee and, ultimately, the president-elect (Potok
2012). The movement tends to rise and fall with variations in perceived threats to
freedom and rights. The Southern Poverty Law Center has noted that these perceived
threats are directly associated with Democratic Presidential Administrations (see Figure
1) (Potok 2012).
Figure 1: The Patriot Movement

13. 12
The less is more government concept has become so established that it is directly
impacting programs that are designed to positively affect communities as a whole, such
as Greenlight Pinellas.
The No Tax for Tracks political organization is one of the groups who reinforce
patriot-type discourse. Their propaganda utilizes the language of political extremism to
spread fear of government overreach and corruption in every aspect of public affairs
including transportation. Some authors argue that this political extremism on the right
has developed over decades of conservative leaders failing to follow through on
conservative promises related to government taxing and spending (Gerson and Wehner
2014). Gerson and Wehner suggest that “Particularly among libertarians and some of
those conservatives who identify with the Tea Party movement, government overreach
has found its mirror image in fierce anti-government fervor” [emphasis retained]
(Gerson and Wehner 2014). Since the 1980s, each wave of conservative leadership has
begun with bold rhetoric about cutting government, rolling back regulations, and
shrinking the welfare state, but each has ended with the government having grown
considerably bigger (Glastris 2012). One author argues that this failure of the GOP to
shrink government when it has power is precisely what motivates the anger of the Tea
Party base – a force that still exhibits an amazing ability to lead the Republican Party by
the nose (Glastris 2012).

14. 13
Many Tea Party ideologues promote the concept of getting back to what the
founding fathers intended the nation to be. However, researchers suggest that the
Constitution and the founding fathers did not simply create limits on government; they
created a strong if bounded central government (Gerson and Wehner 2014). James
Madison, Alexander Hamilton, James Wilson, George Washington, and the other
constitutionalists all acknowledged the necessity for a national government that would
have the ability to adapt as necessary to meet citizens’ needs as those needs were
expressed through representative government (Gerson and Wehner 2014). Unlike the
founding fathers’ view of government, Tea Partiers hold a rhetorical zeal and
indiscipline in which every reference to government is negative, disparaging, and
denigrating (Gerson and Wehner 2014). Overcoming the impacts of government having
a bad reputation is proving to be incredibly difficult and restricts public administrators’
and officials’ ability to perform their roles effectively.
This can be seen in the politically charged atmosphere of PSTA where public
administrators find themselves defending program plans and policies against No Tax
for Tracks supporters who consistently accuse the agency’s officials of misconduct and
inefficiency. The value of administrative ethics is lost in the disparaging discourse.
Administrative ethics, however, are essential to public administration. As one scholar
explained, “public administrators are not only active participants in the functional
processes of governance (rather than programmed automata), but are morally obligated

15. 14
actors as well” (Rohr, The Study of Ethics in the P.A. Curriculum 1976). They are
therefore expected to serve the public interest while simultaneously accepting criticism
for perceived misconduct that may or may not be valid. This precarious position
reflects the idea that public administrators “should see themselves as men and women
who ‘run a Constitution’” (Rohr and Chandler, Civil Servants and Second-Class
Citizens 1984) with the public interest at heart to the greatest extent possible.
The most infamous Tea Partiers are likely the Koch brothers whose unimaginable
wealth from the oil industry makes them powerful players in politics. It has been noted
by an author on the Koch brothers that “You’d have to spend $113.4 million a day,
every day for an entire year, to spend down the net worth of just one of the infamous
Koch brothers, Charles and David” (Graves 2014). The Koch brothers hold strong
beliefs opposing the civil rights movement, particularly since their father, Fred, was on
the national council of the John Birch Society (Graves 2014). Charles is an exceptionally
strong proponent of the Libertarian Party espousing the view that government’s only
proper role is to police any interference with the free market – an ideology that
inherently rejects child labor laws, minimum wages, safety rules, the protection of
union rights, and more (Graves 2014). Although these values seem fundamentally
unpatriotic, the Koch brothers find ways to manipulate the conversation so their views
appear sensible. One way they accomplish this is through think tanks and research
foundations funded solely or largely by them to come to the conclusions they wish to

16. 15
see (Graves 2014). Some of the private organizations funded by Koch money include
the Cato Institute, the Libertarian Review, Citizens for a Sound Economy, Americans for
Prosperity, and the Reason Foundation (Graves 2014). These institutions then funnel
money and the Koch ideology through political avenues targeted at the public in an
effort to gain complete hegemony (Graves 2014). The Tea Party, some Libertarians, and
self-proclaimed Patriots subscribe to this hegemony as can be seen in the No Tax for
Tracks literature. Unfortunately, a well-developed transportation improvement plan
has succumbed to the detrimental ideology of the anti-government movement.
Car Culture
No technology has influenced American culture in such an intrinsic manner as
the car has. Songs have been written about automobiles as objects of lust, symbols of
liberation and power, and the center of the youth movement’s sexual universe (Lezotte
2013). This was apparent in the post-World War II era where prosperity and the
growing economy suggested to many that the American dream was possible and the
symbol of that dream was often a new automobile (Lezotte 2013). Capital improvement
and infrastructure projects became rooted in moving vehicles from one place to another
(Winston 1991). Suburban sprawl meant that having a vehicle was essential to
commuting to and from places of employment as well as shopping, entertainment, and
casual visits. Lacking ownership of a vehicle became a considerable impediment to

17. 16
accessing good jobs, shops, and neighborhoods. It was the car becoming an essential
item that catapulted it into the center feature of American culture.
Owning a personal vehicle is certainly essential in Pinellas County where
bicyclists and pedestrians are killed on a daily basis and most of the buses only run
between the hours of nine and five (Tampa Bay Metropolitan Planning Organization
2012). Without a personal vehicle, residents have much difficulty in accessing a variety
of places of employment, grocery stores, and health services. The continued expansion
of roadways such as U.S. 19 reflects the continued support for transportation by
automobile over alternative options (Tampa Bay Metropolitan Planning Organization
2012).
Although local communities often favor public spaces (such as parks and trails,
see Figure 2) over roadway projects, state and federal transportation projects continue
to focus on the movement of vehicles. According to the Government Finance Officers
Association (GFOA), “A government should identify broad goals based on its
assessment of the community it serves and its operating environment” (National
Advisory Council on State and Local Budgeting 1998). At the federal and state levels,
officials avoid appropriating funds for projects supporting active or alternative
transportation essentially disregarding the needs and goals of the communities served.
Public budgeting that invests in unsustainable infrastructure results in less
accountability and goes against generally accepted budgeting practices for public

18. 17
Figure 2: Behavior Predictors Show Tampa Bay Residents are Active
agencies. Holding state and federal transportation agencies accountable for the
overwhelming spending on roadways may impact policy to the point of transformation.
Of course, the organizational culture within these agencies will likely resist any change
as a threat to the status quo. Furthermore, organizational culture in massive
bureaucracies such as state and federal transportation departments can become
extremely inflexible. As one author explains, “government bureaucracies inevitably
0.0%
5.0%
10.0%
15.0%
20.0%
25.0%
30.0%
Poor/Fair
Health
Status
No
Exercise
Reported
Obesity
Tampa/St.
Pete/Clearwater
Orlando/Kissimme
e
Florida
Nationwide
Median
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. SMART: BRFSS City and County Data, Quick View Charts

19. 18
move toward rigidity and hierarchical constraints” (Rainey 2010) which makes
adapting to changing public needs more difficult.
Being a symbol of prosperity in the United States, the car has significantly
influenced transportation infrastructure as well as funding and support for
transportation alternatives. Most federal transportation dollars go to road and highway
construction, reconstruction, and safety features (Winston 1991). Millions of Americans
enjoy the convenience of traveling throughout the continental United States via
interstate highways, but highways can also be viewed as an impairment to travel.
Multilane roads create divisions within cities and increase the difficulties one must
overcome to travel without an automobile (Dombroski 2005). Car-centered
transportation policies overlook the fundamental truth that not every person does (or
should) own a vehicle. Those who do not drive, whether due to voluntary, disability, or
monetary reasons, are extremely limited in their capacity to move freely. The right to
travel, although not explicitly granted in the Constitution, is considered to be a basic
right necessary to secure personal liberty (Dombroski 2005). The American car culture
encourages independence while simultaneously limiting who is afforded this
independence.
Car-centered development has also evolved the growth of urban spaces. After
suburban sprawl came the need for parking lots for the many commuters traveling
from the outskirts of town into the city (Ladd 2009). These parking lots, often spread

20. 19
over an expanded green space, take up valuable real estate that could be used more as a
public benefit rather than as impervious land. Transportation policies encouraged cars
and highways, which destroy public space, at the expense of mass transit, which
nourishes it (Ladd 2009). Pinellas County is the most densely populated county in
Florida (The Pinellas County Planning Department 2008), partly due to the extensive
transportation infrastructure which has limited the amount of real estate available for
green spaces and public parks. This vehicle-centered development continues to impact
the County through surface water contamination, air pollution, and car accidents
(Tampa Bay Metropolitan Planning Organization 2012).
The demand for mass transit exists in rural, suburban, and urban areas not only
because not all residents can afford a car but also due to rising fuel costs, expenses
related to auto ownership, and long commuting distances which make driving
unappealing (Majumdar 2010). One study on a park and ride program in Beijing
discovered that citizens driving in highly congested traffic areas preferred utilizing the
park and ride program for comfort and safety (Qin, Guan and Zhang 2012). Also, there
exists a greater preference for public transit among younger people perhaps because of
the environmental awareness of this generation and the considerable financial struggles
faced by many young people today (Majumdar 2010). Demand fluctuations heavily
depend on gasoline prices; but strong demand exists nonetheless (Majumdar 2010).
Even so, many individuals who appreciate public transit still own cars for convenience.

21. 20
It is this preference of owning a personal automobile while actively participating in
public transportation that reflects the integral car culture that we see in the United
States today.
Health
It has been well documented that the United States is currently facing an obesity
epidemic (Shephard 2008). The sedentary population is growing, particularly among
children, which is leading to more negative health conditions which will only worsen
over time (Shephard 2008). Active commuting may be the perfect solution to help
alleviate the health risks associated with a sedentary lifestyle. There is no consensus on
a standard minimum amount of exercise for an individual to remain healthy (Shephard
2008), but we can assume that physical movement in travel is more beneficial to the
cardiovascular and muscular systems than an inactive position in an automobile. There
are two preferred forms of active commuting: walking or biking. These forms can also
be combined with each other and with mass transit for a multi-modal option. For now,
we’ll focus on walking and biking.
Active commuters in the United States face many obstacles. The most
threatening obstacle is the danger to pedestrians and bicyclists from fast-moving motor
traffic (Shephard 2008). Substantial changes in the built environment are needed if
biking and walking are to become widely accepted options for commuting (Shephard
2008). Many cities are already changing transportation infrastructure to make streets

22. 21
more walkable and bike friendly (Gerber and Gibson 2009). Simple adjustments to the
built environment such as the provision of bike lanes, the introduction of traffic calming
devices, the installation of specific traffic signals for bicycles, and dedicated bike paths
(such as the Pinellas Trail) would vastly improve the prospects for active commuting
(Shephard 2008). The Pinellas Trail is a positive feature in Pinellas County, but it is still
only viewed as a recreational space, rather than a commuter space. Engaging the
community in observing the potential for this trail to become a transportation
alternative would greatly increase its use and improvements to facilities lining it.
Another strategy to improve the potential for active commuting is for cities and
counties to construct public shower and changing facilities for commuters to access as
needed. It is clear that active commuting may cause more perspiration than inactive
commuting which may deter some employees who must subscribe to a strict dress code
(Shephard 2008). A simple facility along a trail or pedestrian path would offer
commuters an opportunity to freshen up before beginning their work day and wind
down before beginning their commute home. Employers would also benefit from an
active, healthy workforce so it would be in their interest to offer incentives to those who
choose to make physical activity part of their daily routine (Shephard 2008).
Of course, the attitudes and behavior toward active commuting would also need
to be addressed to truly make an impact on the community. Walking and biking would
need to become appropriate options when determining a commute rather than being

23. 22
relegated to recreational activities only. Developing a strategic plan that incorporates
active transportation physical features (such as bike lanes and pedestrian facilities) as
well as a substantial education outreach campaign would considerably improve the
likelihood of commuters adjusting their habits. Indeed, “The purpose of strategic
planning is…to maintain a favorable balance between an organization and its
environment over the long run” (Poister and Streib 2005) which should be a
fundamental concept to any transportation planning agency. Furthermore, for any
strategic plan to be properly implemented, it must be tied to a budget and revenue
source. The most difficult challenge in establishing active commuting will continue to
be changing the hearts and minds of the community to envision walking and biking as
simply another option in transportation rather than a transportation ‘alternative.’ Also,
one would hope active commuting would not be interpreted as an attack on personal
freedoms.
Transitioning to Shared Spaces
Only recently has the concept of pedestrians as a priority begun to sprout in
urban areas. Previously, land use plans, transportation infrastructure, and community
development had been centered on the vehicle (Kaparias, et al. 2012), and still is in
many suburban and rural areas. Now that pedestrians are becoming the central theme
of cities, urban planners and engineers must redesign shared spaces for the comfort and
safety of pedestrians and bicycles (Kaparias, et al. 2012). This means little or no vehicle

24. 23
traffic, an appropriate lighting level, and safe zones must be incorporated into the small
spaces designated for transportation (Kaparias, et al. 2012). Efforts in changing driver
behavior are rooted in altering the drivers’ willingness to share space with pedestrians
and bicyclists (Kaparias, et al. 2012). The presence of many pedestrians, in particular
children and the elderly, decreases the willingness of drivers to share space while at the
same time increasing the comfort of pedestrians and bicyclists (Kaparias, et al. 2012).
This paradox makes the job of urban planners and engineers more difficult when
designing shared spaces for pedestrians, bicycles, and cars. Downtown St. Petersburg
has one of the best examples of urban redesign with pedestrians as a priority over
drivers (Boatwright 2014). Planners in that municipality have constructed safe zones,
increased lighting, and restrict vehicles on certain streets during high pedestrian times
(Tampa Bay Metropolitan Planning Organization 2012). Many of the other twenty-four
municipalities in Pinellas County are also moving toward more walkable shared spaces.
Incrementalism appears to be the best tool for implementing walkable urban
design into communities. As was witnessed with the failed Greenlight Pinellas
referendum which would have incorporated considerable walkable safety features to
streets, “Far-reaching, original procedures and goals evoke particularly strong
opposition and usually must be modified if support is to be maintained” (Rainey 2010).
No Tax for Tracks represents the particularly strong opposition described by Rainey
and suggested smaller changes to transit service in their arguments against the plan (No

25. 24
Tax for Tracks 2014). In the case of transit improvement in Pinellas County, it would
appear that the incremental approach is “the most feasible alternative” when it comes to
successful policy implementation (Rainey 2010).
The next conundrum will be how to expand an urban design into suburban and
rural areas. The answer will likely involve multi-modal transportation since the
traveling distance will be farther. Any combination of walking, biking, mass transit,
park and ride, and personal vehicle will prove to be beneficial on a local level, a
regional level, a fitness level, and an environmental level. There is no silver bullet for
transportation issues, individuals and communities must open access to as many viable
options as possible in order to reduce traffic congestion, minimize adverse health effects
associated with high traffic areas, and increase the ability of all socioeconomic classes to
move freely.
Revenue Sources
There are many revenue sources that can fund transportation alternatives. The
Pinellas Trail was originally constructed through revenue generated by a one cent sales
tax called the Penny for Pinellas (The Pinellas County Planning Department 2008). The
Penny for Pinellas also funds transportation infrastructure and capital projects and has
been approved by voters for the past three decades (The Pinellas County Planning
Department 2008). Since it is a sales tax, it is considered by some to be a more fair tax
because everyone must pay a portion not just property owners. Also, it is estimated

26. 25
that approximately one third of all sales taxes in Pinellas County are paid by tourists
(The Pinellas County Planning Department 2008). This alleviates the tax burden from
the residents and capitalizes on the already booming tourism industry in the area (The
Pinellas County Planning Department 2008).
Another option is to fund alternative transportation through the General Fund
whose revenue comes from property taxes. The challenge with relying on the General
Fund is that a majority of the County government’s budget is paid through this fund
(The Pinellas County Planning Department 2008) and it would not be surprising if
transportation alternatives were overlooked during expenditure planning.
A safer possibility is to create a special revenue fund dedicated to mass transit
and transportation alternatives. A special revenue fund is defined as “government
revenue allotted for a specific purpose” (Wooldridge, Garvin and Miller 2001). A
special revenue fund could collect revenue through discouraging overuse of personal
vehicles through higher gas taxes, tolls, or parking fees (Buehler and Pucher 2011). Any
proposed tax increase will likely be very unpopular and met with intense public
opposition (Buehler and Pucher 2011). However, it may also curb energy use and
encourage residents to take advantage of alternatives (Buehler and Pucher 2011). Also,
it is possible to trade one tax for another. For example, in Germany, when met with
opposition to an increase in gas taxes to fund public transportation, officials reduced

27. 26
payroll taxes thereby appeasing the masses and making the tax increase revenue neutral
for the government (Buehler and Pucher 2011).
Another possible route could be to fund mass transit and transportation
alternatives through user fees (Buehler and Pucher 2011). This is also known as an
enterprise fund. An enterprise fund is defined as “managing self-supporting operations
driven by income, e.g., water and sewage service” (Wooldridge, Garvin and Miller
2001). So as to not over-burden members of the lower socioeconomic status, a sliding
scale could be applied for users based on their income. Also, discounts could be offered
to riders who purchase weekly, monthly, or annual passes with or without regional
connections (Buehler and Pucher 2011). Although possible, this strategy would require
more high socioeconomic transit riders and would be susceptible to fraud due to the
income requirements.
Congestion pricing is a form of tax on commuters during peak hours that could
be used to fund transportation alternatives. Clifford Winston described his theory of
congestion pricing in his essay Efficient Transportation Infrastructure Policy which would
cover the costs of transportation infrastructure and maintenance for roads by charging
commuters during peak hours in the hopes of encouraging them to use public
transportation such as buses or trains instead (Winston 1991). The funds gained in
congestion pricing would be used to both maintain current roads and develop more
transportation alternatives (Winston 1991).

28. 27
The current standard for most counties in Florida is a special revenue account
funded through ad valorem taxes (Gerber and Gibson 2009). Greenlight Pinellas would
have changes Pinellas County from this structure to a sales tax-based special revenue
account, what is considered a tax swap (Pinellas Suncoast Transit Authority 2013).
Unfortunately, Greenlight Pinellas was defeated in the polls in November 2014 with
62% of Pinellas County residents rejecting the one cent sales tax increase to fund and
expand mass transit.
Policy Implications
There is a wide range of stakeholders when it comes to active and mass transit.
There are stakeholders who passionately support and oppose policies targeted at
shuffling roadway funds to pedestrian, bicycle, and transit facilities. These
stakeholders along with policymakers and politicians use the foundations of their
respective ideologies to support their views meaning, “…people not only fight over
ideas, they fight with them – and words are their primary weapon” (Clemons and
McBeth 2009). History has shown that investment in infrastructure enriches the lives of
citizens (Bradley 2012). It is only progress in the built environment that has led to the
development of non-motor vehicle infrastructure as a growing priority in communities.
Of course, change happens slowly.
The Congressional Digest effectively illustrates the differing viewpoints on
alternative transportation infrastructure by various stakeholders. The periodical

29. 28
explains that congressional supporters of the SunRail project (the high-speed rail project
rejected by the Governor) believe it’s necessary for the continued growth of America,
“viewing the technology as essential to developing a strong twenty-first century
economy in the face of dwindling oil supplies, increasing highway and airport
congestion, and the need to create new manufacturing jobs” (Congressional Digest
2011). The Digest also cited opponents’ opinions that “the…proposal would commit
the Nation to a perpetual stream of Federal subsidies to offset the operating costs of a
national high-speed rail network — and that the program, in fact, could become the
equivalent of another Federal ‘entitlement’ in its impact on budget deficits”
(Congressional Digest 2011). Clemons and McBeth remind us that “power is not
diffused evenly,” especially when it comes to a transportation initiatives (Clemons and
McBeth 2009). Objective and subjective conditions determine the motives and values
behind each stakeholder’s investment in the project (Clemons and McBeth 2009). For
example, many scholars have found a positive correlation between transportation
infrastructure investment and economic development (see Figure 3) (Berechman,
Ozmen and Ozbay 2006), but Tea Party members and Governor Scott’s administration
did not share that view based on their placement of higher value on low taxes and no
deficits (Tea Party 2012). Since investing in transportation infrastructure requires
borrowing and taxing of some sort, the Tea Partiers and Governor Scott completely
opposed the idea without consideration of alternatives for funding. Such dualistic

30. 29
choice association and zero-sum ultimatums do not correspond with real life situations
(Clemons and McBeth 2009). Scholars, such as Faiz, have also cited the objective
resolution that mass transit alleviates poverty in urban areas (Faiz 2011), but this is not a
major concern for Scott and the Tea Party because their demographics are largely made
up of older white men who tend to be wealthier than the average American (Wikipedia
2011). Therefore, the subjective value placed on transportation infrastructure projects is
much lower for stakeholders such as Governor Scott and members of the Tea Party in
Florida who place more significance on the individual rather than the collective good.
Bradley reminds us that our nation was founded on the concept of promoting the
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
Bicycle
only
Trails Pedestrian
only
Complete
Road
Road only
Total jobs per $1m
Results based on a national study of 58 public works projects in 11 cities.

31. 30
general welfare of all citizens, not just ourselves (Bradley 2012), which appears to be a
concept that has been rejected by the Tea Party and Governor Scott’s Administration.
Any transportation initiatives developed in the near future will need to prepare
for and address the undoubtedly ferocious attacks from the anti-tax/anti-government
community. More importantly, policies must incorporate some aspect to appease the
anti-tax establishment while improving active and mass transit options. For democracy
to truly function, proponents and opponents must have their voices heard and middle
ground must be found on what has become quite a controversial topic.
Conclusion
Bus service, passenger rail, and trail systems are transportation alternatives that
exist in Pinellas County, but only in the most fundamental sense. An expansion of these
alternatives is beneficial to the community but only if the community embraces them as
reasonable substitutes to driving a personal vehicle. Much consideration goes into
individuals’ preferences for modes of transportation with some forms relegated to
recreational use only (such as the bicycle). Altering the perceptions of transportation as
a motor vehicle-only paradigm will greatly improve the health, access, and economy of
communities. PSTA’s Greenlight Pinellas plan failed to receive the approval of voters
partly due to the staunch criticism launched by the No Tax for Tracks organization. The
ideology of No Tax for Tracks supporters is seen in all levels of government including
the Governor’s office where the SunRail project died. There are strategies for funding

32. 31
active and mass transit projects that can be effective when tied to a comprehensive plan
that includes construction, redevelopment, and education. Implementing such a plan
would need to happen incrementally for it to achieve success. Although opponents to
transportation initiatives often place higher value on individual rights rather than
public interest, their opinions must be acknowledged in policy planning for democratic
society to be effective. Future progress in Pinellas County will likely involve more
referendums, more walkable urban designs, and a restructured bus system. One can
only hope that a progressive leader will undertake active and mass transit as an
ambitious mission from conception to completion for the benefit of the residents of
Pinellas County, the state of Florida, and the visitors that come from around the world
to experience what the state has to offer.

33. 32
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