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1)
PusatPenelitianSosial Ekonomi dan Kebijakan Kehutanan
Zoning areal Hutan dan Konfliknya .......... ( )Iman Santoso
ZONING AREAL HUTAN DAN KONFLIKNYA
(Forest area zoning and related conflicts)
Oleh :
In the 1970s land use for various development activities was sharply accelerated by
the implementation of food crop expansion programs, transmigration and resettlement
projects, and large scale timber concession operations in almost all of the main islands of
Indonesia.Realizing this situation, the Minister ofAgriculture urged provincial governments
to set aside sufficient areas of permanent forest to maintain crucial land and water systems,
conserve bio-diversity, and for the sustainable production of forest products and services.
Based on the existing bio-physical condition each province had to set aside areas for
/By
Sejak tahun 1970 an pemanfaatan lahan untuk berbagai tujuan pembangunan telah mengalami
percepatan dengan pelaksanaan program-program pengembangan tanaman pangan, transmigrasi,
pemukiman penduduk dan pemberian konsesi untuk pengusahaan hutan yang hampir menyebar diseluruh
kepulauan Indonesia. Menindaklanjuti situasi ini Menteri Pertanian menekankan kepada Gubernur
untuk tetap mempertahankan kawasan hutan untuk berbagai fungsi seperti pengaturan tata air, koservasi
keanekaragaman hayati dan untuk produksi kayu dan jasa lainnya secara lestari. Untuk tujuan di atas
sesuai dengan kondisi biofisik, setiap propinsi harus menyediakan kawasan untuk hutan lindung, hutan
konservasi, hutan produksi dan hutan konversi untuk kebutuhan lain jika diperlukan. Pada tahun 1980 an
berbagai peruntukan di atas ditetapkan dalam suatu kesepakatan yang disebut dengan Tata Guna Hutan
Kesepakatan (TGHK). Dengan hanya berdasarkan peta TGHK, konversi lahan untuk kebutuhan diluar
sektor kehutanan telah menimbulkan berbagai ketidak puasan di daerah. Kemudian untuk merespon
ketidak puasan tersebut pemerintah mengeluarkan Rencana Tata Ruang Wilayah per Propinsi yang disusun
berdasarkan kebutuhan berbagai sektor. Tetapi dalam pelaksanaannya, keberadaan masyarakat yang
tinggal dan hidup didalam kawasan hutan belum dapat diakomodasi secara jelas dalam
Tata Ruang Wilayah tersebut. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji permasahan tesebut
di atas dengan mengumpulkan bahan-bahan dari lapangan, mereview berbagai peraturan perundangan dan
merekomendasikan berbagai solusi. Untuk mengakomodasikan kebutuhan masyarakat yang terkait dengan
penggunaan kawasan/lahan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan hidupnya sebaiknya pemerintah segera
menyempurnakan rencana tataruang yang memasukkan unsur masyarakat sebagai salah satu faktor yang
dapat memanfaatkan kawasan/lahan/hutan untuk menopang kehidupan mereka yang sesuai dengan fungsi
kawasan yang ada.
Kata kunci :Penggunaan lahan,konflik,masyarakat, hakpemilikantanah
Iman Santoso
ABSTRAK
ABSTRACT
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JURNAL Penelitian Sosial dan Ekonomi Kehutanan Vol. 5 No. 3 September 2008, Hal. 143 - 153
Protection Forest (PtF), Strict Nature Reserves (SNR), Conservation Forest (CF) ,
Production Forest (PrF) , while forested areas that could be converted to other uses were
categorized as a Convertible Production Forest (CPrF). Through consensus among
provincial agencies using the best available data the allocation of those forest categories were
made in 1980s, and forest zones were depicted in so-called Consensus Forest Land Allocation
Maps (CFLAM). The map was widely used as reference tool for allocating land for various
investments and land-based activities, at least until 1990s, with the result that unplanned
conversion of forests for other uses was sufficiently restrained. However, with the
accelerating rate of land-based development by other sectors, the existence of permanent
forest zones was criticized as a barrier to regional development, and CFLAM was
characterised as merely a forest sector plan that blocked other sectors from developing
unmanaged land better suited to other uses.There was a strong call to replace CFLAM with a
more comprehensive and rational spatial plan to accommodate various land-based
developments. The map was widely used as reference tool for allocating land for various
investments and land-based activities, at least until 1990s, with the result that unplanned
conversion of forests for other uses was sufficiently restrained. However, with the
accelerating rate of land-based development by other sectors, the existence of permanent
forest zones was criticized as a barrier to regional development, and CFLAM was
characterised as merely a forest sector plan that blocked other sectors from developing
unmanaged land better suited to other uses. There was a strong call to replace CFLAM with a
more comprehensive and rational spatial plan to accommodate various land-based
developments. While the plan does allocate protection and utilization zones for various land
uses, it does not mention the existence of communities that have long been in forested areas,
this shortcoming has generated conflicts between the communities and the government; and
between the communities and forest enterprises, on the use of the land and the utilization of
timber and other forest products. This paper is intended to discuss these conflicts by
reviewing the state control over forest land according to existing regulations, the existence of
communities with their traditional knowledge, and the conflicts caused by the existing
controls of both the government and the communities. Lessons learned from this review are
expected to be of use in improving forestry law and regulation which are the communities are
takeninto accountasone of theactorsin themanagementof thezones.
Keywords:Land uses,conflict,utilization,communities,land rights.
2
3
I . INTRODUCTION
In the 1970s land use for various development activities was sharply accelerated by
the implementation of food crop expansion programs, transmigration and resettlement
projects, and large scale timber concession operations in almost all of the main islands of
Indonesia. New plantation areas were established in the outer island of Java along with
development of new settlements for transmigration from the populated island of Java, and
timber extraction executed in productive forests for plywood industries. There was no
comprehensive spatial plan to be referred to in order to give direction to land based
2)
3)
Thetwo typesof Conservation ForestareRecreationParksand National Parks
Thetwo types of ProductionForestareRegularProductionForestsand LimitedProductionForests
145
developments at either provincial or district levels, so that millions of hectares of forest areas
on these islands were 'victimized' for the sake of economic and regional development.
Unfortunately most of these forest conversions were not successful in terms of their
suitability and accessibility for food crops or human settlement. The remaining areas were
then abandoned as degraded and unproductive land, except those with forests that were
selectivelycutfortimberproduction.
Realizing this situation, the Minister of Agriculture urged provincial governments to
set aside sufficient areas of permanent forest to maintain crucial land and water systems,
conserve bio-diversity, and for the sustainable production of forest products and services.
Based on the existing bio-physical condition each province had to set aside areas for
Protection Forest (PtF), Strict Nature Reserves (SNR), Conservation Forest (CF), Production
Forest (PrF), and Hunting Parks (HP), while forested areas that could be converted to other
uses were categorized as a Convertible Production Forest (CPrF). Through consensus
among provincial agencies using the best available data the allocation of those forest
categories were made in 1980s, and forest zones were depicted in so-called Consensus Forest
Land Allocation Maps(CFLAM).
The map was widely used as reference tool for allocating land for various investments
and land-based activities, at least until 1990s, with the result that unplanned conversion of
forests for other uses was sufficiently restrained. However, with the accelerating rate of land-
baseddevelopmentbyothersectors,theexistenceof permanent forestzones was criticizedas
a barrier to regional development, and CFLAM was characterised as merely a forest sector
plan that blocked other sectors from developing unmanaged land better suited to other uses.
There was a strong call to replace CFLAM with a more comprehensive and rational spatial
plan toaccommodatevariousland-based developments.
In response to that appeal, in 1992 the Government issued Spatial Plan Act
No.24/1992 which requires each province and district to formulate an inter-sectoral, spatial
plan setting out which areas are to be allocated for Protection Zones (PZ) with the rest
opened up as Utilization Zones (UZ). Under these broad categories, Protection Forests, Strict
Nature Reserves, and Conservation Forests (under CFLAM) are grouped as Protection
Zones, while Production Forests and Convertible Production Forests are grouped in
Utilization Zone. By careful review of the new field data in 1990s, a Provincial Spatial Plan
(PSP) was then elaborated and mapped for each province. Within the PSP some forest zones
have been reallocated to other land uses from those were ascribed under CFLAM, or re-
categorized to new types of forest with different functions. There are also some cases where
non-forestland has nowbeenallocatedas forestzones in thePSPmap.
Although the PSP was designed to accommodate inter-sector needs for land, it lacks
detail concerning the position of the communities living in these areas. While the plan does
allocate protection and utilization zones for various land uses, it does not mention the
existence of communities that have long been in forested areas, with traditional practices for
managing land and forest resources. This shortcoming has generated conflicts between the
communities and the government; and between the communities and forest enterprises, on
theuseof theland and theutilizationof timberand otherforestproducts.
This paper is intended to discuss these conflicts by reviewing the state's control over
forest land according to existing regulations, the existence of communities with their
traditional knowledge, and the conflicts caused by the existing controls of both the
government and the communities. Lessons learned from this review are expected to be of
usein improving forestrylawand regulation.
Zoning areal Hutan dan Konfliknya .......... ( )Iman Santoso
II. STUDY METHODOLOGY
III. RESULTSAND DISCUSSION
A. StateControl overForestLand
This paper is the result of studies done by desk study, review of forestry regulations
(in national, regional and regency levels) , field study in several conflict area such as in
WestLampung District,WestSumba Districtand discussionswithstakeholders
Since the existence of forests has both benefits for and impacts on the nation, all
forest areas in Indonesia and all resources therein are controlled by the state. Therefore,
article 4 of the Forestry Act No.41/1999 states that all forests are under control of the state
for the maximum benefit of the people. With this control, the state has the obligation to
assign and maintain certain areas as permanent forest zones for protection, conservation
and utilization purposes. Implementation of this control is conducted by the Government
based on a mandate given to it by the state to: i) regulate and manage the nation's forest
resources in a sustainable way, ii) arrange the most appropriate legal relationship between
people and theforest,and iii)regulateall practicesrelatedtoexistingforest.
Based on this mandate, the government has designated 123.5 million hectares of land
to be maintained as the state permanent forests consisting of 31.8 million hectares of
Protection Forests, 20.1 million hectares of Conservation Forests, 57.5 million hectares of
Production Forests, and 14.1 million hectares of Convertible Production Forests. All these
forest zones are allocated in the Provincial Spatial Plans (PSP). The government, within
existing laws and regulations, has granted concessions to private and state forest enterprises
to manage and derive benefits from Production Forests mainly through timber extraction;
and has issued permits for nature tourism operations in some forest parks to eligible
recreation operators. The Government has also set out rules to regulate forest management
operations, and plantation and timber harvests in Production Forests managed by concession
holders. For Recreational Parks, National Park and Hunting Parks, rules have also been set
out for wise use and restricted utilization in order to get optimal benefits from these
Conservation Forests.
Communities who live on the fringes of, and within, forest zones are granted rights
to utilize timber and other products from the forest for daily consumption and livelihood.
These rights are considered to be marginal compared to those given to the concession
holders, since the community only gets their subsistence from the forests while the greater
benefits from the forests are enjoyed by concession holders. Legally, a community would
get similar benefits only if it establishes an eligible cooperative to operate a forest concession.
Unfortunately, most communities lack sufficient capital to prove their eligibility and to
comply with the requirements set out for competent forest operators. Therefore, conflicts
between communities and government and concession holders in the Production Forest
zones always begin when the communities are restricted from cutting timber for commercial
use, and in using the land they believe is their inheritance from their ancestors. In other
zones, i.e. in Protection Forest, Strict Nature Reserves, Conservation Forest, conflicts
also occur when they infringe the rights of communities to utilize their land for their homes
and farming, and for harvesting forest products. In some cases, Government officials have
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JURNAL Penelitian Sosial dan Ekonomi Kehutanan Vol. 5 No. 3 September 2008, Hal. 143 - 153
taken excessive action and have expelled communities from zones that have been unilaterally
assignedas restrictedforestzones.
Communities living on the fringes and within the forest are estimated to number about
48.8 million people, and about 10.2 million of them are categorized as poor people who are
depended on forest resources for the daily living. Communities perceive the forest as their
home and a place that produces the goods and services needed for their survival and
livelihoods. According to their beliefs, some places in the forest are also treated as sacred sites
where the souls of their ancestors rest. In the zones of Production Forest, as well as in
Conservation Forest, job opportunities such as in timber management and in the recreation
businessarealso offeredtothecommunities.
Based on the history of their existence and their occupation of forest areas, and the
norms and rules they apply in their daily life, communities can be grouped into three main
categoriesasfollows:
Such communities are comprised of people holding customary land ( ) as
their territory on which they maintain their sovereignty. They are native to the forest land
where they live and use their own norms and rules to regulate their communications and
relationships within their community and with others. They live in harmony with the forest
by applying their traditional knowledge and local wisdom to manage natural resources and
environment.
Based on Agrarian Minister Regulation No.5/1999 their existence and their associated
land should be identified and legalized through district-level Regulations
( ). Once the existence is legally acknowledged by the community has the right to
hold and manage its forest land as customary forest land within the state forest.
Unfortunately, only a few District Governments have yet issued such This is partly
caused by the complicated criteria used in identifying the existence of the community, and
the potential conflicts which may arise among communities in determining the boundaries
of their . In addition, community's rights acknowledged by Forestry Act have
not been spelled out in detailed regulations. As yet, these communities' rights over forest land
arestilluncertain.
From the government's perspective the rights to be granted to Customary Community
overforestland should includerightsto:
a Manage and utilize forest resources by using traditional knowledge and local wisdom
taking into account the main function assigned to the forest zone where the is
situated. In this case, the knowledge and wisdom applied by the community should
complywithtechnical orsilviculturaltechniquesrequiredbythegovernment;
B . The Existenceof Communitiesin theForestZones
1. CustomaryCommunity
tanah ulayat
(tanah ulayat)
Perda5 Perda,
Perda .
tanah ulayat
tanah ulayat
4
b Bequeath its to its descendants as long as they still belong to the customary
community. However, the community is not allowed to transfer the and
relatedrightstoany partyoutsidethecommunity;
c Get information about and be involved in any development plan that relates to
community's
tanah ulayat
tanah ulayat
tanah ulayat
4)
The only that has been issued is for Seko community at Luwuk Utara District, while for communities of
Kasepuhan Cibedug atLebakDistrict,and of Namblong atJayapura Districtarestillin theformulation process.
Perda
Zoning areal Hutan dan Konfliknya .......... ( )Iman Santoso
147
2. Local Community
3. NewlyArrived Community
Such communities are comprised of people that have been living in the forest for
some generations, but no longer hold to strictly traditional norms and rules in regulating their
communications and relationship within their community and with others. They are not
committed to applying their traditional knowledge and local wisdom in utilizing natural
resources and maintaining the environment. Some of the family members of such
communities have migrated to the cities to get jobs and make a better living, but they still have
an emotional link withtheirland.
This type of community can be found in almost all parts of Indonesia, within
Production Forests, Protection Forests and even in Conservation Forests. Ideally the
government registers and maps their existence in order to recognize their rights and control
their land uses. In some cases their existence is legally recognized by the government of the
District; however such communities hold only limited rights compared to those held by
customary communities. Some rights and restrictions, as set out below, are normally applied
toland utilizationin forestzones bymembersof such Local Communities:
This type of community is comprised of people who have no history of settlement in
forest zones. Many used to live in urban areas but possess no legal land or secure employment
so they move to the fringes of, or within, the forest zone. Some are people who intentionally
expand their land 'ownership' by clearing forest and settling on land that has not been
intensively managed and/or developed by the government. They have no rights over forest
land and any of the resources thereon since their occupation of forest land is considered to be
illegal. However, in many cases, the government has legalized their existence, has developed
their neighbourhood into a or hamlet/village and has built public facilities such
as a mosque and/or a church, or community health centre, and others, to be
managed by the under leadership of the chief of the village. In such cases these
lands havethenbeenexcisedfromtheforestzone as an enclave.
Since the community still depends on the forest products from the forest zones the
government gives them very limited rights over forest land and the resources thereon as
follows:
a They are not given rights to manage the forest but are granted permits to access and
utilize land and resources in the forest zone in accordance with agro-forestry principles
set by the government. Even though they could bequeath the land to their descendants,
they are not allowed to expand their occupation nor to transfer their rights to other
people;
b Rights to be informed of any development plan related to the land where they live on,
and toparticipateactivelyin theformulation of theplan;
c Rights to be involved in any development program and other economic activity around
theirneighbourhood;
d Rights to apply local norms and traditional knowledge in utilizing land resources of the
forest where they live, as long as they meet the terms of sustainable forest management.
In addition, they could get technical assistance for their participation in any forest
programimplementedbythegovernment.
e They could form a cooperative to get small concession to manage and utilize forest
resourcesusingtheexistinggovernmentregulation
a They are not given rights to manage the forest, but are only allowed to utilize non-timber
forestproductsfromtheforestzones wheretheylive,
kampung/desa
puskesmas
kampung
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JURNAL Penelitian Sosial dan Ekonomi Kehutanan Vol. 5 No. 3 September 2008, Hal. 143 - 153
b Rightstobeinformedon any developmentrelatedtotheirneighbourhood,
c Rights to be involved in any forestry development program or economic activities being
carriedouton thefringesof orwithintheforest,
d They could form a cooperative to get a small concession to manage and utilize forest
resourcesunderexistinggovernmentregulations.
C . The conflicts
1. Forestland useconflicts
Conflicts between communities and the government or between community and
forest concession holders are mainly triggered by overlapping uses of forest land and/or
utilization of timber and other forest products from the forest. Based on observations made
by government and NGOs, the conflicts can be categorized as: i) forest land use conflicts, ii)
conflicts related to forest management and utilization, iii) conflict over activities and, iv)
conservation conflicts.
Conflicts related to land use occur in almost all provinces outside Java where
community lands have been included in the forest zone. This is mostly caused by the absence
of community participation in the forest delineation and forest boundary making when the
provincial government made forest zone allocation on the Consensus Forest Land Allocation
Map (CFLAM) without considering the existing land uses, as happened in West Lampung
District. Other cases also occur when the Ministry of Forestry has extended the area of
National Parks to include community lands surrounding the parks, as happened with the
enlargementof GunungHalimun National Park.
In these cases the community suffers in two ways. Firstly, the community, especially
a local community, suffers from a loss of opportunities to get land title to own the land,
since the land has been included in forest zone. With no ownership title, the community only
has the right to use the land for housing and farming, but it can not be transferred to other
party. For a customary community, such a situation does not affect its opportunity to get
recognition from local government (district); while for a newly arrived community the
delineation of the forest zone makes it clearer that its existence is illegal. Secondly, the
delineation and boundary marking of the forest zone forces the community to use the land in
accordance with rules applied to forest zone according to their specific function e.g. for
protection of soil and water system or for conservation of genetic resources. In such cases a
community is not allowed to cut trees nor till the land (ie it is not allowed to plow nor to
harrowtheland).
Conflicts between communities and the government occur when the communities
clear the forest or practice various forms of shifting cultivation or use the forest zones for
permanent agricultural expansion. Other forest clearing may also be executed by a
community to extend its hamlet to accommodate the growing population. In past times, the
government responded to what it perceived as violations by conducting evictions of such
communities from the forest zone, actions that in almost all cases provoked turmoil.
Therefore, to improve its policy and action, in the 1990s the government conducted
resettlement projects, within the framework of the transmigration program, to develop land
as new settlements for forest encroachers, particularly in Sumatera and Kalimantan.
Unfortunately due to the financial and technical problems these projects were terminated
in 1998.
Zoning areal Hutan dan Konfliknya .......... ( )Iman Santoso
149
2. Conflictsrelatedtoforestmanagementand utilization
3. Conflictsof Activities
This type of conflict occurs mostly in Production Forests that have been granted to
concession holders for timber management. Conflict is caused by overriding a community's
rights over timber and other forest products by the issuance of a timber concession.
Conflicts are also caused by the different schemes of forest management, between those
applied according to the traditional knowledge held by the community and those imposed by
governmenttobeapplied byconcessionholders.
Customary and local communities suffer from this type of conflict. Under the
management of the concession holders, the forest is scheduled to be cut in consecutive
blocks for timber production over 20 years in accordance with the procedures set by the
government. On the other hand, the communities are only given very limited rights to
utilize timber and other forest products for their subsistence. The different values and
norms held by the communities and the concession holder have also triggered conflicts.
In most cases, concession holders, in maximizing their operations, have to harvest all
marketable species of timber found in the forest, while the communities with their traditional
normsand valuesseektoconservesometimbersand keep someplacesintact.
Conflicts between these parties very often take the form of protests followed by
acts of destroying forest infrastructure (e.g. roads, bridges, camps, etc) and the seizure
of logging vehicles by community members. This has happened in almost all parts of
Sumatera, Kalimantan and Papua, where logging operations often face protests from, and
confrontations by, customary and local communities. Unfortunately these conflicts are
often resolved only in ways, such as by paying compensation or by involving some
members of the community in the logging operations. For such reasons, and with the aim
of seeking a better resolution of such conflicts, since 1980s, the government has made
it compulsory for concession holders to implement community development programs
withintheirworkingareaduringtheirtenancy.
Environmental disturbances often result from all kinds of forestry activities which
may also cause inconvenience to communities living in the forest zone. The construction of
logging roads, cutting trees in the forest and timber hauling on the road are some examples of
disturbances to the community's life. Such disturbances may never have been experienced by
the community members before the forests were allocated as production forest and were
given to investors for timber extraction. To customary communities, these activities are not
merely a disturbance; they are to some extent perceived as violations against the norms
held by the community on its ancestral land. In some cases where such logging activities
have been conducted, communities could only protect their land by trying to stop the
activities, such as by blocking road that lead to sacred sites. In other cases, communities
protestagainstthelogging plans which aretobeimplementedon theirland.
On the other hand, however, the existence of the community and its activities to
some extent disrupts the operation of forest exploitation. There are some traditional events
that have to be celebrated and people are not allowed to work. These often bring to a halt
all activities in the forest and logging operations may stop for the whole day. In addition,
there are beliefs that some species of trees are not allowed to be cut, while certain place have
to be maintained intact as sacred sites. This may oblige logging operators to change their plans
and redesigntheirskiddingand hauling systems.
ad hoc
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JURNAL Penelitian Sosial dan Ekonomi Kehutanan Vol. 5 No. 3 September 2008, Hal. 143 - 153
4. Conservationconflicts
IV. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Conflicts between traditional rules with formal restriction on the utilization of some
species of flora and fauna are the cause of the so-called conservation conflicts. Based on
beliefs held by the communities, some species of flora and fauna are believed to have
special meaning for their life or in their rituals and special events; while those same species
are considered by law to be endangered species. People who living in the fringe of Manupeu-
Tanadaru National Park, West Sumba District, believe that by using timber for the
pillars of their traditional houses their families will be protected from any disturbances and
diseases. They also believe that the sacred pillar will bring prosperity to their families. As a
matter of fact, timber is the only hardwood that can be found in the park. The timber
has mechanical properties suitable for building and construction while other species can
be best used as furniture and fuel wood. As a hardwood species the tree grows very
slowly in the savanna-like ecosystem, while the population living in surrounding the park
is growing faster, so that demand for timber is know higher than the growth of that
species. The government has categorized tress as an endangered species that should
be protected from any utilization that leads to extinction. The community, however, will
not stop using the timber until it no longer found in the park. As long as it is available,
the community still believes that the timber can not be substituted by other timber outside
thepark.
Conflicts related to forest zoning in Indonesia are basically caused by the absence of
formal acknowledgement from the government side of the existence of communities living
in the forest zones. The problems started with the designation of forest zones in each
province, followed by the management and allocation of these resources in ways that are
overly controlled by government. Such control by the government over the forest zone and
of forest resources, has been criticized for not paying sufficient attention to the community's
existence and their related rights. Specifically, controls implemented by the government
usuallygenerateconflictsin thefollowingsituations:
1. The government with its mandate to designate the state's permanent forest did not
involve communities in assigning forest zones and delineating them on the spatial plan
map. There were no common (agreed) criteria used by the government and the people for
categorizing lands falling in the forestzone. In addition, the government failed to involve
people in delineating forest boundaries and in identifying communities' lands as enclaves.
As a result, communities' land are included into state's permanent forest implying that
the communities have limited rights over lands that have long been their 'own land' .
However, this situation could be corrected in the process of formulating district spatial
plan and in the process of forest boundary marking, by involving representatives of the
communities.
2. Until recently, no local government has issued Regent Regulations recognising the
existence of a Customary Community and its Associated Land (CCAL), therefore the
mayela
mayela
mayela
mayela
mayela
5
5)
In formal land administration, ownership of the land is proven by the grant of Land Ownership Title by the National
Land Agency. In almost all cases, communities have no such titles, since they cannot afford to comply with complicated
proceduresand costsinvolvedin gettingthem.
Zoning areal Hutan dan Konfliknya .......... ( )Iman Santoso
151
position of CCAL in the forest zone is still uncertain and communities' rights over forest
land and the resources therein are restricted and under control of the Ministry of
Forestry as part of the government system. In this situation, the community is treated as
local community that only has access to use the land and utilize the resources thereon
under strict supervision and according to procedures set by the government, without the
rights to manage the land and resources according to their own knowledge. It is
recommended, therefore that the criteria used in determining CCAL be simplified to
enable District Governments to issue District Regulations recognizing the existence of
CCAL.
3. So far the Government does not recognize traditional knowledge in the management of
forest resources. A strict procedure is required in planning and operating forest
concession without considering traditional wisdom that has long been practised by
communities. In addition, the Government has no procedure to regulate and
appropriately control the role of customary communities in the management of the
forest resource and in timber harvesting operations. This will be a potential problem
once the existence of CCAL is determined by District Regulations. An immediate effort
should be conducted to formulate such regulations involving all related stakeholder
and local governments.
4. The existence of Customary Communities, Local Communities, and Newly Arrived
Communities in the forest zones are facts that can not be denied. While the government
lacks sufficient means to exclude them from the forests, it will be appropriate if the
communities are taken into account as one of the actors in the management of the zones,
whatever rights are then accorded to the communities. In addition, as forest land has a
social function, such as in maintaining soil stability and protecting genetic resources, the
government should issue appropriate types of land rights to ensure that lands held by
communitiescannot betransferredtootherparties.
5. As the spatial plan established directives on the potential uses of forest zones, without
mentioning ownership of the land, it would be more appropriate for the government to
focus its efforts on maintaining and enhancing forest functions, taken into account the
existing land occupancies. In this context, the government has to control and secure
forest areas that are under its jurisdiction and that should not be utilized other than as
forest,regardlessof who occupiestheland.
6. Overall, there is a need to review and redefine the terms of state control over forest
land to clearly include the government's obligation to : i) involve people in all decision
making which potentially has impacts on people, ii) give technical assistances to people in
managing forest land and resources, iii) assist people in building connections with other
partiesin managing theirforestlands and resources.
Harsono, B. 1997. Hukum Agrarian Indonesia. Sejarah Pembentukan Undang-Undang
Pokok Agraria, Isi dan Pelaksanaannya. Jilid 1, Hukum Tanah Nasional. Penerbit
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Andrew hidayat tataruang yang memasukkan unsur masyarakat memanfaatkan kawasan lahan hutan

  • 1. 143 1) PusatPenelitianSosial Ekonomi dan Kebijakan Kehutanan Zoning areal Hutan dan Konfliknya .......... ( )Iman Santoso ZONING AREAL HUTAN DAN KONFLIKNYA (Forest area zoning and related conflicts) Oleh : In the 1970s land use for various development activities was sharply accelerated by the implementation of food crop expansion programs, transmigration and resettlement projects, and large scale timber concession operations in almost all of the main islands of Indonesia.Realizing this situation, the Minister ofAgriculture urged provincial governments to set aside sufficient areas of permanent forest to maintain crucial land and water systems, conserve bio-diversity, and for the sustainable production of forest products and services. Based on the existing bio-physical condition each province had to set aside areas for /By Sejak tahun 1970 an pemanfaatan lahan untuk berbagai tujuan pembangunan telah mengalami percepatan dengan pelaksanaan program-program pengembangan tanaman pangan, transmigrasi, pemukiman penduduk dan pemberian konsesi untuk pengusahaan hutan yang hampir menyebar diseluruh kepulauan Indonesia. Menindaklanjuti situasi ini Menteri Pertanian menekankan kepada Gubernur untuk tetap mempertahankan kawasan hutan untuk berbagai fungsi seperti pengaturan tata air, koservasi keanekaragaman hayati dan untuk produksi kayu dan jasa lainnya secara lestari. Untuk tujuan di atas sesuai dengan kondisi biofisik, setiap propinsi harus menyediakan kawasan untuk hutan lindung, hutan konservasi, hutan produksi dan hutan konversi untuk kebutuhan lain jika diperlukan. Pada tahun 1980 an berbagai peruntukan di atas ditetapkan dalam suatu kesepakatan yang disebut dengan Tata Guna Hutan Kesepakatan (TGHK). Dengan hanya berdasarkan peta TGHK, konversi lahan untuk kebutuhan diluar sektor kehutanan telah menimbulkan berbagai ketidak puasan di daerah. Kemudian untuk merespon ketidak puasan tersebut pemerintah mengeluarkan Rencana Tata Ruang Wilayah per Propinsi yang disusun berdasarkan kebutuhan berbagai sektor. Tetapi dalam pelaksanaannya, keberadaan masyarakat yang tinggal dan hidup didalam kawasan hutan belum dapat diakomodasi secara jelas dalam Tata Ruang Wilayah tersebut. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji permasahan tesebut di atas dengan mengumpulkan bahan-bahan dari lapangan, mereview berbagai peraturan perundangan dan merekomendasikan berbagai solusi. Untuk mengakomodasikan kebutuhan masyarakat yang terkait dengan penggunaan kawasan/lahan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan hidupnya sebaiknya pemerintah segera menyempurnakan rencana tataruang yang memasukkan unsur masyarakat sebagai salah satu faktor yang dapat memanfaatkan kawasan/lahan/hutan untuk menopang kehidupan mereka yang sesuai dengan fungsi kawasan yang ada. Kata kunci :Penggunaan lahan,konflik,masyarakat, hakpemilikantanah Iman Santoso ABSTRAK ABSTRACT
  • 2. 144 JURNAL Penelitian Sosial dan Ekonomi Kehutanan Vol. 5 No. 3 September 2008, Hal. 143 - 153 Protection Forest (PtF), Strict Nature Reserves (SNR), Conservation Forest (CF) , Production Forest (PrF) , while forested areas that could be converted to other uses were categorized as a Convertible Production Forest (CPrF). Through consensus among provincial agencies using the best available data the allocation of those forest categories were made in 1980s, and forest zones were depicted in so-called Consensus Forest Land Allocation Maps (CFLAM). The map was widely used as reference tool for allocating land for various investments and land-based activities, at least until 1990s, with the result that unplanned conversion of forests for other uses was sufficiently restrained. However, with the accelerating rate of land-based development by other sectors, the existence of permanent forest zones was criticized as a barrier to regional development, and CFLAM was characterised as merely a forest sector plan that blocked other sectors from developing unmanaged land better suited to other uses.There was a strong call to replace CFLAM with a more comprehensive and rational spatial plan to accommodate various land-based developments. The map was widely used as reference tool for allocating land for various investments and land-based activities, at least until 1990s, with the result that unplanned conversion of forests for other uses was sufficiently restrained. However, with the accelerating rate of land-based development by other sectors, the existence of permanent forest zones was criticized as a barrier to regional development, and CFLAM was characterised as merely a forest sector plan that blocked other sectors from developing unmanaged land better suited to other uses. There was a strong call to replace CFLAM with a more comprehensive and rational spatial plan to accommodate various land-based developments. While the plan does allocate protection and utilization zones for various land uses, it does not mention the existence of communities that have long been in forested areas, this shortcoming has generated conflicts between the communities and the government; and between the communities and forest enterprises, on the use of the land and the utilization of timber and other forest products. This paper is intended to discuss these conflicts by reviewing the state control over forest land according to existing regulations, the existence of communities with their traditional knowledge, and the conflicts caused by the existing controls of both the government and the communities. Lessons learned from this review are expected to be of use in improving forestry law and regulation which are the communities are takeninto accountasone of theactorsin themanagementof thezones. Keywords:Land uses,conflict,utilization,communities,land rights. 2 3 I . INTRODUCTION In the 1970s land use for various development activities was sharply accelerated by the implementation of food crop expansion programs, transmigration and resettlement projects, and large scale timber concession operations in almost all of the main islands of Indonesia. New plantation areas were established in the outer island of Java along with development of new settlements for transmigration from the populated island of Java, and timber extraction executed in productive forests for plywood industries. There was no comprehensive spatial plan to be referred to in order to give direction to land based 2) 3) Thetwo typesof Conservation ForestareRecreationParksand National Parks Thetwo types of ProductionForestareRegularProductionForestsand LimitedProductionForests
  • 3. 145 developments at either provincial or district levels, so that millions of hectares of forest areas on these islands were 'victimized' for the sake of economic and regional development. Unfortunately most of these forest conversions were not successful in terms of their suitability and accessibility for food crops or human settlement. The remaining areas were then abandoned as degraded and unproductive land, except those with forests that were selectivelycutfortimberproduction. Realizing this situation, the Minister of Agriculture urged provincial governments to set aside sufficient areas of permanent forest to maintain crucial land and water systems, conserve bio-diversity, and for the sustainable production of forest products and services. Based on the existing bio-physical condition each province had to set aside areas for Protection Forest (PtF), Strict Nature Reserves (SNR), Conservation Forest (CF), Production Forest (PrF), and Hunting Parks (HP), while forested areas that could be converted to other uses were categorized as a Convertible Production Forest (CPrF). Through consensus among provincial agencies using the best available data the allocation of those forest categories were made in 1980s, and forest zones were depicted in so-called Consensus Forest Land Allocation Maps(CFLAM). The map was widely used as reference tool for allocating land for various investments and land-based activities, at least until 1990s, with the result that unplanned conversion of forests for other uses was sufficiently restrained. However, with the accelerating rate of land- baseddevelopmentbyothersectors,theexistenceof permanent forestzones was criticizedas a barrier to regional development, and CFLAM was characterised as merely a forest sector plan that blocked other sectors from developing unmanaged land better suited to other uses. There was a strong call to replace CFLAM with a more comprehensive and rational spatial plan toaccommodatevariousland-based developments. In response to that appeal, in 1992 the Government issued Spatial Plan Act No.24/1992 which requires each province and district to formulate an inter-sectoral, spatial plan setting out which areas are to be allocated for Protection Zones (PZ) with the rest opened up as Utilization Zones (UZ). Under these broad categories, Protection Forests, Strict Nature Reserves, and Conservation Forests (under CFLAM) are grouped as Protection Zones, while Production Forests and Convertible Production Forests are grouped in Utilization Zone. By careful review of the new field data in 1990s, a Provincial Spatial Plan (PSP) was then elaborated and mapped for each province. Within the PSP some forest zones have been reallocated to other land uses from those were ascribed under CFLAM, or re- categorized to new types of forest with different functions. There are also some cases where non-forestland has nowbeenallocatedas forestzones in thePSPmap. Although the PSP was designed to accommodate inter-sector needs for land, it lacks detail concerning the position of the communities living in these areas. While the plan does allocate protection and utilization zones for various land uses, it does not mention the existence of communities that have long been in forested areas, with traditional practices for managing land and forest resources. This shortcoming has generated conflicts between the communities and the government; and between the communities and forest enterprises, on theuseof theland and theutilizationof timberand otherforestproducts. This paper is intended to discuss these conflicts by reviewing the state's control over forest land according to existing regulations, the existence of communities with their traditional knowledge, and the conflicts caused by the existing controls of both the government and the communities. Lessons learned from this review are expected to be of usein improving forestrylawand regulation. Zoning areal Hutan dan Konfliknya .......... ( )Iman Santoso
  • 4. II. STUDY METHODOLOGY III. RESULTSAND DISCUSSION A. StateControl overForestLand This paper is the result of studies done by desk study, review of forestry regulations (in national, regional and regency levels) , field study in several conflict area such as in WestLampung District,WestSumba Districtand discussionswithstakeholders Since the existence of forests has both benefits for and impacts on the nation, all forest areas in Indonesia and all resources therein are controlled by the state. Therefore, article 4 of the Forestry Act No.41/1999 states that all forests are under control of the state for the maximum benefit of the people. With this control, the state has the obligation to assign and maintain certain areas as permanent forest zones for protection, conservation and utilization purposes. Implementation of this control is conducted by the Government based on a mandate given to it by the state to: i) regulate and manage the nation's forest resources in a sustainable way, ii) arrange the most appropriate legal relationship between people and theforest,and iii)regulateall practicesrelatedtoexistingforest. Based on this mandate, the government has designated 123.5 million hectares of land to be maintained as the state permanent forests consisting of 31.8 million hectares of Protection Forests, 20.1 million hectares of Conservation Forests, 57.5 million hectares of Production Forests, and 14.1 million hectares of Convertible Production Forests. All these forest zones are allocated in the Provincial Spatial Plans (PSP). The government, within existing laws and regulations, has granted concessions to private and state forest enterprises to manage and derive benefits from Production Forests mainly through timber extraction; and has issued permits for nature tourism operations in some forest parks to eligible recreation operators. The Government has also set out rules to regulate forest management operations, and plantation and timber harvests in Production Forests managed by concession holders. For Recreational Parks, National Park and Hunting Parks, rules have also been set out for wise use and restricted utilization in order to get optimal benefits from these Conservation Forests. Communities who live on the fringes of, and within, forest zones are granted rights to utilize timber and other products from the forest for daily consumption and livelihood. These rights are considered to be marginal compared to those given to the concession holders, since the community only gets their subsistence from the forests while the greater benefits from the forests are enjoyed by concession holders. Legally, a community would get similar benefits only if it establishes an eligible cooperative to operate a forest concession. Unfortunately, most communities lack sufficient capital to prove their eligibility and to comply with the requirements set out for competent forest operators. Therefore, conflicts between communities and government and concession holders in the Production Forest zones always begin when the communities are restricted from cutting timber for commercial use, and in using the land they believe is their inheritance from their ancestors. In other zones, i.e. in Protection Forest, Strict Nature Reserves, Conservation Forest, conflicts also occur when they infringe the rights of communities to utilize their land for their homes and farming, and for harvesting forest products. In some cases, Government officials have 146 JURNAL Penelitian Sosial dan Ekonomi Kehutanan Vol. 5 No. 3 September 2008, Hal. 143 - 153
  • 5. taken excessive action and have expelled communities from zones that have been unilaterally assignedas restrictedforestzones. Communities living on the fringes and within the forest are estimated to number about 48.8 million people, and about 10.2 million of them are categorized as poor people who are depended on forest resources for the daily living. Communities perceive the forest as their home and a place that produces the goods and services needed for their survival and livelihoods. According to their beliefs, some places in the forest are also treated as sacred sites where the souls of their ancestors rest. In the zones of Production Forest, as well as in Conservation Forest, job opportunities such as in timber management and in the recreation businessarealso offeredtothecommunities. Based on the history of their existence and their occupation of forest areas, and the norms and rules they apply in their daily life, communities can be grouped into three main categoriesasfollows: Such communities are comprised of people holding customary land ( ) as their territory on which they maintain their sovereignty. They are native to the forest land where they live and use their own norms and rules to regulate their communications and relationships within their community and with others. They live in harmony with the forest by applying their traditional knowledge and local wisdom to manage natural resources and environment. Based on Agrarian Minister Regulation No.5/1999 their existence and their associated land should be identified and legalized through district-level Regulations ( ). Once the existence is legally acknowledged by the community has the right to hold and manage its forest land as customary forest land within the state forest. Unfortunately, only a few District Governments have yet issued such This is partly caused by the complicated criteria used in identifying the existence of the community, and the potential conflicts which may arise among communities in determining the boundaries of their . In addition, community's rights acknowledged by Forestry Act have not been spelled out in detailed regulations. As yet, these communities' rights over forest land arestilluncertain. From the government's perspective the rights to be granted to Customary Community overforestland should includerightsto: a Manage and utilize forest resources by using traditional knowledge and local wisdom taking into account the main function assigned to the forest zone where the is situated. In this case, the knowledge and wisdom applied by the community should complywithtechnical orsilviculturaltechniquesrequiredbythegovernment; B . The Existenceof Communitiesin theForestZones 1. CustomaryCommunity tanah ulayat (tanah ulayat) Perda5 Perda, Perda . tanah ulayat tanah ulayat 4 b Bequeath its to its descendants as long as they still belong to the customary community. However, the community is not allowed to transfer the and relatedrightstoany partyoutsidethecommunity; c Get information about and be involved in any development plan that relates to community's tanah ulayat tanah ulayat tanah ulayat 4) The only that has been issued is for Seko community at Luwuk Utara District, while for communities of Kasepuhan Cibedug atLebakDistrict,and of Namblong atJayapura Districtarestillin theformulation process. Perda Zoning areal Hutan dan Konfliknya .......... ( )Iman Santoso 147
  • 6. 2. Local Community 3. NewlyArrived Community Such communities are comprised of people that have been living in the forest for some generations, but no longer hold to strictly traditional norms and rules in regulating their communications and relationship within their community and with others. They are not committed to applying their traditional knowledge and local wisdom in utilizing natural resources and maintaining the environment. Some of the family members of such communities have migrated to the cities to get jobs and make a better living, but they still have an emotional link withtheirland. This type of community can be found in almost all parts of Indonesia, within Production Forests, Protection Forests and even in Conservation Forests. Ideally the government registers and maps their existence in order to recognize their rights and control their land uses. In some cases their existence is legally recognized by the government of the District; however such communities hold only limited rights compared to those held by customary communities. Some rights and restrictions, as set out below, are normally applied toland utilizationin forestzones bymembersof such Local Communities: This type of community is comprised of people who have no history of settlement in forest zones. Many used to live in urban areas but possess no legal land or secure employment so they move to the fringes of, or within, the forest zone. Some are people who intentionally expand their land 'ownership' by clearing forest and settling on land that has not been intensively managed and/or developed by the government. They have no rights over forest land and any of the resources thereon since their occupation of forest land is considered to be illegal. However, in many cases, the government has legalized their existence, has developed their neighbourhood into a or hamlet/village and has built public facilities such as a mosque and/or a church, or community health centre, and others, to be managed by the under leadership of the chief of the village. In such cases these lands havethenbeenexcisedfromtheforestzone as an enclave. Since the community still depends on the forest products from the forest zones the government gives them very limited rights over forest land and the resources thereon as follows: a They are not given rights to manage the forest but are granted permits to access and utilize land and resources in the forest zone in accordance with agro-forestry principles set by the government. Even though they could bequeath the land to their descendants, they are not allowed to expand their occupation nor to transfer their rights to other people; b Rights to be informed of any development plan related to the land where they live on, and toparticipateactivelyin theformulation of theplan; c Rights to be involved in any development program and other economic activity around theirneighbourhood; d Rights to apply local norms and traditional knowledge in utilizing land resources of the forest where they live, as long as they meet the terms of sustainable forest management. In addition, they could get technical assistance for their participation in any forest programimplementedbythegovernment. e They could form a cooperative to get small concession to manage and utilize forest resourcesusingtheexistinggovernmentregulation a They are not given rights to manage the forest, but are only allowed to utilize non-timber forestproductsfromtheforestzones wheretheylive, kampung/desa puskesmas kampung 148 JURNAL Penelitian Sosial dan Ekonomi Kehutanan Vol. 5 No. 3 September 2008, Hal. 143 - 153
  • 7. b Rightstobeinformedon any developmentrelatedtotheirneighbourhood, c Rights to be involved in any forestry development program or economic activities being carriedouton thefringesof orwithintheforest, d They could form a cooperative to get a small concession to manage and utilize forest resourcesunderexistinggovernmentregulations. C . The conflicts 1. Forestland useconflicts Conflicts between communities and the government or between community and forest concession holders are mainly triggered by overlapping uses of forest land and/or utilization of timber and other forest products from the forest. Based on observations made by government and NGOs, the conflicts can be categorized as: i) forest land use conflicts, ii) conflicts related to forest management and utilization, iii) conflict over activities and, iv) conservation conflicts. Conflicts related to land use occur in almost all provinces outside Java where community lands have been included in the forest zone. This is mostly caused by the absence of community participation in the forest delineation and forest boundary making when the provincial government made forest zone allocation on the Consensus Forest Land Allocation Map (CFLAM) without considering the existing land uses, as happened in West Lampung District. Other cases also occur when the Ministry of Forestry has extended the area of National Parks to include community lands surrounding the parks, as happened with the enlargementof GunungHalimun National Park. In these cases the community suffers in two ways. Firstly, the community, especially a local community, suffers from a loss of opportunities to get land title to own the land, since the land has been included in forest zone. With no ownership title, the community only has the right to use the land for housing and farming, but it can not be transferred to other party. For a customary community, such a situation does not affect its opportunity to get recognition from local government (district); while for a newly arrived community the delineation of the forest zone makes it clearer that its existence is illegal. Secondly, the delineation and boundary marking of the forest zone forces the community to use the land in accordance with rules applied to forest zone according to their specific function e.g. for protection of soil and water system or for conservation of genetic resources. In such cases a community is not allowed to cut trees nor till the land (ie it is not allowed to plow nor to harrowtheland). Conflicts between communities and the government occur when the communities clear the forest or practice various forms of shifting cultivation or use the forest zones for permanent agricultural expansion. Other forest clearing may also be executed by a community to extend its hamlet to accommodate the growing population. In past times, the government responded to what it perceived as violations by conducting evictions of such communities from the forest zone, actions that in almost all cases provoked turmoil. Therefore, to improve its policy and action, in the 1990s the government conducted resettlement projects, within the framework of the transmigration program, to develop land as new settlements for forest encroachers, particularly in Sumatera and Kalimantan. Unfortunately due to the financial and technical problems these projects were terminated in 1998. Zoning areal Hutan dan Konfliknya .......... ( )Iman Santoso 149
  • 8. 2. Conflictsrelatedtoforestmanagementand utilization 3. Conflictsof Activities This type of conflict occurs mostly in Production Forests that have been granted to concession holders for timber management. Conflict is caused by overriding a community's rights over timber and other forest products by the issuance of a timber concession. Conflicts are also caused by the different schemes of forest management, between those applied according to the traditional knowledge held by the community and those imposed by governmenttobeapplied byconcessionholders. Customary and local communities suffer from this type of conflict. Under the management of the concession holders, the forest is scheduled to be cut in consecutive blocks for timber production over 20 years in accordance with the procedures set by the government. On the other hand, the communities are only given very limited rights to utilize timber and other forest products for their subsistence. The different values and norms held by the communities and the concession holder have also triggered conflicts. In most cases, concession holders, in maximizing their operations, have to harvest all marketable species of timber found in the forest, while the communities with their traditional normsand valuesseektoconservesometimbersand keep someplacesintact. Conflicts between these parties very often take the form of protests followed by acts of destroying forest infrastructure (e.g. roads, bridges, camps, etc) and the seizure of logging vehicles by community members. This has happened in almost all parts of Sumatera, Kalimantan and Papua, where logging operations often face protests from, and confrontations by, customary and local communities. Unfortunately these conflicts are often resolved only in ways, such as by paying compensation or by involving some members of the community in the logging operations. For such reasons, and with the aim of seeking a better resolution of such conflicts, since 1980s, the government has made it compulsory for concession holders to implement community development programs withintheirworkingareaduringtheirtenancy. Environmental disturbances often result from all kinds of forestry activities which may also cause inconvenience to communities living in the forest zone. The construction of logging roads, cutting trees in the forest and timber hauling on the road are some examples of disturbances to the community's life. Such disturbances may never have been experienced by the community members before the forests were allocated as production forest and were given to investors for timber extraction. To customary communities, these activities are not merely a disturbance; they are to some extent perceived as violations against the norms held by the community on its ancestral land. In some cases where such logging activities have been conducted, communities could only protect their land by trying to stop the activities, such as by blocking road that lead to sacred sites. In other cases, communities protestagainstthelogging plans which aretobeimplementedon theirland. On the other hand, however, the existence of the community and its activities to some extent disrupts the operation of forest exploitation. There are some traditional events that have to be celebrated and people are not allowed to work. These often bring to a halt all activities in the forest and logging operations may stop for the whole day. In addition, there are beliefs that some species of trees are not allowed to be cut, while certain place have to be maintained intact as sacred sites. This may oblige logging operators to change their plans and redesigntheirskiddingand hauling systems. ad hoc 150 JURNAL Penelitian Sosial dan Ekonomi Kehutanan Vol. 5 No. 3 September 2008, Hal. 143 - 153
  • 9. 4. Conservationconflicts IV. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Conflicts between traditional rules with formal restriction on the utilization of some species of flora and fauna are the cause of the so-called conservation conflicts. Based on beliefs held by the communities, some species of flora and fauna are believed to have special meaning for their life or in their rituals and special events; while those same species are considered by law to be endangered species. People who living in the fringe of Manupeu- Tanadaru National Park, West Sumba District, believe that by using timber for the pillars of their traditional houses their families will be protected from any disturbances and diseases. They also believe that the sacred pillar will bring prosperity to their families. As a matter of fact, timber is the only hardwood that can be found in the park. The timber has mechanical properties suitable for building and construction while other species can be best used as furniture and fuel wood. As a hardwood species the tree grows very slowly in the savanna-like ecosystem, while the population living in surrounding the park is growing faster, so that demand for timber is know higher than the growth of that species. The government has categorized tress as an endangered species that should be protected from any utilization that leads to extinction. The community, however, will not stop using the timber until it no longer found in the park. As long as it is available, the community still believes that the timber can not be substituted by other timber outside thepark. Conflicts related to forest zoning in Indonesia are basically caused by the absence of formal acknowledgement from the government side of the existence of communities living in the forest zones. The problems started with the designation of forest zones in each province, followed by the management and allocation of these resources in ways that are overly controlled by government. Such control by the government over the forest zone and of forest resources, has been criticized for not paying sufficient attention to the community's existence and their related rights. Specifically, controls implemented by the government usuallygenerateconflictsin thefollowingsituations: 1. The government with its mandate to designate the state's permanent forest did not involve communities in assigning forest zones and delineating them on the spatial plan map. There were no common (agreed) criteria used by the government and the people for categorizing lands falling in the forestzone. In addition, the government failed to involve people in delineating forest boundaries and in identifying communities' lands as enclaves. As a result, communities' land are included into state's permanent forest implying that the communities have limited rights over lands that have long been their 'own land' . However, this situation could be corrected in the process of formulating district spatial plan and in the process of forest boundary marking, by involving representatives of the communities. 2. Until recently, no local government has issued Regent Regulations recognising the existence of a Customary Community and its Associated Land (CCAL), therefore the mayela mayela mayela mayela mayela 5 5) In formal land administration, ownership of the land is proven by the grant of Land Ownership Title by the National Land Agency. In almost all cases, communities have no such titles, since they cannot afford to comply with complicated proceduresand costsinvolvedin gettingthem. Zoning areal Hutan dan Konfliknya .......... ( )Iman Santoso 151
  • 10. position of CCAL in the forest zone is still uncertain and communities' rights over forest land and the resources therein are restricted and under control of the Ministry of Forestry as part of the government system. In this situation, the community is treated as local community that only has access to use the land and utilize the resources thereon under strict supervision and according to procedures set by the government, without the rights to manage the land and resources according to their own knowledge. It is recommended, therefore that the criteria used in determining CCAL be simplified to enable District Governments to issue District Regulations recognizing the existence of CCAL. 3. So far the Government does not recognize traditional knowledge in the management of forest resources. A strict procedure is required in planning and operating forest concession without considering traditional wisdom that has long been practised by communities. In addition, the Government has no procedure to regulate and appropriately control the role of customary communities in the management of the forest resource and in timber harvesting operations. This will be a potential problem once the existence of CCAL is determined by District Regulations. An immediate effort should be conducted to formulate such regulations involving all related stakeholder and local governments. 4. The existence of Customary Communities, Local Communities, and Newly Arrived Communities in the forest zones are facts that can not be denied. While the government lacks sufficient means to exclude them from the forests, it will be appropriate if the communities are taken into account as one of the actors in the management of the zones, whatever rights are then accorded to the communities. In addition, as forest land has a social function, such as in maintaining soil stability and protecting genetic resources, the government should issue appropriate types of land rights to ensure that lands held by communitiescannot betransferredtootherparties. 5. As the spatial plan established directives on the potential uses of forest zones, without mentioning ownership of the land, it would be more appropriate for the government to focus its efforts on maintaining and enhancing forest functions, taken into account the existing land occupancies. In this context, the government has to control and secure forest areas that are under its jurisdiction and that should not be utilized other than as forest,regardlessof who occupiestheland. 6. Overall, there is a need to review and redefine the terms of state control over forest land to clearly include the government's obligation to : i) involve people in all decision making which potentially has impacts on people, ii) give technical assistances to people in managing forest land and resources, iii) assist people in building connections with other partiesin managing theirforestlands and resources. Harsono, B. 1997. Hukum Agrarian Indonesia. Sejarah Pembentukan Undang-Undang Pokok Agraria, Isi dan Pelaksanaannya. Jilid 1, Hukum Tanah Nasional. Penerbit Djambatan. Jakarta Machmur, A.S (ed). 1999. Dinamika Proses Lahirnya Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia No.41/1999tentangKehutanan. DepartmenKehutanan dan Perkebunan. Jakarta REFERENCES 152 JURNAL Penelitian Sosial dan Ekonomi Kehutanan Vol. 5 No. 3 September 2008, Hal. 143 - 153
  • 11. Ross, M.S. 1984. Forestry in Land Use Policy for Indonesia. Thesis for Degree of Doctor of Philosophy.Universityof Oxford. Santoso, I. 2004. Participatory forest Land Use Planning in Manupeu-Tadaru National Park. RI EUForestInventoryand MonitoringProject.Jakarta. Sumardjani, L. 2006. Konflik Sosial Kehutanan. Mencari Pemahaman untuk Penyelesaian Terbaik.ForestLand TenureWorkingGroup.Jakarta Suwito. 2006. Sallombengang Sekko: “Untaian Pernik Manikam” di Tanah Seko. Seputar KasusTenure.WartaTenureEdisi Khusus,No.1-Januari2006. Zoning areal Hutan dan Konfliknya .......... ( )Iman Santoso 153