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Tiba PhD thesis

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Alphonce Tiba

This Thesis presents a study on the formalization of village land rights and its implication on equity in Tanzania. It was conducted in Mbozi and Handeni DIstricts using data from the lists of Beneficiairies of Formalization Program implemented by the Government of Tanzania from 2004- 2012. It was conducted as project towards a PhD in Development Studies of the University of Dar es Salaam,Tanzania

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VILLAGE LAND RIGHTS FORMALIZATION AND EQUITY I I IMPLICATIONS IN TANZANIA The Casesof Mbozi andHandeniDistricts Alphonce Yustin Tiba PhD (DevelopmentStudies)Thesis University of Dar esSalaam January,201.5
VILLAGE LAIID RIGHTS FORMALIZATION AND EQUITY .: IMPLICATIONS IN TANZANIA TheCasesof MboziandHandeniDistricts Alphonce Yustin Tiba PhD (DevelopmentStudies)Thesis University of Dar esSalaam January,201.5
VTLLAGE LAIID RIGHTS FORMALTZATTONAND EQUITY .. IMPLICATIONS IN TANZANIA The Casesof Mboziand Handeni Districts By AlphonceYustinTiba A ThesisSubmittedin Fulfilment of theRequirementsfor the Degreeof Doctorof Philosophy@evelopmentStudies)of the Universitvof Dar esSalaam University of Dar esSalaam January,2015
CERTIFICATION The undersignedcertify that they havereadandherebyrecommen(lfrlr acceptanceby the University of Dar es Salaama thesisentitled: ViIIageLand RigltlsFormalization and Equity Implications in Tanzania: The Casesof Mbozi and Handenl Districts in fulfilment of the requiremerttsfor the degreeof Doctor of Philosophyof the Univer- sity of Dar esSalaam. Prof. IBRAHIM FOKAS SHAO (Supervisor) o^,",!-:i-:!&-Ao'-{ (Supervisor) , uru,-[-?-:- Q-I -- 20/{
1l DECLARATION AND COPYRIGHT I, AlphonceYustin Tiba, declarethatthisthesisis my ownoriginalwork andthatit hasnotbeenpresentedandwill notbepresentedto anyotherUniversityfor a similar or anyotherdegreeaward. Signature: This thesisis copyrightmaterialprotectedunderthe BerneConvention,the.Copy- right Act 1999andotherinternationalandnationalenactnents,in thatbehalf,onin- tellectualproperty.It maynotbereproducedby anymeans,in full or in part,except for shortextractsin fair dealings,for researchor privatestudy,criticalscholarlyre- view or discoursewith an acknowledgement,withoutthe writtenpermissionof the Schoolof GraduateStudies,onbehalfof boththeauthorandtheUniversityof Dares Salaam.
lll ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost I wish to acknowledgeand thank my supervisorsProfessorIbra- him Fokas Shaoand ProfessorBertha Omari Koda for their enduring support. Ibra- him and Bertha, your expert advice,enthusiasm,encouragementand sustainedcom- mitmentto the ideasof my PhD aregreatlyappreciated.Bertha,your timing to join our researchgroup was impeccableandI am sofortunateyou were a part of my PhD journey. I cannot forget Dr.Juma Rashid Kiduanga with whom I startedthe warm-up as he managedto familiariseme with the cultureof theUniversityof Dar esSalaam.Actu- ally, it was Dr. Kiduanga who introducedme to Prof. Ibrahim Shao,who wonderful- ly askedfor my proposal and later offered to supervisemy project. Then Professor Bertha Omari Koda camein as my secondsupervisor.Frankly speaking,Shaoand Koda were more of my parentsthroughoutmy stayat the University. I am thankful to all academicand supporting staff in the Institute of Development Studies(IDS) for their guidanceand support.Specialthanksmust go to Prof Mongu- la, Prof.Chambua,Dr.Msoka, Dr.Niboye and Dr.MagdalenaNgaiza and all staff in the Institute for their support and encouragement.I thank my fellow PhD students, particularly Mr.Muga, for familiarizing me with the PhD logistics and Dr. Nick Mulungu whoseguidancemademy field work in Mbozi very smooth. I also thank ProfessorAldo Lupala of Ardhi University for his contribution to my drafts.Specialthanksshouldgo to my researchassistantsnamelyMr. Godwill Rich- ard, Ms. Ivy Mwasepe,Mr. Dani Mwakapinga,Mr. JosephSiwakwi, Mr.Adamu
iv Ahmed, Ms.UpendoUpolo, Mr. Fadhili H.Lussongeand Mr.Abdallah M.Waziri for supportingme in the field researchprocess.Mr. Gwambeneof IRA is thankful for guidanceon datacleaningin SPSSwhile Mr.Godwille Richardis highly thankednot only for participating in datacollection andentry but also for offering to accompany me throughoutmy field work mission. Thanksshouldalsogo to all respondentsandleadersfrom all nine villagesof Mbozi and Handeni Districts; the senior land professionalsfrom the Ministry of Lands, Housingand Human SettlementsDevelopment(MLHHSD) andthe Programmeco- ordinatorof PropertyandBusinessFormalizationprogramme(PBFP).In addition,I thank the Organizatronfor SocialScienceResearchin Easternand SouthernAfrica (OSSREA) for sponsoringme to attenda Social ScienceResearchMethodology training and the United Nations DevelopmentProgramme([INDP) for partly financ- ing this study. Heartfelt thanks should go to my family: My beloved mother Mawe Ma Clezensia Kokwakiira Alex Mushandurafor bringing me up. My beloved wife Marlstella Nyitho (Venosa),my son Alex Mujuni, my daughtersAnnet Kokwakiira; Irene Ka- lungi and Alice Mukamala. My former employer,the National Environment Man- agementCouncil (NEMC) is also thankedfor regular permissionsthey gave me without which the accomplishmentof this task would havebeendifficult. Last but not least,I thank the late Dr. I.J. Kapoli for editingthis work and Dr.Murekariafor translatingabstractof this work in Kiswahili. I finally saythat 'aspiration is greater thanresources'this work is a resultof aspiration.
DEDICATION I kindly dedicatethis work to my mother,Mawe Ma ClezensiaKokwakiira Mushan- duraandmy brother,the lateMr.TheonestRweyemamu.Youwerea man of the peo- ple, and actually, it was you who transformedmy life from where I was to where I amtoday. You loved educationanddevelopment.May God restyour Soul in eternal olace.
VI LIST OF ABBREYIATIONS ACL AssistantCommissionerfor Lands AO Authorisedofficer ARU Ardhi University ATF AgricultureTaskForce AU AfricanUnion CCRO Certificateof CustomaryRightsof Occupancy CEDAW ConventionontheEliminationof All Formsof DiscriminationAsainstWomen CL Commissionerfor Lands CRO CustomaryRights Occupancy CTWF Critical Third World Feminism D by D Decentralizationby Devolution DAS District AdministrativeSecretarv DED District ExecutiveDirector DLO District Land Officer EARC EastAfrican RovalCommission FAO Food andAgriculture organtzationof the United nations FGD FocusGroupDiscussion FIG InternationalFederationofSurveyors GIS GebgraphicInformation System GPS GlobalPositioningSystem GTZIGIZ GermanTechnicalCorporation HDR Human DevelopmentReport
vlt HRBA Human Rights BasedApproach IDS Instituteof DevelopmentStudies IFAD InternationalFood andAgriculture Development ILD Institute for Liberty andDemocracy ITR IndividualizationTitling andRegistration LAS Land Administration Svstems LGA Local GovernmentAuthority LGAF Land GovernanceAssessmentFramework LGI Land GovernanceIndicator LHRC Legal andHuman Rights Center LPI Land Policy Initiative MKURABITA Mpango wa KurasimishaMali na BiasharazaWanyongeTanzania MLHHSD Ministry of Lands,HousingandHumanSettlementDevelopment NBS NationalBureauof Statistics NLP National Land Policv NLUPC NationalLandUsePlanninsCommission NSGRP National Strategyfor Growth andReductionof Poverty OCGS Office of Chief GovernmentStatisticianof Zanzlbar OCHCR UN High Commissionerfor HumanRights OED Orgarization for EconomicDevelopment PBFP PropertyandBusinessFormalizationProgramme PrimeMinister's Office ResionalAdministrationandLocal Govern- PMO-RALG ment
vlll PPA PRSP RAS RC SAGCOT SD SPILL SPSS TANU TPHGO UCLAS UDSM LTNDP LINECA UNECE UNHCHR URT USA VA VC VDTR VEO VLA ParticipatoryPovertyAssessments PovertyReductionStrategicPaper RegionalAdministrativeSecretaries RegionalCommissioner SouthernAgricultural Growth Corridor of Tanzania SustainableDevelopment StrategicPlan for the Implementationof the Land Laws StatisticalPackagesfor SocialScientists TanganyikaAfrican National Union T anzaniaPastoralists,HuntersandGatherersOrganization University Collegeof LandsandArchitectural Studies Universityof Dar esSalaam UnitedNationsDevelopmentprogramme United EconomicCommissionfor Africa UnitedNationsEconomicCommissionfor Europe United Nations High Commissionerfor Human Rights United Republic of Tanzarria United Statesof America Village Assembly Villase Council Village Demarcation,Titling andRegistration Village ExecutiveOffi cer Villase LandAct
VLTI v'rage LandTenureInstitutions WB WorldBank WEHAB Water,Energy,Health,AgricultureandBiodiversity
ABSTRACT This study aimed at exploring and examiningthe extentof promoting equity in the distribution of and accessto land to the diversity of social groupsin Handeniand Mbozi Districts in Tanzania.The study appliedthe Critical Third World Feminist Theory (CTWFT) as it is rich in issuesof equity and equalityin resourcesdistribu- tion. It usedthe exploratoryand descriptiveresearchdesign.Multistagesystematic randomsamplingmethodwasusedto selecta sampleof 9 villages(7 and2 villages from Mbozi and Handeni Districts respectively)from a population 159 villages. Simple random samplingmethod was usedto form a sampleof 304 beneficiaries (262 and42 ftom Mbozi andHandeniDistrictsrespectively).Datawerecollectedby usingin-depthinterviews,focusgroupdiscussionsandarchivalreviewswhile analy- siswasdoneby usingnon-parametricmethods.Findingsshowthat formalizationdid not distributeland but ratherit includedthe namesof women in the certifrcatesof customaryrights of occupancy.It was also found that formalization did not promote equitabledistribution of land to other socialgroupsas the approachwas basedon landrightsclaimsassubmittedby thebeneficiaries. This studyconcludesthat formaHzatronwhich relieson landrights claimscannotad- dressthe issuesof landinequalityandthusit is inequitable.It is recommendedto the policy makersto conductlandneedsassessmentsin villagesto determineactualland needsat householdandsocialgroups'levelsandthus setstrategiesfor reducingine- qualities in land distribution and access.Further study is neededto investigatethe mechanismfor redistributionof rural landsin somevillases as landholdinssarein- equitable.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
xll 1.5 SignificanceoftheStudy ........20 1.6 ScopeandLimitationsof theStudy ..........21 1.6.1ScopeoftheStudy ..................21 1.6.2LimitationsoftheStudy........ ....................21 1.7 ThesisOutline .......22 CHAPTERTWO: LITERATUREREVIEW........... ............23 2.I Overview. ..............23 2.2 DefinitionofTerms... ..............23 2.2.I Formalization............ ..............23 2.2.2VillageLandRights............... ...................28 2.2.3 EquityanditsCategories ........33 2.2.4 Beneficiary ............40 2.2.5 LandTenureandAdministrationSystems................ ....................40 2.3 EmpiricalLiteratureonRuralLandFormalizationandEquity......................44 2.3.1 ResearchandLiteratureGap .....................53 2.4 PoliciesandStrategiesSupportingEquityin LandDistribution....................54 2.4.1 PoliciesTowardsEquity .........55 2.4.2 StrategiesTowardsEquity ......59 2.4.3 PropertyandBusinessFormalizationProgramme(PBFP) ...........65 2.5 TheoreticalFramework.............. -...-..........66 2.5.1 TheCriticalThirdWorldFeminismTheory(CTWFT). ...............66 2.5.2 TheEquityTheoryin RelationtoLandRights....... ......................68 2.5.3 InstitutionalTheorywithRespectto LandRights ......70 2.6 TheConceptualFramework....... ...............73 CHAPTERTHREE: RESEARCHMETHODOLOGY .......80
xlll 3.1 An Overview............ ...............80 3.2 Descriptionof StudyAreas .....80 3.2.1 Descriptionof MboziDistrict 3.2.2 Descriptionof HandeniDistrict ................86 3.3 ResearchDesien...... ................88 3.4 DataSources.............. 3.5 SamplingProcedures ...............91 3.5.1 Selectionof StudyDistricts.... ...................91 3.5.2 SelectionofVillaseCases ......92 3.5.3 Samplingof Respondents........... ...............94 3.5.4 SamplingforParticipantsforFocusGroupDiscussions(FGDs)...................95 3.6 Unitof Analvsis ......................96 3.7 DataCollectionMethodsandToo1s........ ....................97 3.7.1PrimaryData......... ..................91 3.7.2SecondaryData......... ..............99 3.7.3 EthicalandLosisticalIssues. ..................100 3.8 DataPresentationandAna1vsis............... ..................103 3.8.1 DataEntryandC1eaning............. ............103 3.8.2DataAna1ysis............. ...........103 3.9 DataQua1ity.............. ............107 3.9.1Va1idity............:......... ............108 3.9.2 Reliability ............108 CHAPTERFOUR: RESULTSANDDISCUSSION........... ................109 4.1 Introduction............... ............109 4.2 ResultsandDiscussions......... .................109
XlV 4.2.1 Objective1............... .............109 4.2.2 Objective2............... .............130 4.2.3 Objective3 ............... .............155 4.2.4Objective4............... .............170 4.2.5 Summaryof Performancein PromotingEquitableDistributionandAccessto LandintheCaseStudy:A CrossCaseAnalysis............. ....I94 CHAPTERFIVE : CONCLUSIONSAND RECOMENDATIONS .....202 5.1 Introduction............... ............202 5.2 Summaryof KeyFindings,ConclusionsandRecommendations.................202 5.2.1 ResearchObjective1................ ..............203 5.2.2 ResearchObjective2................ ..............205 5.2.3ResearchObjective3................ ...............208 5.2.4ResearchObjective4................ ...............209 5.3 GeneralConclusions............... ................2I1 5.4 SuggestionsforFurtherStudies ..............212 REFERENCES.......... .....zrs APPENDICES............ .".233
LIST OF TABLES Table3-1:MboziDistrictPopulationBy Wards ...................84 Table3-2:HandeniDistrictPopulationDistributionBy Wards................................87 Table3-3CaseVillageSitesin MboziDistrict .....................93 Table3-4 Sampleof Respondentsfrom CaseStudiesof Mbozi andHandeni.........94 Table3-5:Summaryof Key Informants........... .....................99 Table4-I: LandSizeDistributionin theStudyAreas .........110 Table4-2:Resultsof theFarmSizeDistributionPatterns.. ...................110 Table4-3: HouseholdSizePatternsof theBeneficiariesof Formalization............111 Table4-4LandSizeOwnedby Persons* Household............ ...............112 Table4-5:SymmetricMeasuresof FarmSizeandHouseholdSi2e........................113 Table4-6:Sexof theBeneficiariesof FormalizedLandRights..............................116 Table4-7:RelationshipBetweenLandSizeandSexof beneficiaries....................118 Table4-8: Marital Statusof theBeneficiariesof Formalization.... ........I20 Table4-9:MarrtalStatus*Sexof Beneficiaries ...............r..121 Table4-10:Co-OccupancyPatternsAmongBeneficiaries.............. .....122 Table4-11:Mode of Ownership*MaritalStatusCrosstabulation .......123 Table4-12:LandSize* ChildrenCrossTabulation ............126 Table4-I3: Participationin Land SizeDeterminationper CaseStudyDistrict Cross Tabulation ..............130 Table4-14: Participationof Beneficiariesin theFormahzationProcess................131 Table4-15:Componentsof Mbozi FormahzationModel ...142 Table4-16:SiteVillagesandAdjudicationin Mbozi District ..............145
xvl Table4-17:MemberstoVillageAssemblyin IyulaVillagein Mbozi....................162 Table4-18:SexandMeansof LandAccess...... ..................163 Table4-19: Extent of Satisfactionbv Sexand Institutionsfor VLTIs to Allocate Land......... ...............167 Table4-20:MainInstitutionsandVillagersin theFormalizationProcess..............170 Table4-21:ConsentonVillageiandSizeHoldingin Tan2ania............................175 Table 4-22: Summaryof PerformanceBetweenCase StudiesBasedon Study Objectives ...............196 Table4--23:Sex* DistrictCrossTabulation ......197 Table4-24:SexandDistrict-Chi-SquareTests ..................198 Table4-25:Participation* CaseStudyDistrictCrosstabulation .........200 I
XVII LIST OF FIGURES Figure1-1:Districtswith Europeanunion Fundingfor Formali2ation....................l5 Figure1-2: Pilot DistrictsFundedby theworld Bankfor Formalization................16 Figure2-l: Adam'sEquityTheory ......................69 Figure 2-2: Conceptual Framework for Assessing Equity Implication in the Formalizationof RurallandRights....... .......73 Figure3-1:Locationsof Mbozi andHandeniDistrictsinTanzania ........81 Figure3-2:Mbozi Districtbeforesplitto FormMombaDistrict ............92 Figure3-3:MultipleCaseStudyDesign...... ........g9 Figure4-1HouseholdSizePatternsof theBeneficiaries.............. ....,....112 Figure4-2: RelationshipBetweenFarmSizeandHouseholdSizesDistribution...115 Figure4-3: Sexof theBeneficiariesof Formalization.... .....1I7 Figure4-4: AdjudicatedandTitled Parcelsin the Mbozi case Study ... 146 Figure4-5:FormalizationCoveragein HandeniCaseStudy ................150 Figure4-6:IndexMap of SpotAdjudicatedParcelsin Bongivillage....................153 Figure4-7:Meansof LandAccessin BothStudyAreas........ ..........."'...164 Figure4-8:Challengesto VillageLeaderson VillageLandAdministration..........165 Figure4-9: Respondents'Perceptionson theAbility of VLTIs to DistributeLand 168 Figure 4-10: Resultsof SystematicBoundaryAdjudication and Sex in Mbozi Case Study .....t71
XVIII LIST OF BOXES BOX 2-1:Questionsfor AssessingEquityin LandFormali2ation............................65 Box 4-1: Reactionon the Meetingsof Village Assembliesin Mbozi CaseStudy.. 134 Box 4-2:ExpectedVillageAssemblyMembersin BongiVillage ........138 Box 4-3: Interviewwith a HandeniKey Informanton Approval of Land Si2e.......140 BOX 4-4:FormalizationPlannedActivitiesin HandeniDistrict ..........151 Box 4-5:Effectsof CustomsandTraditions............ ............156 Box 4-6:Effectsof CustomsandTraditionon gender ........158 Box 4-7: CustomsandLandAccessin HandeniCaseStudy ......,..........158 Box 4-8:Remarksof a LegalOfficeron FormalizationandLandlessness.............160 BOX 4-9:AvailableLandAccessApproachfor theLandless ..............166 Box 4-10:Weaknessof DistrictlandOfficein VillaseLandAdministration.........181 Box 4-11:Positionof theMLHSD andLandRegistersattheVillageLeve1...,......184 Box 4-I2: Perceptionon theControlandOwnershipof LandResources...............186 Box 4-13:Rolesof ManagingLandSizein Formalization............ ....-..188 Box 4-14:Causesof Failureto ManaseLandSizein Formali2ation......................188 Box 4-15:Positionof theGovernmentontheFocusof Formalization...................189 Box 4-i6: Remarkson AchievingEquitableLandDistribution..............................190 BOX 4-17:HandeniDistrictStrategyto Dealwith Pastoralists......... ...191 Box 4-I 8: Concernsbf Pastoralistson Formalizationin theHandeniCaseStudy.191
XlX LIST OF PLATES Plate4-2:IndexMapShowingAdjudicatedFarmsin SakamwelaVi11age.............141 Plate4-3:Officeof MbuyuniVillageLandRegistryBuiltby MKURABITA.......148 PIate4-4:FGDwithPastoralistsatBongiVillageLandRegistry...........................156 Plate4-5:ComputerisedCCROPreparationin theMboziCaseStudy...................178
xx LIST OF APPENDICES Appendixl: MultipurposeQuestionnairesUsedtheFieldResearch......................233 Appendix2: StepsUsedin theFormalizationProcessin HandeniDistrict....,........241 Appendix3: Oneof theResearchClearanceLetterIssuedto theResearcher.........242 Appendix4: HandeniDistrictBeforeSubdividedto FormKilindi District............243 Appendix5:DataMatrixfor DataPresentationandAnalysis... ............244 Appendix6:EquityIssuesin theVillageLandAdministration ............245 Appendix7:PilotVillagesin HandeniCaseStudy ..............246
CHAPTERONE INTRODUCTION 1.1Background Information 1.1.1GeneralIntroduction The land holding systemin most developingcountriesis not purely an economicaf- fair. It is very much associatedwith people's culture and identity. That is partly why land-relatedissuesusually generateintenseemotional reactionsparticularly in rural areas.For rural residentsof most developingcountries,land is a primary meansof production usedto generatea livelihood for households.It is also an important asset that farmersuss to further accumulatewealth when possible and, equally important- ly, what they transfer in the form of wealth to future generations(Deininger and Binswanger,1999).Accordingly,the sizeof the landthey own, the feelingof securi- ty that they have on their holdings, and the processthrough which land disputesare adjudicatedall affect the households'income,incentive to work and invest, desireto usetheir land in a sustainablemanner,and even social and economic statusin their respectivecommunities(Ghebru,2010).As arguedby Manji (1996),the agricultural sector,and therefore land as an asset,will continue to be of importancebecauseit cannotbe displacedby an expandingmanufacturingsectorof the economy.The non- farm basedsector is unlikely to outstrip agricultural basedlivelihoods and thus re- ducethe importanceof land asproperty becausethe manufacturingsectorsof devel- oping economiesareunableto absorbthe currentrural work-force(Manji,ibid). Classical land formalization is a result of land reform approacheswhere private propertyrights to land were formalized through surveyingandtitling upon demand;
high techandhigh costapproach(Ghebru,ibid). Therehavebeenalsothe landredis- tribution policiesandprojectssuchasthe regularredistributionsaiming at maintain- ing an egalitarianland distribution aswere in China, Ethiopia and Eritrea. Therehas alsobeen'market-assisted'redistributionsin countrieswith inequitablelanddistribu- tions such asBrazil, Bolivia, SouthAfrica, Zimbabwe,Malawi andThe Philippines (Ghebru,ibid). The sameapproachhasbeengoing on in Namibia sinceindepend- ence. Land formalization throughtitling hasmixed storieswhere someof them suchasthat of Kenya and Madagascarfailed as they did neither enhancetenure security and promote investmentnor land and credit markets(Placeand Mogot-Adholla, 1998; Jacoby and Minten 2007). Despite land redistribution reforms in Latin American countries,SouthAfrica, Zimbabweland distribution hasremainedextremely skewed after many years. Global successfulland certifrcationinclude the one in Ethiopia which used low-cost land registrationand certifrcation; China which used the householdresponsibilitysystemand India with the computerizedland registrysys- tem usedasa tax base(Ghebru,ibid). The formalization of customaryland rights has come in the form of demarcationof village boundariesandpreparationof village landuseplans;issuingof certificatesof village land (Tanzania)and then actualparcelsadjudication,titling, andregistration of certificatesof customaryland rights. Thesehave always usedthe low-cost land registrationand certificationthroughthe useof large scaleimplementationwith the strong participation of local communities. Formalization has come to addressthe problem of insecurityin land ownerships.Sourcesand effectsof tenureinsecurity
include encroachmentto unclearboundariesresulting into conflicts betweenprivate individuals or individuals and organizations;stateland acquisition or expropriation and redistributionhencetenureinsecurityof owners (Ghebru,ibid). Low cost of land registrationandcertification reducesrisks for expropriationandredistributionas many land parcelsareregisteredat once.Tenuresecurityto owners strengthensland rights (user,mortgageandtransfer)which in turn supportinvestment,accessto credit andlandtransfers(ibid). Finally, economic growth is attainedthrough efficiency in production andthe securi- ty of food among other benefits. Although these are effects of formalization but when certification is implemented amid skewed land distribution situation it is as well expectedthat eventhe intendedbenefitswill be basedon the inequitabledistrib- utedofand accessto land. 1.1.2Political Economy of Land Tenure and Inequality in Tanzania The heterogeneityof the present-dayland tenure structure of Tanzania (Tanzania Mainland)is a resultof thepolitical historyof the country.Importanteventswerethe l89lestablishment of the Germanadministrationover the then Tanganyika;Great Britain administration of Tanzaniaafter defeatingGermanyand the independenceof Tanzania under a government with a philosophy of "African Socialism"(James, IgTl). The independenceperiod had two important periods: pre-andpost-Arusha Declarationandthe efforts to reform the socialandeconomicsituation.
l.l.2.l Pre-IndependencePeriod Before the coming of white peopleland tenurestructurewas underthe control of lo- cal chiefsascontrollersof landon behalfof clansandtribal communities. a) Germany Period This periodwas full of largescaleland alienationwhich took placein many areasin Tanzania.It entailedthe Germany'sinfluencein EastAfrica were largetractsof land were granted"for all times" to a Germanyadventurer,Dr.Karl Petersby local chiefs in considerationof gifts. It was duringthis periodwhen the conceptof proof of title to be by production of authenticateddocumentswithout which a claimantof land had a permissiveright of occupationof the land. Equity was exercisedas the adhoc- Commissionthat adjudicatedlandwasrequiredto respectthe occupationof Africans on land by leaving to them sufficient land for their needsand future expansion-the requisite amount being defined as at least four times the existing cultivated area (James,ibid). The inequalitiesin rural land startedat this time asthe nativepopula- tion wasdeprivedof land necessaryfor their existence(ibid). By the endof the Ger- many rule in Tanganyikaabout 1,300,000acresof land had beenalienatedtaking the mostvaluableland in the country. b) British Period This period sawthe issuanceof TanganyikaOrderin Council, 1920which provided for the reception of English law whereby all rights in or in relation to any public landswas vestedin and becameexercisableby the Govemor (ibid). The British ad- ministrationdid not makesubstantialgrantsof public landsbefore 1923asit restrict- edlandalienationpendingenactmentof landlegislation(ibid).
The British administration for forty-two years in Tanganyika insisted consideration of native laws and customswhile framing laws relating to land and naturalresources by insistingrespectto rights andsafeguardingboth presentandfutureinterestof the native population (James, ibid). There was an attempt to preserve native lands wherebyin 1928a right of occupancywasredefinedto include the title of a nativeor of a native community lawfully using or occupying land in accordancewith custom- ary law- it aimed at safeguardingthe title of the indigenouspeople of Tanzaniato their lands (ibid). There was the formalization of tribal life by introducing the policy of indirect rule in local administrationwhereby local matters including administra- tion ofjustice wasleft to locallaws. From 1945to independence,the British attemptedto move administrationtowardsa modem local government systembut the bottleneckswere traditional chiefs, who were reluctant to relinquish the formidable position they enjoyed. The indirect rule systemhasan effect on the land tenurestructureasit preventedchangesfrom taking placeuniformly in thetraditionalsectorof landtenureandlanduse(James,ibid). To curb the shortcomingsof the traditional husbandrywhich, to the "white " seemedun- economic and environmentally destructive,the British administration tried to mod- ernizerural EastAfrica through land individualization, titling and registration(ITR). The EastAfrican Royal Commission(EARC) (1953-1955)recommendedthat agri- cultural developmentwould be improved through modernization of land tenure by theprocessof ITR of landrights.
1.1.2,2IndependencePeriod This period is from 1961to date.It had beendivided into four sub-periodsaspre- sentedbelow: a) Pre-Ar ushu DeclarationI 96I -I 967 The Tanganyika Governmentachievedindependencewith a commitment to build a socialistsociety.Throughthe pamphlet"Ujamaa-theBasisof African Socialism"of 1962the Govemment favouredthe enlargementof the public sectionof land owner- ship. In 1963,all freeholdlandswere convertedinto Governmentleasesso that all land was owned by the peopleas a whole. It was at this time when it was declared that land belongedto societyandnot to individuals;one'sright to land is dependent on the usemadeof it andthat landwasnot a commercialcommodity-hencecompen- sation instead of price. A CustomaryLaw Advisor preparedrules concerningland under customarylaw where all landsundercustomarytenurewere vestedin the dis- trict councils;every Tanzarianof the ageof 18 years,the right to not lessthan 10 acresofland. Socialization of landholding focusedon two approachesof improvement and trans- formationto organizethe peoplefor agriculturedevelopmentproposedby the World Bank (WB) Mission in their report of 1961.TheGovernmenthad preparedits first Five Year Plan which borrowed much from the WB report. The Improvementap- proach aimed at the progressiveimprovement in the methods of crop and animal husbandryby working on the peasantfarmer on both the psychologicalandtechnical planesto induce an increasein his productivity without any radical changesin tradi-
tional social and legal systems(James,ibid: 23). The emphasiswas on increased production on the small scalepeasantfarmer through such activities on the part of the governmentasextensionwork, education,credit andsubsidization. The Transformation approach involved transforming traditional agriculture; both land use and tenure, by organizing the peasantsin governmentallysupervisedreset- tlement schemes.The purposeof establishingtheseschemeswere to overcomethe conservativeforce of tradition by removing the farmers from traditional controls; to allow the movement of scatteredrural hamletsinto compactvillages; to concentrate capital investmentand technical manpoweron groups of farmers living togetherra- ther than scatteredover large areasof the territory and lastly to enablethe govern- mentto supplysocialservicessuchasschools,dispensariesandwaterto community farmers at minimum cost (ibid). It shifted communitiesto areaswhere there was a lot of underutilizedlandor wherepopulationwaslessprogressive(Sundet,2006). According to James(1971),the schemesfailed becauseof the use of unnecessary heavy capital investment that becameunviable due to poor responsefrom farmers. They were unsustainablebecauseof being initiated and managedby officials other than the peoplethemselves.Thesesettlementsapproachhad negligible impact on the land tenure structureas the schemeswere startedover virgin land purchasedby the sovernmentfrom settlers.
b) Arusha Declaration and Ujamaa Villagization Programme(1967-1975) TheArushaDeclarationwhich suppliedthedefinitionof socialismwasfollowedby a policy bookleton Socialismand Rural Developmenrproviding guidanceon rural life and rural people.The paperprovidedthreeprinciplesof equalitywhich statedthat peopleshouldnot exploit otherindividuals;self-reliance-developmentto be basedon people's efforts and lastly "Ujamaa"-developmentto be through ujamaa (family hood)villages.Equality principlewas strengthenedby the legislationwhich enabled the governmentto give land to the tiller andto arrestthe growth of landlord andten- antclasses. Arushadeclarationre-emphasisedthat developmenthadto be basedon the people's own efforts.In the secondFive Year Plan(1969-1974)it was describedthatpriority would be on ujamaavillagersor potentialvillagersin the form of the distributionof land and other social services. By 1973, villagization becamecompulsory and throughOperationVtjlji, the whole rural populationwas supposedto havemovedby the endof 1976.The operationvijiji which was guidedby the provisionsof the Vil- lagesand UjamaaVillages (Registration,Designation,and Administration)Act No. 2l of 1975registeredmorethan7000villages. This policy aimedatproviding incentivesfor voluntarysettlementsbut astheprocess becameslow. In 1973, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere intervenedby issuing an order which statedthat "to live in villageswasanorder"(Sundet,ibid). Ujamaaschemesunlike the old village settlementschemespermittedownershipof individual plots by the settlers.It alsoenvisagedthe pooling of existingownedland for largescalesocialistproduction.Undervillagizationprogrammeland distribution
andallocationwasdirectedto theheadof a 'kaya'(a householdor family unit) ashe or she was the one responsiblewith the upkeepof the entire household.This ap- proachhas beenchallengedbecausewomen lackedindependentaccessto land alt- hough there is no evidenceif at that time there were no female who headedhouse- holds.This happenedsincein manycaseshouseholdor family unit in African culture are usually headedby men. However,this trend has changedas many female are headingtheir householdsbecauseof eitherbeingdivorced,not married,widow etc. The applicationof this Act hada particularlyseriousimpacton the matrilinealsocie- ties; insteadof land beingcontrolledby thematernalunclesandin somecaseswom- en,the land now cameto be vestedin menashouseholdor family head.The concept of ujamaavijijini(rural sociolism)posesproblemsof propertyrights andwasunfea- siblein developedareassuchasKilimanjaro whereestablishedfarmswereindividu- ally ownedandcultivatedwith coffeetreesandotherpermanentcrops(James,ibid). c) TheAgricultural Policy of 1983and Village Land Titling This period saw in 1982the startof the programmeof Village Demarcation,Titling andRegistration(VDTR) wherebyVillage Councilsweregrantedrights of occupan- cy asownersof village landwhile villagerswere,in turn, supposedto be givenleases by the Village Councils.This was howeverdone without first clearingthe existing "deemedrights of occupancy"or customaryland rights of villagers hence,occur- renceof doubleallocationsof landrightsandseverallandproblemsanddisputes.By mid 1991,it hadbecomeclearthatonly a smallpercentageof thesevillage landshad beensurveyed,certifiedandregistered.
t0 In 1983, the government came up with the agricultural policy which aimed at as- sessingthe stateof agriculture sectorin Tarr;ania.Initially, the Governmentformed an Agriculture Task Force (ATF) which recommendedan emphasison development of medium and large scale farms as previous strategies(resettlementschemeand ujamaa villages) had focused on small scale farming (Sundet, 2006). The ATF which becamea powerful advocateof land formahzationemphasizedfacilitation of medium and large scalefarming sectorsleaving behind the small scalefarming sec- tor, a sectorwherethe majority of Tanzaniansstay. The Agricultural Policy of 1983,vestedpowersto the village councilsto controlvil- lage land particularly disposition(a land which they do not own) wherebysaleof land was prohibited. The motive behindthis administrationwas to identify land for largescaleagriculturaldevelopment;however,it wasdifficult to get it becauseevery Village Council said that "no land is not village land" (Sundet,ibid). It was during this period that demarcation,titling and registration of village land were seenas a way of identifying free land for allocationto largescalecommercialfarmers.Titling of a Village Land was an important meansof protecting small holder farmersfrom capitalistencroachers(ibid). By 1991 through this policy, large tracts of land in many villages had beenallocatedto outsidersthrough collusion of the village author- ities; henceit was deeplyresented(ibid). Due to the implementationof this policy land relateddisputesaroseamongandbetweenvillagersincluding movementof the peoplefrom oneplaceto another.The Governmentwas concernedwith this situation of weak land governance resulting into President to appointment a Presidential
l l Commissionof Enquiry into Land Matters,which becauseof being Chairedby Pro- fessorIssaShivji thencameto benamedShiv.liCommission. d) Presidentisl Commission of Inquiry in Land Matters (Shiuji Commission) Recognizingthe problemsof rubanandrural land administrationemanatingfrom law andthe fact that Tanzanianeedednew policiesandlawsto governits lands,in 1991, Ali HassanMwinyi, thenTanzanianPresident,appointeda PresidentialCommission of Inquiry into Land Matters (henceforthreferredto as the Shivji Commission)to look onto land matters in TanzaniaMainland. The Commission submitted its final report to the Governmentin November 1992(Fairley,2013). The Commissioncame up with very detailed analysisandproposalson how to improve land administration in the country. It recommendeddecentralizationof village land administrationby vestingroot title of most of the country'sland in the respectivevillage communities andto remove control over temre administrationfrom the executiveinto an autono- mousLand Commission.Theserecommendationsdid not gain sufhcientgovemment support except for the village land whose administration was decentralizedio the Village assembly(personsof the ageof majorityandaboveresidingin a village). e) Implementation of the National Land Policy and Village Land Act(1995-to date) The Governmentformulatedthis policy in 1995.In line with the landproblemsiden- tified in the country,the National Land Policy (NLP) had severalobjectivesof sus- tainable land administration in the country. This policy had several fundamental principleswhich cameto be the objectivesof the Village Land Act No.5, 1999.This
l2 studyfocusedon threeprincipleswhich in essencewere concernedwith the issueof equity.Theseareto: a) facilitatean equitabledistributionof andaccessto land by all citizens;(equi- ry) ensurethat existingrights in andrecognizedlong standingoccupationor use of landareclarifiedandsecuredby the law; (contextequity) regulatethe amountof land that any onepersonor corporatebody may occu- py or use: and,(dislributiveequity) d) enableall citizens to participatein decisionmaking on mattersconnected with their occupationor useof land.-(participatoryequity) To enforcethe fundamentalprinciplesof the NLP, in 1999the Governmentenacted two landlawsnamely;the LandAct No.4 (Cap.113)andthe Village LandAct No.5 (Cap.114)both of which commencedon the l st day of May, 200I. Accordingto the LandAct, 1999,all land in Tanzaniais declaredto be public landvestedin the.Presi- dent as trustee for and on behalf of all citizens of Tanzanra.Public land is divided into threecategories,namely,generallandwhich refersto all land that is not village or reserved land; village land which refers to land where customary tenure and deemedrights apply;andreservedlandsuchasforests,nationalparks,gamereserves andotherlandsreservedfor public utilities (URT, 1999a).Accessto land inTanza- nia by non-citizensand foreign companiesis severelyrestricted,in particularwith regardto customaryor village land,in an effort to discourageacquisitionof landfor speculativepurposes.The NLP makesit clear that a dual systemof tenure,which b) c)
13 recognisesboth customaryandstatutoryrightsof occupancyasequalin law, will be established.Under theselaws, The Commissionerfor Lands is permittedto granta right of occupancyfor a term of maximumof 99 yearsin the nameof the President. Unlike a freeholdtitle, the grantedright of occupancyhasconditionssuchasa defi- nite term for the occupationanduseof the land; developmentconditionswhich can be imposedon the occupancyright holder;an occupancyright holderhasno right to subdivide,transferor mortgagethat land without the consentof the Commissioner for Lands; an occupancyright holder hasto pay rent to the Governmentandthat the Presidentmay revokethe right of occupancyof the landholder(URT, 1999a).Section 18of the Village Land Act givesequalstatusandeffectto both customaryandgrant- ed rights of occupancy,customaryrights of occupancygenerallyhaveno term limit, while grantedrights of occupancycannotexceedthe term of 99 years(URT, 1999a). This study is concernedwith the implementationof the Village Land Act, No.5 of 1999(VLA) in the areaswherecustomaryrights or deemedrights of occupancyare used. This study was concernedwith the explorationand examinationof the extent to which formalizationhadachievedthe fundamentalprinciplesof theNLP of ensuring thepromotionof equitabledistributionof andaccessof landto all citizensandaccess of land by women. The VLA provides the parameterfor what appearsto be a self- containedsystemof villager land rights titling and registrationat the village level including decentralizationof the roles of village land administrationto the Village Council (VC) andthe Village Assembly(VA). This studycollectivelyrefersthe VC andVA asthe Village Land TenureInstitutions(VLTIs) mandatedwith the functions
t4 of allocating land to villagers under its jurisdiction including issuanceof Certificate of Customary Rights of Occupancy(CCROs). The Governmentthrough support of donor communities such as the World Bank and EuropeanUnion has been imple- menting the NLP and VLA through individualization, titling and registration( re- ferred to as formalization) of rural land rights since 2001. According to Fairley (2012,2013)the districtsof Magu, Serengeti,Ngorongoro,Karatu,Monduli, Arume- ru, Simanjiro, Korogwe, Mbozi, Rungwe, Ileie, Niombe, Kilombero, Mbinga and Newalaunderthe EuropeanUnion (seeFigure 1-1) while thoseof Bariadi,Maswa, Kasulu, Urambo, Babati, Hai, Lushoto, Handeni Kilosa, Namtumbo, Tunduru, SongeaRural, Liwale, Mbarali, and SumbawangaRural implementedformalization underthe funding of the World Bank(seeFigure 1-2) below. It is a continuouspro- CESS.
15 PilotDist*ctswith F**dingEuropeanUnisn Figure 1-1: Districts with European Union Funding for Formalization Source:Fairlev.2013
l6 :',r.,r-'r.-*^- * : ' t } - r . F F ) : r,.ti I € * gt J j ti :Tundqrru 0 ?5 150 3S0ldlometers Figurel-2 : Pilot DistrictsFundedby theworld Bank for Formalization Source:Fairlev"2013 As pointed out earlier in this study, historical and empirical evidencesconcerning land tenuresysteminTanzania Mainland suggestthat the systemhasbeencharacter- isedof full of or lack of adequateaccessto land,tenureinsecurity,land and gender inequality, weak governance,diminution of farm holdings, which in turn has been amongthe major reasonsfor food insecurityand rural poverty (wB, 1995,LINDp, II I
tl 1997,URT,2000;URT,2000).Onrecent,thelandtenuresystemhascontinuedtobe thecausesof killingsbetweencompetingsocialgroupsmainlythepastoralistsand peasantsin thecountry. In2004 the Governmentof the United Republic of Tarzania through the Ministry of Lands,Housing and Human SettlementsDevelopment(MLHHSD) initiatedandco- ordinatedformalizationusingMbozi District in MbeyaRegionasthe first pilot. Fol- lowing the coming rnTanzania and adoptionof Hemardo De Soto's idea of property and businessformalization, rn2006 the President'sOffice through the Property and BusinessFormalizationProgramme(PBFP)known in its Kiswahili acronymMKU- RABITA coordinatedits first pilot in HandeniDistrict, TangaRegion.Both institu- tions collaboratedwith the respectivedistrict councils.Basedon the objectivesof the NLP and the decentralizationpolicy, the VLA vested all functions of village land administrationto the Village Councils(VC) andthe Village Assemblies(VA) which in this studythey arereferredto asthe Village Land TenureInstitutions). The VLTIs are establishedunder the Local Government(District Authorities) Act no.7,1982. Theseinstitutions are empoweredand requiredto distribute and allocateland within their areasof jurisdictionsand issuecertificateof customaryrights of occupancyto hervillagerswithout discrimination. Since when the concept of formalization was adopted by many countries, several studiesthat have been conductedtried to explore the impacts of tenure reforms on suchissueslike investment,accessto creditandtradabilityof landin Africa (Federet al. 1988; Deininger and Feder 1998; Place and Migot-Adholla ibid; Jacobyand Minten ibid; Sanga,2009;Nyatho,2012,Mukandala,2009;Ghebru,2010)but there
18 are inadequatestudieswhich have looked on the issueof fairnessandjustice in the distributionandaccessof rural landto socialgroupsin areaswhereformalizationhad taken place.The recent study by Fairley (2012) in Tanzanialooked on the effectsof formalization on the security of the village land but did not examinethe equity as- pectsof land distribution and accessof land to beneficiaries.Studieson empirical assessmentof the direct effectsof suchintervention on equitabledistribution andac- cessarevery scarce. This study asks?To what extenthasthis initiative of formalizing rural propertyrights to land achievedthe fundamentalprinciples of the NLP of promoting equitabledis- tribution of land and its accessto the diversityof socialgroupsincludingwomen in thesevillages? This study wanted to explore and examinethe equity implication of the formalizatron.The focusof this thesisis articulatedtowardsa critical assessment of the equity implication of rural land rights formalizationprocessin relationto the implementationof the land policy in Tanzania. 1.2Statementof the ResearchProblem Inequality in rural land distribution to rural communitieshasbeenraisedasa serious land issue in many Sub SaharanAfrican countries and Tanzania is no exception, Severaldebatesthat followed the formulation of the National Land Policy (1995), Genderand Women DevelopmentPolicy (2000) raiseda questionof socialjustice andequity in distributionof land resources.To tacklethis issue,Tarzaniaembarked on the formalization of rural land rights with the objective of promoting equitable distribution of and accessto land by all citizensincluding land accessby gender.
t9 Available literature informs that rural land formaLizationin Tanzaniahas mixed re- sultsincluding differentiationin land ownershipandnon-democratictitling process. Hitherto, there is inadequacyof information from the ground on the extentto which formalization of rural land rights achievedthe principle of NLP which cameto be the objectiveof VLA of promotingequitabledistributionof andaccessto landto the di- versity of rural citizens in Tanlania. This is the gap that this study intendedto fill from the casestudiesof Mbozi andHandeniDistricts inTanzaria. 1.3Overall Objective This study aimed at exploring and determiningthe extent to which formalization of rural land rights implementedin Tanzaniahaspromotedequitabledistribution of and accessto land by all citizensin Mbozi andHandeniDistricts in Tanzania. 1.3.1SpecificObjectives Specifically,the aimsof this studywereto: (D To explore and examinethe level of equity in distribution and accessto land amongsocialgroupsatthe districtandvillage levels; (ii) To investigatethe extentof democraticparticipation by social groupsin andthe mechanismusedfor land rights formalization at the village level; (iii) To identifu factorsthat contributedto the success,problemsand or failure of the equitableland distribution of andaccessin the land formalization processat the householdandvillage level;
20 (iv) To identifi' actorsandrolesthat theyplayedtowardsland distributionat the householdandvillagelevels; 1.4ResearchQuestions (i) What is the level of equiq. in land distribution and accessafter the rural land formalization at the village level? (ii) To what extent was there participation mechanismacrosssocial groups in the formalization of land rights at the village level? (iii) What are the factors that facilitate and or constrain efforts towards equitable land distribution andaccessto the formalization processat the village level? (iv) What are the actors and roles that they played towards land distribution at the villaee level? 1.5Significanceof the Study This study is useful for Tanzaniaas it presentsan evaluation of the implementation of the NLP of 1995 in the context of facilitating an equitabledistribution of and ac- cessto landby all citizensthroughvillagelandrightsformalization. Also the findings of this study inform the policy makerson the attitude and percep- tions of the rural communities on the land allocation system,statusof relationships betweenland distributionandhouseholdsizes.Besides,this studywill provideinval- uable data and casestudy materialsfor educationaland training program on devel- opment studiesparticularly rural land administrationand livelihood improvement.It is expectedto add new knowledge in the existing body of knowledge on how imple-
2l mentationof land policies areperforming in the context of promoting equitabledis- tribution of and accessto rural land userights to citizens in Tanzaniaandelsewhere. In essence,this study standsas a benchmarkfor future land policy actions in rural land administrationparticularly rural landrights titling andregistrationin Tanzania. 1.6Scopeand Limitations of the Study 1.6.1Scopeof the Study This study was restrictedto the village or rural land which is defined in Section2.3 of this thesis.The studyfocusedon evaluationof equityimplicationmainly distribu- tive and procedural in relation to the formalization of rural land rights in both study areas.It restricted itself to examination of the extent of the promotion of equitable distributionof andaccessto landto the diversityof socialgroupsincludingextentof participation of landownersduring the process. l.6.2Limitations of theStudv There was limited time with most intervieweesbecauseinterviews were held in vil- lage office premisesthat were not completely free from frequent intemrptions; The studycould not get views of the Village Assemblies(VAs) asone of the institutions becauseof the fact from key informantsthat the VA were not always involved. Also the researcherhad to undertakecorrectivemeasuresto developa list of population from where to get samplesas therewere no village land registersin eachvillage as expected.
22 1.7ThesisOutline This thesisis organizedinto five chaptersnamely; Chapter One is on introduction in which backgroundinformation to the research,researchproblem; objectivesandthe significance of this researchare presented.Chapter Two presentsa literature re- view and theoretical and conceptualframeworks related to formalization of land rights Chapter Three presenfsmethodology used to conduct the study. Chapter Four presentsresults and discussionfrom the field researchin both study areas while Chapter Five presentsconclusions,recommendationson formali zation and. equitabledistribution of andaccessto land in rural areasin Tanzaua.
23 CHAPTERTWO LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1Overview Thischapterpresentsreviewof literaturerelatedto this study.It startsby presenting definitionsof keytermsusedin this study,empiricalliteratureonrurallandformali- zationandthepoliciesandstrategiessupportingequityin landresourcesdistribution arepresented.Finallytheoreticalandconceptualframeworkswhichhaveguidedand studiedin thisstudyareexplained. 2.2Definition of Terms 2,2.lFormalization The term formalization is usedin this studyto refer to the act of identifying bounda- ries of rural land, the owner of that land or farm, preparationof a land title andregis- tration of the samethrough a designatedland registry. In some countries, it is re- fened to also as certification or individualization titling and registration (ITR) etc. Formalization is usedto describethe processof increasedstateengagementin t..-, oflegal regulationandregistrationofland rights (Ikdahl.et a|.2005). It is, ironical- ly, * unclear conceptbut has its origin from 'formal' which comesfrom the Latin wordformalis, which means 'precise/explicit/clear' (Ikdahl, et al,. ibid). Hence,to formalise would mean to make something clearer and more explicit (ibid). Other scholarssuchasMr. Israel Simbal arguesthat the term formalization is not good be- causetheserights areformal to the relevantcommunitiesand clansthus it is betterto a I Interview with Mr. Israel Simba a retired Lecturer in Laws relatedto real property andland administrationat Ardhi Universitv inTanzania.
24 call the exercisecertification as it issuesa certificate. Actually somecountriessuch asEthiopia refer to this processascertification although it goesbeyond certification asit alsoincludesboundariesidentification.etc. In currentliterature on land rights in Africa, the term 'formal 'is usually andimplicit- ly associatedwith official and written documents.According to this understanding, to 'formalise' would be to make it offrcial. In anothersense,somethingis formal to one who recognisesit but informal to those who do not. In Tanzania,the term is sometimesreplacedby the word Certification which refers to issuanceof certificate to the land. But also,it hasbeenusedto refer to individuali zation titling or certifica- tion andregistrationof the certificateor ownershipof the land rights. A formal tenure systemis normally createdby the statethrough a law. The under- standingof the term formalisation leadsto an overall focus on the stateboth in terms of statelaw andpolicy. In the areaof landuseandaccessto naturalresources,states attemptto simplify and standardiselocal tenuresystemsand rules regardingtransfer of rights,trying to makethem 'legible'. Formalisationis thus often seenas a shift from 'informal' to 'formal' norms.from oral to written, from extra-legalto legal or from unofficial to offrcial. The classifica- tion of institutions asformal or informal, traditional or modern is questionablebut in essenceit dependson the circumstancesunderwhich the classificationis made.Alt- hough it is recognizedthat the terms 'formal/informal' and 'formalisation' areprob- lematic,they areusedfor practicalpurposesto explainor describethe situationof an
25 increasedstate engagementin terms of legal regulation and registrationof land rights. In a country like Tartzaria with more than 120 ethnic groups which are not regulatedby the state,then, formalizationwould meanto documentwhat the formal governmentdoesnot know andhencesimplifu provisionof public services.To un- derstandthe way rural land distribution is affectedby formalisation, we will haveto pay attentionto the complex interplay betweenformal and informal norms andprac- ticesof village land administration.Formalizationis alsoreferredto asthe processes of identifying interests,adjudicatingthem and registering them (Meinzen-Dick and Mwangi, 2007).In Tanzania,the term is also referredto ascertification or individu- ahzationof land rights, individualizationtitling andregistration(ITR) etc.The output of formalization is the issuanceof a documentreferredto in this study asthe Certifi- cateof CustomaryRightsof Occupancy(CCRO).Formalizationof landrightsusesa mechanismknown asboundaryadjudicationwhich canbe systematicandsporadic. a) Adjudication This term is usedin this studyto referto themodeof delineatinglandboundariesfor the purposeof individualization,titling and registration(ITR) during the formaliza- tion process.Adjudication,titling andregistrationcanbe donesystematicallyor spo- radically. Adjudication can either be systematicand sporadic. Likewise titling and registrationcanalsobe systematicandsporadic. Systematicadjudication and Registration is a survey that takes place accordingto an organisedplan so that rights to land are determinedsimultaneouslywithin a pre-
26 defined area.It is usually supply driven. When donesystematicallyit meansthat al the districtor a village levels,all parcelsor farmsaresurveyedat onetime. At the village level systematicadjudicationis donewherebyall farmsor plots canbe surveyedat one time wherebyownersof land, land size,cropsfound andotherprop- erties on the farm can be documented.The advantagesof systematicsurvey are the abilities to: strategicallyplan 'and coordinate survey activities including public awareness,adjudicationand registrationteams;strengtheningthe appropriatelocal agencies;lowering individual surveycoststhrougheconomiesof scale;administering contiol; andmoreeasilyprovidingincreasedtenuresecurity. Systematicsurveyingis regardedas a more efficient method for building a coordi- natedcadastrein areasnot previouslysurveyedbecausesurveyandmappingresults are simultaneouslyacquiredin a logical step-wiseprocess.Disadvantagesinclude dependenceon long term governmentcommitment andpublic support,andthe large investmentcostsfinancedby implementingagencieswith limited immediaterecu- perationopportunities.Systematicregistrationhasthe advantagethat it will provide more comprehensiveland information within a given time frame. It will also give morepeopleimprovedrightsmorequickly, thussupportingthe generaldevelopment impactof increasedsecurityof ownershipandreducedtransactioncosts. Sporadic adjudication and registration Sporadicadjudicationis a parcelby parcelapproach,usuallytriggeredby somespe- ciltc event,like the saleof the propertyor registeringthe ownershipas is the case with onewho buysland in a village.This is onewherewhen a landowner(s)want(s) his or her or their farm to be surveyed,he/shelthey canrequestthe land adjudicatorto
27 do the boundaryadjudication.Throughthis, detailsof the land rights claimerswill thenbe recordedandthen a title or customaryright of occupancywill be processed andregistered.Dependingon thejurisdiction sporadicadjudicationwill theninvolve demonstratingthat the title is basically soundbefore it is acceptedand enteredinto the registrationsystem(LINECE, 1996). Sporadicmethodsare piecemeal,taking place as-neededfor ownership or boundary determination.This may result from an owner's requestas opposedto being pre- scribedby authorities,i.e. they aretypically demanddriven. Sporadicsurveyingor adjudicationis a piecemealapproachwhich may leadto discrepancieswhen isolated surveysare brought into the cadastreresulting into the existenceof large gapsof in- formation aboutparcelswhich areleft unregistered.There is potential for the sporad- ic surveyapproachto favour largerland holdersandelites who can afford the system and therefore securetheir property against small and more informal ownership of poorercitizens. Accordingto FAO (lggg),sporadic registrationis usuallybasedon a specificaction or actionsof the ownerof thepropertyto trigger,bringing it into the registrationsys- tem. The most commonactionusedto trigger sporadicregistrationis the saleof the property or mortgageprocessing.This was, for instance,usedasthe main trigger for compulsory registration in defined registration areas in England and Wales after 1925. Sporadicsystemsenableselectiveregistration,reduceoverall costs,require only a short term commitment,and allow surveycoststo be directly imposedonto landholder(FAo,ibid). i
28 Sporadicregistrationhas the advantagethat it may be less expensivein the short term than systematicregistrationandthat it tendsto targetmost economicallyactive propertyfirst. It hasthe disadvantagethat it will takemuch longerto achievecom- pletecoverageof all titles within thejurisdiction.If the intentionis to registerall (or evenmost) parcels,then sporadicregistrationcannotbe cheaper,and will likely be moreexpensivebecauseof lack'of economiesof scale(e.g.,neighboursall havingto surveytheir parcelsseparately. According to FAO (ibid), the processof adjudicationshould simply reveal what rightsalreadyexist,by whom they areheld andwhat restrictionsor limitationsthere areon them.In practice,of course,themerefact of a final anddefinitiverecordingof theserights is a significantchangein thosejurisdictionswherepreviouslytherehad beenuncertainty.The processof adjudicationmay be sporadicor systematic,aswith resistration. 2.2.2Y illage Land Rights The term village asusedin this studyrefersto the basicadministrativeandpolitical structureat the local level with an electedvillage council and a village assembly which consistsof all adults(individualwho havereachedthe ageof majority,that is eighteenyearsandabovewho areof soundmind) living in a village(URT,1975). It is also referredto as a conglomerationof households(Rwejuna,2006).A village canalsobe definedasthe major non-familiarunit of peasantsociety,whoseorigin is suggestedto be an extensionof the family, with non-family membersintroducedei- ther by way of marriage(andthus absorbedinto the family) or to perform a specified
29 task(ibid).A Village in this studyrefersto a settlementwhich has beenregistered underthe provisionsof the Local Government(District Authorities)Act No.7, 7982 as a village and which has been surveyedand issuedwith a Certificateof Village Land (CVL) in the village councilandtheVillage assemblyasvillage institutionsare delegatedpower to administerthe landwithin itsjurisdiction.Village Land is oneof the three categoriesof public land; others are the General Land and Reserveland (URT, I999a). "Village land"meansthe landdeclaredto be village landunderandin accordancewith section7 of the VLA and includes any transfer or- land transferred to a village; "Operation Vijiji" meansandincludesthe settlementandresettlementof peoplein villagescommencedor carriedout duringandat anytime betweenthe first dayof January,1970andthirty first dayof December,1977for or in connectionwith thepurposeof implementingthepolicy of villagization,andincludesthe resettlement of peoplewithin the samevillage, from onepart of the village land to anotherpart of that village land or from onepart of land claimedby any suchpersonasland which he heldby virtue of customarylaw to anotherpart of the sameland andthe expropri- ationof it in connectionwith OperationVijiji (URT,1999). Village land rights refer to rights to the useand occupationof land by individuals, organrzattons,clans, within the jurisdiction of a village. Land rights are defined by the landtenuresystemwhich is madeup of rules,authorities,institutionsandrights. Land rightshavecomponentsor'web of interests'whicharecategorizedas: the use rights, suchas the right to accessa resource(for example,to walk or passacrossa field or farm of someone)andto withdraw from a resource(to pick somewild plants suchmedicinalplants)(Meinzen-DickandMwangi, 2001).
30 Other categoriesinclude the exploitationof a resourcefor economicbenefit or the control,or decision-makingrights, suchasthe rights to management(plant a crop), right of exclusion(preventothersfrom accessingor enteringthe land,plot, farm or field), and alienation(rent out, sell, or give away the rights to others,mortgageetc) (Meinzen-DickandMwangi, ibid). Accordingto Ghebru(2010)therearethreeprin- cipalrightslinked to the spatialdimensionof land;namely;userights;controlrights; and transferrights. Use rights refer to the right to use land for growing crops,pas- sage, grazing animals, and the utilization of natural and forest products. Control rights refer to the rights to make decisionsabout how the land should be usedand how benefitsshouldbe allocated.Holdersof land rights can transfertheir rights in the form of saleor mortgageland, conveyland to others,transmitthe land through inheritanceandreallocateuseandcontrolrishts. Land tenurerights includethe freedomto: occupy,use,developor enjoy one'sland; bequeathland to heirs or sell land; leaseor grantland or userights overthat landto otherswith reasonableguaranteesof being ableto recoverthe land; restrictothers' accessto that land; and use naturalresourceslocatedon that land(Knight,2010).A number of individuals can hold different tenure claims and rights to the sameland wherebytheseclaims may be formal, informal, customaryor religious,and can in- clude leasehold,freehold, use rights and private ownership (Ifuight, ibid). The strengthof one's land claims may hinge on national legal definitions of property rights,local socialconventionsandmultiple otherfactors(Ifuight, ibid). Accordingto FAO (2002)andMeizen-DickandMwangi, (2007)classificationof the web of landinterestsis basedon thefunctionsof eachinterestasfollows:
31 Overriding interests such as when a sovereignpower (e.g., a stateor a community)hasthepowerto allocateor reallocate; overlapping interests where severalparties are allocated different rights to the sameparcelof land,for exampleoneparty may havetilling rights andanothermay havea right of way; (iii) complementary intereslswhen different partiessharethe sameinterestin the sameparcel of land, as betweenbee-keepersand farmerswith or- (iv) chardsto be pollinated; and When different partiescontestthe sameinterestsin the sameparcel. Thesedifferent categoriesof interestsmentionedabove(i-iv) have, in other cases, been designatedas primary, secondaryand tertiary/transitory. For many rural com- munities these interestsare derived from social relationshipsand memberships, which in turn will define the content of the risht or claim and then underwrite the exerciseofthat right. Land rights at a village level can be of threetypes,namely,clan, family and self- acquiredland.Accordingto Manji (1996)self-acquiredlandmay be definedasprop- erty which has been obtainedthrough the efforts of an individual or a family. Such propertyis usuallyacquiredby clearingvirgin landsor buying land which is already cleared.'Family land'.isonewhich in the pasthad beenownedby individualsof the samefamily lineage.'Family land'may now be definedassmall plots or homesteads retainedby individual families within villages and farmed by them. 'Clan land' is land vestedin the clan undertraditional systemsof land tenure(ibid). Theseproperty rights to land canbe either formal or informal. Formal rights arethosewhich arerec- (i) (ii)
iz ognizedby the stateand securedby legal means.Informal land rights suchas clan and family are not protectedby formal laws or the modern governments.In Tanza- nia, for example,there are many tribes eachof which has customsand traditional normsandlawswhich arenot monitoredcloselvbv the Government.In somecasesa right canbe dehnedsomewherein betweenthe formal andinformal rights.The right may not be againstthe law but it is not recognizedby the law either, for indigenous areasthis is common (FAO, 2002) henceformally known as customaryland. Cus- tomaryrights boundedby customarylaw areoftenpracticedwithin indigenousareas andaregovernedby traditionalproceduresandrules(Kalabamu,2000). Statutoryrights areformally recognizedrights which areoften definedwithin market capitalism. Statutory land tenure meansthat an ownership guarantiescertain rights suchasthe right for owner to sell his/herproperty andto transferthe property on the market(Kalabamu,ibid). In somecasescustomarylaw has over time beenwritten down into formal rights which areregulatedundercommon law (Dale andMcl.augh- lin,1999). Thepublic land in TanzaniaMainlandis categorisedinto threetypesof land,namely, the general,reserveandvillage land.The lastcategoryis administeredby theVillage Council andthe Village Assembly. Land tenureright rnTanzanrais calleda right of occupancywhich refersto title to the useandoccupationof land (URT, 1999a).It is a relationshipbetweenthepeopleandthe landwithin anyjurisdiction.It is concerned with the modein which rightsto landareheld,andwhich are,therefore,groundedin statutorylaw, commonlaw or customarylaw andtraditions.
a a J J 2.2.3Equity and its Categories Equity is a close synonym ofjustice andfairness,so it usually relatesto more quali- tative matters.Equality refersto the condition of being equal,andit tendsto relateto things that can be expressedin numberssuchasareaof a farm, income etc. For ex- ample,onemight saythat landequalityis a resultof equityin the society,or that in- equality in land ownership is a greatinequity in land distribution. In this thesis,ineq- uity has been used interchangeablywith inequality to refer to a lack of equality in opportunity or treatmentduring land formalization. Inequality is usedto refer to dis- parities in land size ownership betweenand among individuals and for that matter household. In the distribution of land as a resource,genderequity entails considerationof men and women in the registrationof land rights so asto have securetenurefor both; on youth and adults to ensurethat inheritancerights are defined for the future genera- tionswhile in the caseof pastoralistsandpeasantsto considerthe sizeof landparcel that eachgroup deserveto haveto sustainabledevelopment. Equity is related with land governanceas it processesof decision making and im- plementationof decisions.The term good governancecan be viewed in severalcon- texts suchascorporate,institutional, national,andlocal governance.The standardsof transparency,equityoaccountability,subsidiarity,andalsoparticipationareespecial- ly important to sustainableLand Administration Systems(LAS). Smith (2008) arguesthat when land rights areformalized, what mattersis not land or a building but the associatedequity, which he defined as somethingin a legal record or title - which providessecurityto the holderof the legalrecordor title for freeuse,
34 mortgages,easementsand other covenants.In practice, when an individual wants a loan from a bank he or shepresentsthe title deedto a bank andtherebyallow theeq- uity associatedwith the underlying assetto be setfree for purposesof investmentin other things. In this way, the records and representationsconstituting the formal property systembring a new domainof quasi-abstractreality into existence,whose growth is intimately associatedwith thoseadvancesin human welfare which are as- sociatedwith economicdevelopment(Smith,ibid). Many scholarshave tried to discussequity. According to Sharon(2000) equity is aboutfairnessand derivesfrom a conceptofsocialjustice. It representsa beliefthat there are some things which people should have, that there are basic needs that shouldbe fulfilled, that burdensand rewardsshouldnot be spreadtoo divergently acrossthe community,andthatpolicy shouldbe associatedwith impartiality,fairness andjusticetowardstheseends(ibid). Equity impliesthatpeople'sneeds,ratherthansocialprivileges,shouldguidethe dis- tribution of opportunitiesfor well-being.Equity requiresreducingunfair disparities aswell asmeetingacceptablestandardsfor everyone.Equity implicationsassessedin this study aredistributive equity, procedural/participatoryequity andcontextualequi- ty. Thesesaspectsof fairnessandjustice are associatedwith the procedureusedto distributeland rights during the formalizattonprocessin the study areasof Mbozi andHandeni Districts inTanzania. Procedureandparticipatory equity which consid- er context in which the resourceis located can determinethe way distribution and accesscan be equitable.Contemporarythinking on equity owesmuch to the work of US philosopherJohn Rawls, who arguedthat just outcomesare thosethat people
35 would agreeto undera "veil of ignorancs"-1[41 is, if they did not know what status they would occupyin society(LrNDP, 20lr). JohnRawls,sideaofjustice advocated basiclibertiesand proceduralfairnessby permittinginequalitiesin caseswhen they couldreasonablybe expectedto be to the advantageofeveryone (andifby reducing themtheywould makeeveryoneworseoffl. Evaluation of equity implication where land rights formalizationor titling program hastakenplaceis importantbecauseit is abouthumandevelopment.Human devel- opmentis the expansionof people'sfreedomsto live long,healthyandcreativelives; to advanceother goalsthey havereasonto value;andto engageactively in shaping developmentequitablyand sustainablyon a sharedpranet.Equity is aboutdistribu- tive justice; therefore,wherethe processof land titring becomesinequitable,it be- comesunjust acrossgroupsor generations.Inequalitiesare especiallyunjust when they systematicallydisadvantagespecificgroupsof peopre,whetherbecauseof gen_ der, occupation,race or birthplace,or when the gap is so greatthat acutepoverty is high(ibid)or likely to behigh. Equitycanbe distributive, proceduralor participatory below: a) Distributive Equity According to Mc-Dermott et at.(2011),distributiveequity is concemedwith out- comesin the allocationamongstakeholdersof costs,risksandbenefitsresultingfrom environmentalpolicy or resourcemanagementdecisionsand hencerepresentspri- proceduralor participatoryand contextual.In practice, equity facilitatesdistributiveequity. They are discussed
36 marily (but not exclusively)the economicdimensionof equity. In this respectthen equitabledistribution of benefits (which in this caseis land resources,grazing areas etc) to the beneficiariescan bejustified on the basisof one of severaldifferent prin- ciples:equality,socialwelfare,merit andneed.The distributiveequitycanbe within the same generationor betweenthe current and the future generationhence,intra- generationaland intergeneratioiralequity. Thesecategoriesare discussedin detail below: (i) Intergenerational Equity Intergenerationalequity in economic,psychologicaland sociologicalcontextsis the conceptor ideaof fairnessor justice in relationshipsbetweenchildren,youth, adults and seniors, particularly in terms of treatment and interactions (Foot and Venne, 2005).It refersto relationshipthat a particularfamily hason resources.Intergenera- tional equity is the centralethicalprinciplebehindsustainabledevelopment(Sharon, 2000). The 1987 UN BrundtslandCommissiondefinedsustainabledevelopmentin equity terms as: "developmentthat meetsthe needsof the presentwithout compro- mising the ability of future generationsto meet their own needs."Intergenerational equity refersto how fairly benefitssuchasland rights are distributed acrossexisting populationof interests(Arko-Adjei,2011). It is more aboutdistributionof resources suchasland. Distributional equity.ensuresthat the needsof minorities and vulnerablegroupsin the societyareprovidedfor. In this case,the focusis on how rights areapportioned suchthat they are used effectively and efficiently at present,without compromising their useby future generations,henceincorporatingsustainability.
) t Sustainabilityis concernedwith onetypeof equity- acrosspeoplebom in different times- asdistinctfrom thedistributionof outcomes,opportunitiesor capabilitiesat present. Intergenerationalequity meansthat we inherit the Earth from previous generations and have an obligation to passit on in reasonablecondition to future generations. The idea behind not reducing the ability of future generationsto meet their needsis that, although future generationsmight gain from economic progress,those gains might be more than offset by environmentaldeteriorationwhich will occur asa result of population growth, overgrazingor misuseof rangelands,etc. (ir) Intra-Generational Eqaity This is about fair treatmentacrosscommunities(household,gender,occupational groups,age,etc) and nations within one generation. Intra-generationalequity is as- sociatedwith theprincipleof sustainabledevelopmentbecausein many casesinequi- ties in the distribution of land resourceshave triggered the degradationof the,envi- ronment.As a result of inequitiesin the distributionof land resources,peoplebe- comepoor hencethey becomeenvironmentallyunsoundin their activities.As argued by Sharon(2000),poverty deprivespeopleof the choiceaboutwhetheror not to be environmentally soundin their activities. Intra-generationalequity is concernedwith the way resourcesare distributed within the current generation.It is aboutequity betweenpeopleof the samegenerationsuch as male and female; boys and girls; youth and adult; married couples;peasantsand pastoralists(Sharon,ibid). It includesconsiderationsof distributionof resourcessuch
38 asland andjustice betweennationsor individualsor socialgroupswithin a commu- nity suchas a clan, community,a village etc. Other considerationsincludewhat is fair for people within any one nation, a village, district or any geographical area. Thus,the distributionof benefitssuchaslanduseandaccessright canbe termedeq- uitable in terms of intra-generationif it is inclusivewherebyall socialgroupsin a communityor a village havebeenconsidered.Therefore,if a certainsocialgroupis deniedownershipor accessright or hasinadequatelandresource,thenthereis likeli- hood for one group or individual to trespassinto the land of anotherindividual or group or a reservedarea.Examplesof indicatorsof intra-generationalinequitiesin Tanzaniaincludeescalatingland relateddisputes,trespassto protectedareassuchas wetlands,gamereserves,forestsreservesor commonlandresourcesin a village such as grazingandburial sites. The high levelsof wealthareperhapsevenmore damagingto the environment(both rural and urban) as they are accompaniedby high levelsof resourcesconsumption such as land grabbing,which lead to landlessnessto segmentof communitigsand thus poverty for thosewho rely on land do so for livelihoods.Many environmental problems-such as global warming and chemical contamination are the result of af- fluenceratherthanpoverty(Sharon,2000).Theseoccurrencesarewitnessedin Tan- zaniain the form of trespassingon reservedlandssuchasthe nationalparks,forests andgamereserves,wetlandareasandevento land ownedlegally by individualsand organizations.
39 b) Procedural/Purticipatory Equity ProceduralEquity (PE) can be specifiedto meanan1'thingfrom guaranteeingbasic rights equally to taking affirmative action to amplify the voices of groups such as women, the landless and ethnic minorities which are frequently marginalized with respectto naturalresources,(Mc-Dermottet.al,2011).PE is aboutfairnessin thepo- litical processesthat allocateland resourcesand resolvedisputes.It involvesrepre- sentation,recognition/inclusion,voice andparticipationin decision-making.Accord- ing to Shao (2008), empoweredparticipationor involvement meansnot only the physicalpresenceof the individual,but alsoactive,effectiveandconsciousparticipa- tion. In the contextof village or rural land formalizationprocess,all dimensionsof equitycometogetherin the normativeprincipleof participatoryparity, which insists on fairness,inclusiorVrepresentationand democraticdecision-makingat all levels from the designof formalizationprocess(awareness,approvalof claims,adjudica- tion mechanism,titling andregistration)to completion. c) Contextual Equity Contextualequity links togetherthe other two dimensions(distributiveand proce- duralequities)by taking into accountthe pre-existingconditionsunderwhich people engagein proceduresand benefitdistributions- and which limit or enabletheir ca- pacity to do both. It entailsaccess,capabilitiesand power. Accessrefersto the 'ability to derivebenefrtsfrom thingssuchasland', wherebythis ability dependson a 'web of powers' exercisedthrough socialrelationsand institutionssuchas tradi- tion, markets,property,andinformal,illicit andcoerciveclaimsto resourcessuchas land rights (Ribot and Peluso,2003).Capabilitiesare capacitiesnecessaryfor indi-
40 vidualsandhouseholdsto fully functionin their chosenlives,which in otherwords, constitutesfreedom andthe wherewithalto exerciseland rights and choicesin pursu- ing their lives they find appropriate.In order for a villager to exerciseany on-farm livelihood activity such as farming or livestock keeping they require adequateland for farming and grazingpurposesincluding recognition asmembersof the village (as a community).Also education,information,sufficienteconomicresourcesandsecu- rity area prerequisite(Ribot andPeluso,ibid). Power enablesactorssuchasthe Vil- lageleadersandtheir Councilsandthe villagerswho arecustomarylandrightshold- ers or beneficiaries(villagers including women and other nrlnerable groups)to gain control and maintainaccessto land resources.Unequalpower (re)producesinequity in its otherdimensions. 2.2.4Beneficiary Benefrciary in this study refers to an individual or institutions whose land rights (clan,family or self-acquired)were adjudicated,individualized,titled andregistered at the District Land Registry during the formalizatron programme in Mbozi and HandeniDistricts.Beneficiariesarealsoreferredto asrespondentsin this study. 2,2.5Land Tenure and Administration Svstems a) Land Tenure Land tenure is the relationship, whether legally or customarily defined, among peo- ple, asindividualsor groups,with respectto land (FAO, 2002).ltdevelopsdueto so- cial,political andeconomicstructuresthathaveexistedwithin a country.
4l Therefore,it is importantto understandeachcountry'sspecifichistoryaswell ascul- ture to be able to understandthe land tenure structurethat has developedwithin the country studiedand why. Land tenureis categorizedinto the following sub areas (FAO,ibid): Private or individual land refersto land which is tied up to an individual or a party with exclusive right to that specific land. Communal land is one in which each memberof a societyor a village hasthe right to uselike a path, farming, grazingetc. Open accessmeansfree accessto resourcesto all, for exampleforestsandmarines, grazingand medicinal picking andState in which the rights to this tenure category areassignedto an authorityin the public sectoras is the caseof TanzaniaNational Parks Authority (TANAPA) for all national parks and game reservesin Tanzania Mainland.InTanzania the stateland is referredto asthe reserveland.All thesecate- goriesof land canbe found in a village.Manji (1996)talksaboutclanandfamily and self acquiredland asoneunderprivateor individual land.In many rural areas,com- munalland,openaccessaresometimesownedby individuals,groupssuchascianor family. b) Land Tenure Systems Land tenure systemrefersto the rules, authorities,institutions, rights and norms that governaccessto and control over land and relatedresources.They definethe rules andrightsthat governthe appropriation,cultivationanduseof naturalresourceson a given spaceor pieceof land;they governwho canusewhat resources,for how long and under what conditions. They can be formal or informal whereby the former is
42 recognizedby the state while the latter is not recognizedby the state; statutory or customarywhereby the former is a result of the statutewhile the latter arerights that resultfrom customsandtraditionsof the local communityor traditionalinstitutions; legally recognizedor not legally recognizedare rights which are either codified or not codifiedby any law althoughthey exist-forexamplenyarubanjarights still exist in Bukoba although legally they are not recognised;permanent or temporary are thoserights which are periodic such as a permit to grazein someone'sfarm after harvest. The right of private ownershipor of common property are like those of freeholdtenurewhile commonpropertyrights is like thosewhereownersdo not de- fine their individual rights suchascustomarytenure(IFAD, 2008). Land tenure systemsneedto take sufficient accountof the land accessandtenureis- suesotherwisethey canresultinto problem.Therefore,the typesof cropsthat areto be grown on a pieceof land-be they for subsistenceor commercialpurposes-arein- fluencedby the decisionsof land accessand tenuresecurity. The decisionof land accessalso influencesthe extent to which farmersand other land usersareprepared to invest in improvementsin production,sustainablemanagement,and adoptionof new technologiesand promising innovations.Tenuresystemsin many developing countrieshavebeeninfluencedby former colonial land policiesthat overlaidestab- lishedpatternsof land distribution andaccess(ibid). c) Land Administration Systems(LAS) Land Administrationis definedasthe processesof recordingand disseminatingin- formation about ownership, value, and use of land when implementing land man-
43 agementpolicies G|NECE, 1996).Land administrationis the managementof sys- temsof land rights which includethe following subjects: (i) Proceduresby which landrightsareallocatedor recognized; (ii) The definitionanddelimitationof boundariesbetweenparcels; (iii) The recordingof informationaboutlandrights,rightsholders,andparcels; (iv) Proceduresgoverningtrdnsactionsin land,including sales,mortgages,leases anddispositions; (v) The resolutions of uncertainty or adjudication of disputes concerning land rightsandboundaries; (vi) Institutionsandprocessesfor theplanning,controllingandmonitoringof land use;and (vii) Land valuation andtaxationprocedures. To be ableto performthesesubjects,landadministrationsystemscaneitherbe in the form of a centralised,decentralisedor integratedsystem. Centralisedsystemsusea centralisedbureaucracyto carry out land administrationtasks, thereby relying on a single,closed(top-down) approach.Decentralizedsystemusesa decentralizedbu- reaucracyto carry out land administrationtasks with offices at the district or local level dependingon the governmentsystemin place.In Tanzania,for example,ad- ministrationof village land hasbeendecentralizedtothe village levelswherebyreg- istrationof village land rightsis doneatthedistrictlandregistrylevel. Integratedsystemis onewherebysomefunctions arecentralizedwhile othersarede- centralizedasis the casewith theadministrationof generallandin Tanzaniawhereby certainland sizeallocationneedsapprovalof the Commissionerfor Lands.
44 But Fairley (2012) arguesthat land administrationsystemscan be top-downor bot- tom-upandconcurrentlycentralizedor decentralized. 2.3Empirical Literature on Rural Land Formalizationand Equity The literature review strategyincluded expert chain of citations ('snowball') ap- proachwhich was followed by a keyword-basedcomputerisedsearchof the litera- ture. Severalstudieswith keywords of rural land formalization, equity and equitable land distribution, land accessand distribution;genderand land access;vulnerable groupsand land formahzatronwere reviewed.This part presentsfindings of the prior works on rural land rights formahzationwith a focus on equity from global to local level. Equity in a particularprogrammeor projectcanbe in the form of distribution of outcomesandin theproceduresemployedin theprojector programme. Thereareformalizationprogrammesthat consideredthe relationshipbetweencitizen andland ownershipduringthe allocationof landresources.Cambodiahasbeencited by Catalla(2001) as one of countrieswith a fairly equitableland ownershipsystem following the enactmentof a Sub-decreeNo. 25 andInstructionNo. 3 of 1989.In this country, land was redistributedto private householdsbasedon the numberof family members(householdsize)andland availabilityin the area.Local authorities, with full participationfrom village residents,identif,redthe number of membersin eachfamily andthe availableland in the area,then subdividedthe land accordingly (ibid). A studyby Jayne.etal,(2003) in the Easternand SouthernAfrican Region,found that the smallholderfarming sectorwas typically characterizedby small but relatively
45 "uni-modal" andequitablydistributedlandholdingssituatedwithin a "bi-modal" dis- tribution of land between large-scaleand small-scalefarming sectors.Jayne.et al.(ibid) admit of that empiricaldatashowthat in Africa therehavebeeninadequate studieswithin the small farm sectorsand that land-relatedresearchhas mainly fo- cusedon the effects of land property rights andtenure.The study further found that in many African countriesthe distributionof farm sizeshas signsof disparitiesin accessto land within the smallholdersectors.This includedthe difficultiesof nurtur- ing other avenuesto rural income growth for householdslacking accessto sufficient land to ensurea decentlivelihood (ibid). Inequitiesin assetsdistributionis seenasa challenge.In countries with a "bad" distribution of assets;however, economic growth was skewedtoward wealthierhouseholds,causingthe gapbetweenrich and poor to widen (Jayne;et a1,2003).This necessitatesevaluationof the formalization of land rights in Tanzaniaso as to determinethe patternsof distribution of land as assets. On farm or land size,Jayne.et al., (2003)arguethat the discussionof feasibleand sustainablerural growth strategiesmust be groundedwithin the contextof prev'ailing farm sizedistribution patternsandtrends.However, availableevidenceindicatesthat mostof Africa is facingincreasingrural populationdensitiesandperson-to-landratr- os (ibid). This finding is supplementedby Gugertyand Timmer (1999) studywho found that initial "gogd" distributionof assets,both agriculturalandnon-agricultural growth, benef,rttedthe pooresthouseholdsslightly more in percentageterms.It was also found that formahzatronin many caseshad beenassociatedwith the decentrali- zationof land administrationpowersthroughintroductionof village councilsasdeci- sionmakingbodies.
46 Knight (2010) in his study on countriesthat havemadeand implementedland law mentionsTanzaniain the list of best practicesbut does not discussthe extentto which theseland laws and in particularthe VLA have achievedtheir objectivesof promotingequitabledistributionof andaccessof land to her citizens.But, Pedersen (2010) in his working paperon the Challengesof Implementationof the Tanzama Land Law Reformraisedtwo importantissuesto address,namely,whetherequity in accessto land administrationservicesis ensuredandwhetherthe rishts of vulnerable groupsaresufficiently protected. The role of local land tenureinstitutionshasalsobeenfound assourcesof landten- ureproblems.A studyby Quan(1997)found that the introductionof formal catego- ries of tenureand systemsof land administration(suchasland boards,village coun- cil) in parallelto existingsystemsof customaryland managementhasfrequentlyre- sulted in uncertainty and confusion regardingrural land rights. This was supported by Lastarria(2006)who foundthattitling programmesin many casesignorecultural normsandpracticesaroundland rights resultinginto a situationwhere certaingroups (such as women, children, pastoralistsand other ethnic minorities) are disenfran- chised. Approachto formalizationprogrammehasalsobeendiscussedasresultinginto land relatedproblems.Acgording to Hall (1998),experiencewith land rights formahza- tion in Africa has shown that efforts to redistributerural land to the "disadvantaged" or to the "rural landless",havetendedto reinforceexistingland rights resultinginto new dimensionsof inequalitieswithin beneficiarycommunities.This is furthersup- ported by Amanor and Moyo (2008) in their study in Zimbabwe where they found
47 that inequitable accessto land preventedthe rural poor from acquiring plots of land that were economically viable. In uncertainty situation where existing rural land rights are unclear or weak as is always the casein many rural settingsin Africa, the use of sporadic or on - demandapproachfor first - time registration of rights will often carry a significant risk of land grabbing by well - connectedand powerful elites(Deininger.eta|.,2010). Findingsby Deininger.et al., 8010) in EthiopiaandRwandashow that the mecha- nism of formalization adoptedlow-cost, community-basedapproachesto land regis- tration. Theseapproachesinvolve women in key administrativeand decision-making positionsat all stagesof the processof demarcatingand adjudicatingland parcels. Land parcel occupation and boundariesare agreedupon in public, with the consent of all parties,including thoseoccupyingneighboringparcels.Besidesbeing of low cost, Deininger et al; (2008) arguethat the land adjudicationused a participatory mechanismswhich wasviable andled to equitableoutcomesthat allow clearproduc- tivity, gainsovertime. In his analysison consideringcustomsand tradition in policy implementation,Sha- ron (2000)arguesthat many policiesthatemphasizereliability on customsandtradi- tions in their implementation,take a 'one size-fit all approach'without looking into local conditions of the country (for example,village, ward, district or region) and hencethis canresultinto inequitiesin landresourcesdistribution.This is in line with Shao's (2008) findings that measuresto improve environmental problems through the introduction of private land titling in communitieswhere land is usedas a com-
48 mon resourcecan result into seriousdisputesas was the casein HandeniDistrict in Tanzama.The implementationof thesepoliciesmay impactmore on somesectorsof the community than others.This can happenthrough imposing additionalcostsre- sulting from lessaccessibleland resourcesor reduceability to competelocally, re- gion wise or internationallybecauseof thereducedcapabilities. A studyby Block and Foltz (1999)in Saheliancountriesfound skeweddistribution of land and that therehad beenlittle attentiondevotedto quantifyingland distribu- tion patternswithin Africa's small-scalefarming sector.This happensamid a wide- spreadacceptancethat "pro-poor" agriculturalgrowth is stronglyassociatedwith eq- uitableassetdistribution(ibid). The model of structuraltransformationhasdemon- stratedthat in countries where 70-80% of the rural population derive the bulk of their income from agriculture;poverty reductiontypically dependson agricultural productivity growth (ibid). This is associatedwith the observationmade by Jayne et.al; (op cit) that discussionof feasible and sustainablerural growth strategies shouldbe groundedwithin the contextof prevailing farm size distributionpatterns andtrends.This is what this studyhastried to look into in the contextof Mbozi and HandeniDistrictsto seeif institutionsresnonsiblefor landallocationconsideredrela- tionshipsthat existedbetweenfarm sizesura tfr.i, householdsize,occupationetc. Literatureon landrightsdistributioninTanzaniashowsthe existenceof inequities.A study by Mchomvu et al; (2002) quoted studiesby Awiti (1973) and Putterman (1986) on distribution of land in Ismani (Iringa) and Arusha, Morogoro, Mbeya, Iringa andRuvumaregionsreaffirmingthe existenceof inequalityin the distribution of landholding.Manji (1996) points out the Tanzanianprogrammeof villagization
49 underwhich farming wasto be carriedout collectivelyby all membersof a villageas the onethat alteredthe conceptof family landresultinginto land inequalities.Means of accesssuchasown acquisition(buying),inheritanceof clan or family land deter- mine equality of land ownership.Manji (ibid) arguesthat, in caseof women,those who acquiredtheir own land weretreatedby othervillagerswith more respectthan thosewho are landlessor thosewho expectedto get through inheritance.Though thesestudieswereconducteda long time ago,they showhow the issuesof inequities in land is old and thus where formalizationhastakenplace assessmentis vital to see whetherthoseinequitieshavebeenaddressedon not. In examining factors that affect equity in the distribution of and accessto land a study by Catalla (2001) on land registrationfound land registrationin somecases exacerbatedisputesand enabledland grabbingbecausesomeelite groupssoughtto assertclaims over land which was not theirs under customarylaw becauseof the knowledgeof impendingregistration.The inequitiesin land distributionweredueto lack of accessto education,landinformationandcontact;costof registrationasusers find that the land that they thought was theirs has beenregisteredby someoneelse. Themostvulnerableto losinglanduserightsaresmallholders. Moteover, registrationtendsto penalizeholdersof secondaryland rights, such as women and herders,as theserights often do not appearin the land register and are thus expropriated(Cotulla. et al; ibid). This is supportedby Lastarria-Cornhiel (2006) who lamentsindividualization and privatization of ownership (formalization) do transferland rights from householdmembersto individualmen asthey areableto claim all rights to land andthat formalization hasbeenfull of inequity in the statusof
50 land distribution.Under many of the titling programsthereis one dynamicof indi- vidualizationthat thosepersonswith indirect and secondaryrights to land (suchas women,ethnicminorities,andnomadicpastoralists)may losethem (rights),particu- larly when land is formally privatrzedundertitling andregistrationprograms. Empirical studiesfurther show that someof the userrights which arenormally lost during formalization include accessand use rights for cultivation and grazing that womenandminority groupsmay haveto landundercustomaryrules.These,accord- ing to a studyby Tuladhar(2004)occurespeciallyduring the adjudicationphasein which existing land rights are recognized.andrecordedaccordingto the land law. This hasbeenthe caseduring registrationof land rights in many developingcoun- triesaslessor more securityof tenureandconflictsover land arecreated(ibid). Be- sides,suchtools asformal landuseplanscanresultinto denialof userights suchas grazingrights of pastoralistsaswas the casebetweenChamakwezaandPingo Vil- lagesin BagamoyoDistrict, Tanzama(researcher'sown eiperience formerly as a BagamoyoDistrict Land Officer and Registrarof CustomaryRights of Occuppncy) henceaffectingthe livelihood of thepastoralists. In Kenya, a long history on the impactsof formalization as presentedby Okoth- Ogendo(1985) show that a formahzationprogram impoverishedthe rural society wherebyfor example.inKajiado areait compromisedthe viability of the rangefor pastoralists,resultinginto many Maasai sellingoff their land and moving into trad- ing centressuch as Nairobi in pursuit of petty trade and menial jobs (Odhiambo, 2006).This is supportedby Platteau(1995)who found that in Africa land registra- tion hasincreaseduncertaintyandconflict overlandrightsespeciallyfor groupssuch
51 as pastoralistswhich customarilyhad no formal accessto natural resources.Other studieswith negativefindings on formalizationincludethat by Shao,2008 and Od- gaard,2006 who found that weak local land governancein terms of policies and democraticprinciplesin rural areashad resultedinto conflictsmainly betweenpas- toralistsandpeasants.The educational,economicandpolitical dliteswere generally ableto benefitdisproportionatelyfrom landtitling. Recentmassiveformalizationis that of Ethiopia where Deininger.et.al; (2008) regardit as the largestland admin- istrationprogramcarriedout over the lastdecadeandpossiblyin the World asit is- sued20 million certihcatesto farmers.Unfortunatelythe studydoesnot narrateany- thing aboutequityin this programme. In line with situation,Tsikata(2001) andKagwanja(2008)recommendedan exami- nationof the adverseeffectsof individuahzedtitling programsin Africa on marginal- ized segmentsof society,including women,children,migrants;pastoralists,hunters and gatherers,and communalland usersparticularlyquestionsof socialjustice and equityin the distributionof land resources.Otherstudiesby (Koda, 2000,Cotullaet aL,2004;Claussen,et al., 2003;)on the implementationof new landpoliciesandleg- islationsrecommendedexaminationof the effectsof thesenew policiesand legisla- tions in SubSaharanAfrica so asto inform the governmentson the consequencesof their effortsthroughqualitativegenderedconcerns.Their recommendationsincluded the follow-up suveys in Tanzaniaso asto comeup with the assessmentof the im- pactsof formahzation on different socialgroups.This is an evidenceof the existence of inadequateinformation on the extentto which equity issueshavebeenhandledby formalization process.
52 Studyby Ghibru (2010) on the land certificationin Ethiopia also provedthat many literature on land reforms have explored its impacts on investment,accessto credit; productivity and tradability of land in Africa (for example in Tanzaniaby such re- searcherslike Mukandala,2009;Sanga,2009 andNyatho, 2012)but studieson em- pirical examination of the statusof suchintervention on land distribution amongso- cial groupsat the rural settlementlevelswere very scarce.This was also raisedby Fairley (2012) in her recentresearchin Mbozi, Kisarawe,Bariadi and Handenidis- tricts in Tanzaniawhen sherecommendeda further researchon women land rights, agriculture improvement in the form of optimal farm size for the most efficient pro- ductionof food cropswhich sheregardedasanongoingdebatein this field. Empirical studies show funher that proceduresfor land accessand administration havesomeinjusticesassomesocialgroupssuchaspastoralistsaremarginalizedand their land use rights disregarded(Shivji, 1999; Mwaikusa, 1999; ole Kosyando, 2007;Fairley,2012;2013). Fairley(2013)recommendeda funher assessmentto de- terminehow hybrid approachesof formalizationcouldhelp sustainthe livelihoodsof residentsin Tanzaniaand this recommendationis what this study had tried to do. In- dicatorsof inequity in distribution and accessto land in Tanzaniais manifestedfrom the growing volume of land related conflicts mainly betweenpastoralistsand peas- ants; trespass on protected areas and objection to land use planning pro- cess(Shao,ibid). A recentstudyby Ali. et al ;(2011) on the assessmentof genderand land accessin land regularrzatronandtitling (LRT) in Rwandafound that genderequity was highly
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Tiba PhD thesis

  • 1. VILLAGE LAND RIGHTS FORMALIZATION AND EQUITY I I IMPLICATIONS IN TANZANIA The Casesof Mbozi andHandeniDistricts Alphonce Yustin Tiba PhD (DevelopmentStudies)Thesis University of Dar esSalaam January,201.5
  • 2. VILLAGE LAIID RIGHTS FORMALIZATION AND EQUITY .: IMPLICATIONS IN TANZANIA TheCasesof MboziandHandeniDistricts Alphonce Yustin Tiba PhD (DevelopmentStudies)Thesis University of Dar esSalaam January,201.5
  • 3. VTLLAGE LAIID RIGHTS FORMALTZATTONAND EQUITY .. IMPLICATIONS IN TANZANIA The Casesof Mboziand Handeni Districts By AlphonceYustinTiba A ThesisSubmittedin Fulfilment of theRequirementsfor the Degreeof Doctorof Philosophy@evelopmentStudies)of the Universitvof Dar esSalaam University of Dar esSalaam January,2015
  • 4. CERTIFICATION The undersignedcertify that they havereadandherebyrecommen(lfrlr acceptanceby the University of Dar es Salaama thesisentitled: ViIIageLand RigltlsFormalization and Equity Implications in Tanzania: The Casesof Mbozi and Handenl Districts in fulfilment of the requiremerttsfor the degreeof Doctor of Philosophyof the Univer- sity of Dar esSalaam. Prof. IBRAHIM FOKAS SHAO (Supervisor) o^,",!-:i-:!&-Ao'-{ (Supervisor) , uru,-[-?-:- Q-I -- 20/{
  • 5. 1l DECLARATION AND COPYRIGHT I, AlphonceYustin Tiba, declarethatthisthesisis my ownoriginalwork andthatit hasnotbeenpresentedandwill notbepresentedto anyotherUniversityfor a similar or anyotherdegreeaward. Signature: This thesisis copyrightmaterialprotectedunderthe BerneConvention,the.Copy- right Act 1999andotherinternationalandnationalenactnents,in thatbehalf,onin- tellectualproperty.It maynotbereproducedby anymeans,in full or in part,except for shortextractsin fair dealings,for researchor privatestudy,criticalscholarlyre- view or discoursewith an acknowledgement,withoutthe writtenpermissionof the Schoolof GraduateStudies,onbehalfof boththeauthorandtheUniversityof Dares Salaam.
  • 6. lll ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost I wish to acknowledgeand thank my supervisorsProfessorIbra- him Fokas Shaoand ProfessorBertha Omari Koda for their enduring support. Ibra- him and Bertha, your expert advice,enthusiasm,encouragementand sustainedcom- mitmentto the ideasof my PhD aregreatlyappreciated.Bertha,your timing to join our researchgroup was impeccableandI am sofortunateyou were a part of my PhD journey. I cannot forget Dr.Juma Rashid Kiduanga with whom I startedthe warm-up as he managedto familiariseme with the cultureof theUniversityof Dar esSalaam.Actu- ally, it was Dr. Kiduanga who introducedme to Prof. Ibrahim Shao,who wonderful- ly askedfor my proposal and later offered to supervisemy project. Then Professor Bertha Omari Koda camein as my secondsupervisor.Frankly speaking,Shaoand Koda were more of my parentsthroughoutmy stayat the University. I am thankful to all academicand supporting staff in the Institute of Development Studies(IDS) for their guidanceand support.Specialthanksmust go to Prof Mongu- la, Prof.Chambua,Dr.Msoka, Dr.Niboye and Dr.MagdalenaNgaiza and all staff in the Institute for their support and encouragement.I thank my fellow PhD students, particularly Mr.Muga, for familiarizing me with the PhD logistics and Dr. Nick Mulungu whoseguidancemademy field work in Mbozi very smooth. I also thank ProfessorAldo Lupala of Ardhi University for his contribution to my drafts.Specialthanksshouldgo to my researchassistantsnamelyMr. Godwill Rich- ard, Ms. Ivy Mwasepe,Mr. Dani Mwakapinga,Mr. JosephSiwakwi, Mr.Adamu
  • 7. iv Ahmed, Ms.UpendoUpolo, Mr. Fadhili H.Lussongeand Mr.Abdallah M.Waziri for supportingme in the field researchprocess.Mr. Gwambeneof IRA is thankful for guidanceon datacleaningin SPSSwhile Mr.Godwille Richardis highly thankednot only for participating in datacollection andentry but also for offering to accompany me throughoutmy field work mission. Thanksshouldalsogo to all respondentsandleadersfrom all nine villagesof Mbozi and Handeni Districts; the senior land professionalsfrom the Ministry of Lands, Housingand Human SettlementsDevelopment(MLHHSD) andthe Programmeco- ordinatorof PropertyandBusinessFormalizationprogramme(PBFP).In addition,I thank the Organizatronfor SocialScienceResearchin Easternand SouthernAfrica (OSSREA) for sponsoringme to attenda Social ScienceResearchMethodology training and the United Nations DevelopmentProgramme([INDP) for partly financ- ing this study. Heartfelt thanks should go to my family: My beloved mother Mawe Ma Clezensia Kokwakiira Alex Mushandurafor bringing me up. My beloved wife Marlstella Nyitho (Venosa),my son Alex Mujuni, my daughtersAnnet Kokwakiira; Irene Ka- lungi and Alice Mukamala. My former employer,the National Environment Man- agementCouncil (NEMC) is also thankedfor regular permissionsthey gave me without which the accomplishmentof this task would havebeendifficult. Last but not least,I thank the late Dr. I.J. Kapoli for editingthis work and Dr.Murekariafor translatingabstractof this work in Kiswahili. I finally saythat 'aspiration is greater thanresources'this work is a resultof aspiration.
  • 8. DEDICATION I kindly dedicatethis work to my mother,Mawe Ma ClezensiaKokwakiira Mushan- duraandmy brother,the lateMr.TheonestRweyemamu.Youwerea man of the peo- ple, and actually, it was you who transformedmy life from where I was to where I amtoday. You loved educationanddevelopment.May God restyour Soul in eternal olace.
  • 9. VI LIST OF ABBREYIATIONS ACL AssistantCommissionerfor Lands AO Authorisedofficer ARU Ardhi University ATF AgricultureTaskForce AU AfricanUnion CCRO Certificateof CustomaryRightsof Occupancy CEDAW ConventionontheEliminationof All Formsof DiscriminationAsainstWomen CL Commissionerfor Lands CRO CustomaryRights Occupancy CTWF Critical Third World Feminism D by D Decentralizationby Devolution DAS District AdministrativeSecretarv DED District ExecutiveDirector DLO District Land Officer EARC EastAfrican RovalCommission FAO Food andAgriculture organtzationof the United nations FGD FocusGroupDiscussion FIG InternationalFederationofSurveyors GIS GebgraphicInformation System GPS GlobalPositioningSystem GTZIGIZ GermanTechnicalCorporation HDR Human DevelopmentReport
  • 10. vlt HRBA Human Rights BasedApproach IDS Instituteof DevelopmentStudies IFAD InternationalFood andAgriculture Development ILD Institute for Liberty andDemocracy ITR IndividualizationTitling andRegistration LAS Land Administration Svstems LGA Local GovernmentAuthority LGAF Land GovernanceAssessmentFramework LGI Land GovernanceIndicator LHRC Legal andHuman Rights Center LPI Land Policy Initiative MKURABITA Mpango wa KurasimishaMali na BiasharazaWanyongeTanzania MLHHSD Ministry of Lands,HousingandHumanSettlementDevelopment NBS NationalBureauof Statistics NLP National Land Policv NLUPC NationalLandUsePlanninsCommission NSGRP National Strategyfor Growth andReductionof Poverty OCGS Office of Chief GovernmentStatisticianof Zanzlbar OCHCR UN High Commissionerfor HumanRights OED Orgarization for EconomicDevelopment PBFP PropertyandBusinessFormalizationProgramme PrimeMinister's Office ResionalAdministrationandLocal Govern- PMO-RALG ment
  • 11. vlll PPA PRSP RAS RC SAGCOT SD SPILL SPSS TANU TPHGO UCLAS UDSM LTNDP LINECA UNECE UNHCHR URT USA VA VC VDTR VEO VLA ParticipatoryPovertyAssessments PovertyReductionStrategicPaper RegionalAdministrativeSecretaries RegionalCommissioner SouthernAgricultural Growth Corridor of Tanzania SustainableDevelopment StrategicPlan for the Implementationof the Land Laws StatisticalPackagesfor SocialScientists TanganyikaAfrican National Union T anzaniaPastoralists,HuntersandGatherersOrganization University Collegeof LandsandArchitectural Studies Universityof Dar esSalaam UnitedNationsDevelopmentprogramme United EconomicCommissionfor Africa UnitedNationsEconomicCommissionfor Europe United Nations High Commissionerfor Human Rights United Republic of Tanzarria United Statesof America Village Assembly Villase Council Village Demarcation,Titling andRegistration Village ExecutiveOffi cer Villase LandAct
  • 12. VLTI v'rage LandTenureInstitutions WB WorldBank WEHAB Water,Energy,Health,AgricultureandBiodiversity
  • 13. ABSTRACT This study aimed at exploring and examiningthe extentof promoting equity in the distribution of and accessto land to the diversity of social groupsin Handeniand Mbozi Districts in Tanzania.The study appliedthe Critical Third World Feminist Theory (CTWFT) as it is rich in issuesof equity and equalityin resourcesdistribu- tion. It usedthe exploratoryand descriptiveresearchdesign.Multistagesystematic randomsamplingmethodwasusedto selecta sampleof 9 villages(7 and2 villages from Mbozi and Handeni Districts respectively)from a population 159 villages. Simple random samplingmethod was usedto form a sampleof 304 beneficiaries (262 and42 ftom Mbozi andHandeniDistrictsrespectively).Datawerecollectedby usingin-depthinterviews,focusgroupdiscussionsandarchivalreviewswhile analy- siswasdoneby usingnon-parametricmethods.Findingsshowthat formalizationdid not distributeland but ratherit includedthe namesof women in the certifrcatesof customaryrights of occupancy.It was also found that formalization did not promote equitabledistribution of land to other socialgroupsas the approachwas basedon landrightsclaimsassubmittedby thebeneficiaries. This studyconcludesthat formaHzatronwhich relieson landrights claimscannotad- dressthe issuesof landinequalityandthusit is inequitable.It is recommendedto the policy makersto conductlandneedsassessmentsin villagesto determineactualland needsat householdandsocialgroups'levelsandthus setstrategiesfor reducingine- qualities in land distribution and access.Further study is neededto investigatethe mechanismfor redistributionof rural landsin somevillases as landholdinssarein- equitable.
  • 15. xll 1.5 SignificanceoftheStudy ........20 1.6 ScopeandLimitationsof theStudy ..........21 1.6.1ScopeoftheStudy ..................21 1.6.2LimitationsoftheStudy........ ....................21 1.7 ThesisOutline .......22 CHAPTERTWO: LITERATUREREVIEW........... ............23 2.I Overview. ..............23 2.2 DefinitionofTerms... ..............23 2.2.I Formalization............ ..............23 2.2.2VillageLandRights............... ...................28 2.2.3 EquityanditsCategories ........33 2.2.4 Beneficiary ............40 2.2.5 LandTenureandAdministrationSystems................ ....................40 2.3 EmpiricalLiteratureonRuralLandFormalizationandEquity......................44 2.3.1 ResearchandLiteratureGap .....................53 2.4 PoliciesandStrategiesSupportingEquityin LandDistribution....................54 2.4.1 PoliciesTowardsEquity .........55 2.4.2 StrategiesTowardsEquity ......59 2.4.3 PropertyandBusinessFormalizationProgramme(PBFP) ...........65 2.5 TheoreticalFramework.............. -...-..........66 2.5.1 TheCriticalThirdWorldFeminismTheory(CTWFT). ...............66 2.5.2 TheEquityTheoryin RelationtoLandRights....... ......................68 2.5.3 InstitutionalTheorywithRespectto LandRights ......70 2.6 TheConceptualFramework....... ...............73 CHAPTERTHREE: RESEARCHMETHODOLOGY .......80
  • 16. xlll 3.1 An Overview............ ...............80 3.2 Descriptionof StudyAreas .....80 3.2.1 Descriptionof MboziDistrict 3.2.2 Descriptionof HandeniDistrict ................86 3.3 ResearchDesien...... ................88 3.4 DataSources.............. 3.5 SamplingProcedures ...............91 3.5.1 Selectionof StudyDistricts.... ...................91 3.5.2 SelectionofVillaseCases ......92 3.5.3 Samplingof Respondents........... ...............94 3.5.4 SamplingforParticipantsforFocusGroupDiscussions(FGDs)...................95 3.6 Unitof Analvsis ......................96 3.7 DataCollectionMethodsandToo1s........ ....................97 3.7.1PrimaryData......... ..................91 3.7.2SecondaryData......... ..............99 3.7.3 EthicalandLosisticalIssues. ..................100 3.8 DataPresentationandAna1vsis............... ..................103 3.8.1 DataEntryandC1eaning............. ............103 3.8.2DataAna1ysis............. ...........103 3.9 DataQua1ity.............. ............107 3.9.1Va1idity............:......... ............108 3.9.2 Reliability ............108 CHAPTERFOUR: RESULTSANDDISCUSSION........... ................109 4.1 Introduction............... ............109 4.2 ResultsandDiscussions......... .................109
  • 17. XlV 4.2.1 Objective1............... .............109 4.2.2 Objective2............... .............130 4.2.3 Objective3 ............... .............155 4.2.4Objective4............... .............170 4.2.5 Summaryof Performancein PromotingEquitableDistributionandAccessto LandintheCaseStudy:A CrossCaseAnalysis............. ....I94 CHAPTERFIVE : CONCLUSIONSAND RECOMENDATIONS .....202 5.1 Introduction............... ............202 5.2 Summaryof KeyFindings,ConclusionsandRecommendations.................202 5.2.1 ResearchObjective1................ ..............203 5.2.2 ResearchObjective2................ ..............205 5.2.3ResearchObjective3................ ...............208 5.2.4ResearchObjective4................ ...............209 5.3 GeneralConclusions............... ................2I1 5.4 SuggestionsforFurtherStudies ..............212 REFERENCES.......... .....zrs APPENDICES............ .".233
  • 18. LIST OF TABLES Table3-1:MboziDistrictPopulationBy Wards ...................84 Table3-2:HandeniDistrictPopulationDistributionBy Wards................................87 Table3-3CaseVillageSitesin MboziDistrict .....................93 Table3-4 Sampleof Respondentsfrom CaseStudiesof Mbozi andHandeni.........94 Table3-5:Summaryof Key Informants........... .....................99 Table4-I: LandSizeDistributionin theStudyAreas .........110 Table4-2:Resultsof theFarmSizeDistributionPatterns.. ...................110 Table4-3: HouseholdSizePatternsof theBeneficiariesof Formalization............111 Table4-4LandSizeOwnedby Persons* Household............ ...............112 Table4-5:SymmetricMeasuresof FarmSizeandHouseholdSi2e........................113 Table4-6:Sexof theBeneficiariesof FormalizedLandRights..............................116 Table4-7:RelationshipBetweenLandSizeandSexof beneficiaries....................118 Table4-8: Marital Statusof theBeneficiariesof Formalization.... ........I20 Table4-9:MarrtalStatus*Sexof Beneficiaries ...............r..121 Table4-10:Co-OccupancyPatternsAmongBeneficiaries.............. .....122 Table4-11:Mode of Ownership*MaritalStatusCrosstabulation .......123 Table4-12:LandSize* ChildrenCrossTabulation ............126 Table4-I3: Participationin Land SizeDeterminationper CaseStudyDistrict Cross Tabulation ..............130 Table4-14: Participationof Beneficiariesin theFormahzationProcess................131 Table4-15:Componentsof Mbozi FormahzationModel ...142 Table4-16:SiteVillagesandAdjudicationin Mbozi District ..............145
  • 19. xvl Table4-17:MemberstoVillageAssemblyin IyulaVillagein Mbozi....................162 Table4-18:SexandMeansof LandAccess...... ..................163 Table4-19: Extent of Satisfactionbv Sexand Institutionsfor VLTIs to Allocate Land......... ...............167 Table4-20:MainInstitutionsandVillagersin theFormalizationProcess..............170 Table4-21:ConsentonVillageiandSizeHoldingin Tan2ania............................175 Table 4-22: Summaryof PerformanceBetweenCase StudiesBasedon Study Objectives ...............196 Table4--23:Sex* DistrictCrossTabulation ......197 Table4-24:SexandDistrict-Chi-SquareTests ..................198 Table4-25:Participation* CaseStudyDistrictCrosstabulation .........200 I
  • 20. XVII LIST OF FIGURES Figure1-1:Districtswith Europeanunion Fundingfor Formali2ation....................l5 Figure1-2: Pilot DistrictsFundedby theworld Bankfor Formalization................16 Figure2-l: Adam'sEquityTheory ......................69 Figure 2-2: Conceptual Framework for Assessing Equity Implication in the Formalizationof RurallandRights....... .......73 Figure3-1:Locationsof Mbozi andHandeniDistrictsinTanzania ........81 Figure3-2:Mbozi Districtbeforesplitto FormMombaDistrict ............92 Figure3-3:MultipleCaseStudyDesign...... ........g9 Figure4-1HouseholdSizePatternsof theBeneficiaries.............. ....,....112 Figure4-2: RelationshipBetweenFarmSizeandHouseholdSizesDistribution...115 Figure4-3: Sexof theBeneficiariesof Formalization.... .....1I7 Figure4-4: AdjudicatedandTitled Parcelsin the Mbozi case Study ... 146 Figure4-5:FormalizationCoveragein HandeniCaseStudy ................150 Figure4-6:IndexMap of SpotAdjudicatedParcelsin Bongivillage....................153 Figure4-7:Meansof LandAccessin BothStudyAreas........ ..........."'...164 Figure4-8:Challengesto VillageLeaderson VillageLandAdministration..........165 Figure4-9: Respondents'Perceptionson theAbility of VLTIs to DistributeLand 168 Figure 4-10: Resultsof SystematicBoundaryAdjudication and Sex in Mbozi Case Study .....t71
  • 21. XVIII LIST OF BOXES BOX 2-1:Questionsfor AssessingEquityin LandFormali2ation............................65 Box 4-1: Reactionon the Meetingsof Village Assembliesin Mbozi CaseStudy.. 134 Box 4-2:ExpectedVillageAssemblyMembersin BongiVillage ........138 Box 4-3: Interviewwith a HandeniKey Informanton Approval of Land Si2e.......140 BOX 4-4:FormalizationPlannedActivitiesin HandeniDistrict ..........151 Box 4-5:Effectsof CustomsandTraditions............ ............156 Box 4-6:Effectsof CustomsandTraditionon gender ........158 Box 4-7: CustomsandLandAccessin HandeniCaseStudy ......,..........158 Box 4-8:Remarksof a LegalOfficeron FormalizationandLandlessness.............160 BOX 4-9:AvailableLandAccessApproachfor theLandless ..............166 Box 4-10:Weaknessof DistrictlandOfficein VillaseLandAdministration.........181 Box 4-11:Positionof theMLHSD andLandRegistersattheVillageLeve1...,......184 Box 4-I2: Perceptionon theControlandOwnershipof LandResources...............186 Box 4-13:Rolesof ManagingLandSizein Formalization............ ....-..188 Box 4-14:Causesof Failureto ManaseLandSizein Formali2ation......................188 Box 4-15:Positionof theGovernmentontheFocusof Formalization...................189 Box 4-i6: Remarkson AchievingEquitableLandDistribution..............................190 BOX 4-17:HandeniDistrictStrategyto Dealwith Pastoralists......... ...191 Box 4-I 8: Concernsbf Pastoralistson Formalizationin theHandeniCaseStudy.191
  • 22. XlX LIST OF PLATES Plate4-2:IndexMapShowingAdjudicatedFarmsin SakamwelaVi11age.............141 Plate4-3:Officeof MbuyuniVillageLandRegistryBuiltby MKURABITA.......148 PIate4-4:FGDwithPastoralistsatBongiVillageLandRegistry...........................156 Plate4-5:ComputerisedCCROPreparationin theMboziCaseStudy...................178
  • 23. xx LIST OF APPENDICES Appendixl: MultipurposeQuestionnairesUsedtheFieldResearch......................233 Appendix2: StepsUsedin theFormalizationProcessin HandeniDistrict....,........241 Appendix3: Oneof theResearchClearanceLetterIssuedto theResearcher.........242 Appendix4: HandeniDistrictBeforeSubdividedto FormKilindi District............243 Appendix5:DataMatrixfor DataPresentationandAnalysis... ............244 Appendix6:EquityIssuesin theVillageLandAdministration ............245 Appendix7:PilotVillagesin HandeniCaseStudy ..............246
  • 24. CHAPTERONE INTRODUCTION 1.1Background Information 1.1.1GeneralIntroduction The land holding systemin most developingcountriesis not purely an economicaf- fair. It is very much associatedwith people's culture and identity. That is partly why land-relatedissuesusually generateintenseemotional reactionsparticularly in rural areas.For rural residentsof most developingcountries,land is a primary meansof production usedto generatea livelihood for households.It is also an important asset that farmersuss to further accumulatewealth when possible and, equally important- ly, what they transfer in the form of wealth to future generations(Deininger and Binswanger,1999).Accordingly,the sizeof the landthey own, the feelingof securi- ty that they have on their holdings, and the processthrough which land disputesare adjudicatedall affect the households'income,incentive to work and invest, desireto usetheir land in a sustainablemanner,and even social and economic statusin their respectivecommunities(Ghebru,2010).As arguedby Manji (1996),the agricultural sector,and therefore land as an asset,will continue to be of importancebecauseit cannotbe displacedby an expandingmanufacturingsectorof the economy.The non- farm basedsector is unlikely to outstrip agricultural basedlivelihoods and thus re- ducethe importanceof land asproperty becausethe manufacturingsectorsof devel- oping economiesareunableto absorbthe currentrural work-force(Manji,ibid). Classical land formalization is a result of land reform approacheswhere private propertyrights to land were formalized through surveyingandtitling upon demand;
  • 25. high techandhigh costapproach(Ghebru,ibid). Therehavebeenalsothe landredis- tribution policiesandprojectssuchasthe regularredistributionsaiming at maintain- ing an egalitarianland distribution aswere in China, Ethiopia and Eritrea. Therehas alsobeen'market-assisted'redistributionsin countrieswith inequitablelanddistribu- tions such asBrazil, Bolivia, SouthAfrica, Zimbabwe,Malawi andThe Philippines (Ghebru,ibid). The sameapproachhasbeengoing on in Namibia sinceindepend- ence. Land formalization throughtitling hasmixed storieswhere someof them suchasthat of Kenya and Madagascarfailed as they did neither enhancetenure security and promote investmentnor land and credit markets(Placeand Mogot-Adholla, 1998; Jacoby and Minten 2007). Despite land redistribution reforms in Latin American countries,SouthAfrica, Zimbabweland distribution hasremainedextremely skewed after many years. Global successfulland certifrcationinclude the one in Ethiopia which used low-cost land registrationand certifrcation; China which used the householdresponsibilitysystemand India with the computerizedland registrysys- tem usedasa tax base(Ghebru,ibid). The formalization of customaryland rights has come in the form of demarcationof village boundariesandpreparationof village landuseplans;issuingof certificatesof village land (Tanzania)and then actualparcelsadjudication,titling, andregistration of certificatesof customaryland rights. Thesehave always usedthe low-cost land registrationand certificationthroughthe useof large scaleimplementationwith the strong participation of local communities. Formalization has come to addressthe problem of insecurityin land ownerships.Sourcesand effectsof tenureinsecurity
  • 26. include encroachmentto unclearboundariesresulting into conflicts betweenprivate individuals or individuals and organizations;stateland acquisition or expropriation and redistributionhencetenureinsecurityof owners (Ghebru,ibid). Low cost of land registrationandcertification reducesrisks for expropriationandredistributionas many land parcelsareregisteredat once.Tenuresecurityto owners strengthensland rights (user,mortgageandtransfer)which in turn supportinvestment,accessto credit andlandtransfers(ibid). Finally, economic growth is attainedthrough efficiency in production andthe securi- ty of food among other benefits. Although these are effects of formalization but when certification is implemented amid skewed land distribution situation it is as well expectedthat eventhe intendedbenefitswill be basedon the inequitabledistrib- utedofand accessto land. 1.1.2Political Economy of Land Tenure and Inequality in Tanzania The heterogeneityof the present-dayland tenure structure of Tanzania (Tanzania Mainland)is a resultof thepolitical historyof the country.Importanteventswerethe l89lestablishment of the Germanadministrationover the then Tanganyika;Great Britain administration of Tanzaniaafter defeatingGermanyand the independenceof Tanzania under a government with a philosophy of "African Socialism"(James, IgTl). The independenceperiod had two important periods: pre-andpost-Arusha Declarationandthe efforts to reform the socialandeconomicsituation.
  • 27. l.l.2.l Pre-IndependencePeriod Before the coming of white peopleland tenurestructurewas underthe control of lo- cal chiefsascontrollersof landon behalfof clansandtribal communities. a) Germany Period This periodwas full of largescaleland alienationwhich took placein many areasin Tanzania.It entailedthe Germany'sinfluencein EastAfrica were largetractsof land were granted"for all times" to a Germanyadventurer,Dr.Karl Petersby local chiefs in considerationof gifts. It was duringthis periodwhen the conceptof proof of title to be by production of authenticateddocumentswithout which a claimantof land had a permissiveright of occupationof the land. Equity was exercisedas the adhoc- Commissionthat adjudicatedlandwasrequiredto respectthe occupationof Africans on land by leaving to them sufficient land for their needsand future expansion-the requisite amount being defined as at least four times the existing cultivated area (James,ibid). The inequalitiesin rural land startedat this time asthe nativepopula- tion wasdeprivedof land necessaryfor their existence(ibid). By the endof the Ger- many rule in Tanganyikaabout 1,300,000acresof land had beenalienatedtaking the mostvaluableland in the country. b) British Period This period sawthe issuanceof TanganyikaOrderin Council, 1920which provided for the reception of English law whereby all rights in or in relation to any public landswas vestedin and becameexercisableby the Govemor (ibid). The British ad- ministrationdid not makesubstantialgrantsof public landsbefore 1923asit restrict- edlandalienationpendingenactmentof landlegislation(ibid).
  • 28. The British administration for forty-two years in Tanganyika insisted consideration of native laws and customswhile framing laws relating to land and naturalresources by insistingrespectto rights andsafeguardingboth presentandfutureinterestof the native population (James, ibid). There was an attempt to preserve native lands wherebyin 1928a right of occupancywasredefinedto include the title of a nativeor of a native community lawfully using or occupying land in accordancewith custom- ary law- it aimed at safeguardingthe title of the indigenouspeople of Tanzaniato their lands (ibid). There was the formalization of tribal life by introducing the policy of indirect rule in local administrationwhereby local matters including administra- tion ofjustice wasleft to locallaws. From 1945to independence,the British attemptedto move administrationtowardsa modem local government systembut the bottleneckswere traditional chiefs, who were reluctant to relinquish the formidable position they enjoyed. The indirect rule systemhasan effect on the land tenurestructureasit preventedchangesfrom taking placeuniformly in thetraditionalsectorof landtenureandlanduse(James,ibid). To curb the shortcomingsof the traditional husbandrywhich, to the "white " seemedun- economic and environmentally destructive,the British administration tried to mod- ernizerural EastAfrica through land individualization, titling and registration(ITR). The EastAfrican Royal Commission(EARC) (1953-1955)recommendedthat agri- cultural developmentwould be improved through modernization of land tenure by theprocessof ITR of landrights.
  • 29. 1.1.2,2IndependencePeriod This period is from 1961to date.It had beendivided into four sub-periodsaspre- sentedbelow: a) Pre-Ar ushu DeclarationI 96I -I 967 The Tanganyika Governmentachievedindependencewith a commitment to build a socialistsociety.Throughthe pamphlet"Ujamaa-theBasisof African Socialism"of 1962the Govemment favouredthe enlargementof the public sectionof land owner- ship. In 1963,all freeholdlandswere convertedinto Governmentleasesso that all land was owned by the peopleas a whole. It was at this time when it was declared that land belongedto societyandnot to individuals;one'sright to land is dependent on the usemadeof it andthat landwasnot a commercialcommodity-hencecompen- sation instead of price. A CustomaryLaw Advisor preparedrules concerningland under customarylaw where all landsundercustomarytenurewere vestedin the dis- trict councils;every Tanzarianof the ageof 18 years,the right to not lessthan 10 acresofland. Socialization of landholding focusedon two approachesof improvement and trans- formationto organizethe peoplefor agriculturedevelopmentproposedby the World Bank (WB) Mission in their report of 1961.TheGovernmenthad preparedits first Five Year Plan which borrowed much from the WB report. The Improvementap- proach aimed at the progressiveimprovement in the methods of crop and animal husbandryby working on the peasantfarmer on both the psychologicalandtechnical planesto induce an increasein his productivity without any radical changesin tradi-
  • 30. tional social and legal systems(James,ibid: 23). The emphasiswas on increased production on the small scalepeasantfarmer through such activities on the part of the governmentasextensionwork, education,credit andsubsidization. The Transformation approach involved transforming traditional agriculture; both land use and tenure, by organizing the peasantsin governmentallysupervisedreset- tlement schemes.The purposeof establishingtheseschemeswere to overcomethe conservativeforce of tradition by removing the farmers from traditional controls; to allow the movement of scatteredrural hamletsinto compactvillages; to concentrate capital investmentand technical manpoweron groups of farmers living togetherra- ther than scatteredover large areasof the territory and lastly to enablethe govern- mentto supplysocialservicessuchasschools,dispensariesandwaterto community farmers at minimum cost (ibid). It shifted communitiesto areaswhere there was a lot of underutilizedlandor wherepopulationwaslessprogressive(Sundet,2006). According to James(1971),the schemesfailed becauseof the use of unnecessary heavy capital investment that becameunviable due to poor responsefrom farmers. They were unsustainablebecauseof being initiated and managedby officials other than the peoplethemselves.Thesesettlementsapproachhad negligible impact on the land tenure structureas the schemeswere startedover virgin land purchasedby the sovernmentfrom settlers.
  • 31. b) Arusha Declaration and Ujamaa Villagization Programme(1967-1975) TheArushaDeclarationwhich suppliedthedefinitionof socialismwasfollowedby a policy bookleton Socialismand Rural Developmenrproviding guidanceon rural life and rural people.The paperprovidedthreeprinciplesof equalitywhich statedthat peopleshouldnot exploit otherindividuals;self-reliance-developmentto be basedon people's efforts and lastly "Ujamaa"-developmentto be through ujamaa (family hood)villages.Equality principlewas strengthenedby the legislationwhich enabled the governmentto give land to the tiller andto arrestthe growth of landlord andten- antclasses. Arushadeclarationre-emphasisedthat developmenthadto be basedon the people's own efforts.In the secondFive Year Plan(1969-1974)it was describedthatpriority would be on ujamaavillagersor potentialvillagersin the form of the distributionof land and other social services. By 1973, villagization becamecompulsory and throughOperationVtjlji, the whole rural populationwas supposedto havemovedby the endof 1976.The operationvijiji which was guidedby the provisionsof the Vil- lagesand UjamaaVillages (Registration,Designation,and Administration)Act No. 2l of 1975registeredmorethan7000villages. This policy aimedatproviding incentivesfor voluntarysettlementsbut astheprocess becameslow. In 1973, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere intervenedby issuing an order which statedthat "to live in villageswasanorder"(Sundet,ibid). Ujamaaschemesunlike the old village settlementschemespermittedownershipof individual plots by the settlers.It alsoenvisagedthe pooling of existingownedland for largescalesocialistproduction.Undervillagizationprogrammeland distribution
  • 32. andallocationwasdirectedto theheadof a 'kaya'(a householdor family unit) ashe or she was the one responsiblewith the upkeepof the entire household.This ap- proachhas beenchallengedbecausewomen lackedindependentaccessto land alt- hough there is no evidenceif at that time there were no female who headedhouse- holds.This happenedsincein manycaseshouseholdor family unit in African culture are usually headedby men. However,this trend has changedas many female are headingtheir householdsbecauseof eitherbeingdivorced,not married,widow etc. The applicationof this Act hada particularlyseriousimpacton the matrilinealsocie- ties; insteadof land beingcontrolledby thematernalunclesandin somecaseswom- en,the land now cameto be vestedin menashouseholdor family head.The concept of ujamaavijijini(rural sociolism)posesproblemsof propertyrights andwasunfea- siblein developedareassuchasKilimanjaro whereestablishedfarmswereindividu- ally ownedandcultivatedwith coffeetreesandotherpermanentcrops(James,ibid). c) TheAgricultural Policy of 1983and Village Land Titling This period saw in 1982the startof the programmeof Village Demarcation,Titling andRegistration(VDTR) wherebyVillage Councilsweregrantedrights of occupan- cy asownersof village landwhile villagerswere,in turn, supposedto be givenleases by the Village Councils.This was howeverdone without first clearingthe existing "deemedrights of occupancy"or customaryland rights of villagers hence,occur- renceof doubleallocationsof landrightsandseverallandproblemsanddisputes.By mid 1991,it hadbecomeclearthatonly a smallpercentageof thesevillage landshad beensurveyed,certifiedandregistered.
  • 33. t0 In 1983, the government came up with the agricultural policy which aimed at as- sessingthe stateof agriculture sectorin Tarr;ania.Initially, the Governmentformed an Agriculture Task Force (ATF) which recommendedan emphasison development of medium and large scale farms as previous strategies(resettlementschemeand ujamaa villages) had focused on small scale farming (Sundet, 2006). The ATF which becamea powerful advocateof land formahzationemphasizedfacilitation of medium and large scalefarming sectorsleaving behind the small scalefarming sec- tor, a sectorwherethe majority of Tanzaniansstay. The Agricultural Policy of 1983,vestedpowersto the village councilsto controlvil- lage land particularly disposition(a land which they do not own) wherebysaleof land was prohibited. The motive behindthis administrationwas to identify land for largescaleagriculturaldevelopment;however,it wasdifficult to get it becauseevery Village Council said that "no land is not village land" (Sundet,ibid). It was during this period that demarcation,titling and registration of village land were seenas a way of identifying free land for allocationto largescalecommercialfarmers.Titling of a Village Land was an important meansof protecting small holder farmersfrom capitalistencroachers(ibid). By 1991 through this policy, large tracts of land in many villages had beenallocatedto outsidersthrough collusion of the village author- ities; henceit was deeplyresented(ibid). Due to the implementationof this policy land relateddisputesaroseamongandbetweenvillagersincluding movementof the peoplefrom oneplaceto another.The Governmentwas concernedwith this situation of weak land governance resulting into President to appointment a Presidential
  • 34. l l Commissionof Enquiry into Land Matters,which becauseof being Chairedby Pro- fessorIssaShivji thencameto benamedShiv.liCommission. d) Presidentisl Commission of Inquiry in Land Matters (Shiuji Commission) Recognizingthe problemsof rubanandrural land administrationemanatingfrom law andthe fact that Tanzanianeedednew policiesandlawsto governits lands,in 1991, Ali HassanMwinyi, thenTanzanianPresident,appointeda PresidentialCommission of Inquiry into Land Matters (henceforthreferredto as the Shivji Commission)to look onto land matters in TanzaniaMainland. The Commission submitted its final report to the Governmentin November 1992(Fairley,2013). The Commissioncame up with very detailed analysisandproposalson how to improve land administration in the country. It recommendeddecentralizationof village land administrationby vestingroot title of most of the country'sland in the respectivevillage communities andto remove control over temre administrationfrom the executiveinto an autono- mousLand Commission.Theserecommendationsdid not gain sufhcientgovemment support except for the village land whose administration was decentralizedio the Village assembly(personsof the ageof majorityandaboveresidingin a village). e) Implementation of the National Land Policy and Village Land Act(1995-to date) The Governmentformulatedthis policy in 1995.In line with the landproblemsiden- tified in the country,the National Land Policy (NLP) had severalobjectivesof sus- tainable land administration in the country. This policy had several fundamental principleswhich cameto be the objectivesof the Village Land Act No.5, 1999.This
  • 35. l2 studyfocusedon threeprincipleswhich in essencewere concernedwith the issueof equity.Theseareto: a) facilitatean equitabledistributionof andaccessto land by all citizens;(equi- ry) ensurethat existingrights in andrecognizedlong standingoccupationor use of landareclarifiedandsecuredby the law; (contextequity) regulatethe amountof land that any onepersonor corporatebody may occu- py or use: and,(dislributiveequity) d) enableall citizens to participatein decisionmaking on mattersconnected with their occupationor useof land.-(participatoryequity) To enforcethe fundamentalprinciplesof the NLP, in 1999the Governmentenacted two landlawsnamely;the LandAct No.4 (Cap.113)andthe Village LandAct No.5 (Cap.114)both of which commencedon the l st day of May, 200I. Accordingto the LandAct, 1999,all land in Tanzaniais declaredto be public landvestedin the.Presi- dent as trustee for and on behalf of all citizens of Tanzanra.Public land is divided into threecategories,namely,generallandwhich refersto all land that is not village or reserved land; village land which refers to land where customary tenure and deemedrights apply;andreservedlandsuchasforests,nationalparks,gamereserves andotherlandsreservedfor public utilities (URT, 1999a).Accessto land inTanza- nia by non-citizensand foreign companiesis severelyrestricted,in particularwith regardto customaryor village land,in an effort to discourageacquisitionof landfor speculativepurposes.The NLP makesit clear that a dual systemof tenure,which b) c)
  • 36. 13 recognisesboth customaryandstatutoryrightsof occupancyasequalin law, will be established.Under theselaws, The Commissionerfor Lands is permittedto granta right of occupancyfor a term of maximumof 99 yearsin the nameof the President. Unlike a freeholdtitle, the grantedright of occupancyhasconditionssuchasa defi- nite term for the occupationanduseof the land; developmentconditionswhich can be imposedon the occupancyright holder;an occupancyright holderhasno right to subdivide,transferor mortgagethat land without the consentof the Commissioner for Lands; an occupancyright holder hasto pay rent to the Governmentandthat the Presidentmay revokethe right of occupancyof the landholder(URT, 1999a).Section 18of the Village Land Act givesequalstatusandeffectto both customaryandgrant- ed rights of occupancy,customaryrights of occupancygenerallyhaveno term limit, while grantedrights of occupancycannotexceedthe term of 99 years(URT, 1999a). This study is concernedwith the implementationof the Village Land Act, No.5 of 1999(VLA) in the areaswherecustomaryrights or deemedrights of occupancyare used. This study was concernedwith the explorationand examinationof the extent to which formalizationhadachievedthe fundamentalprinciplesof theNLP of ensuring thepromotionof equitabledistributionof andaccessof landto all citizensandaccess of land by women. The VLA provides the parameterfor what appearsto be a self- containedsystemof villager land rights titling and registrationat the village level including decentralizationof the roles of village land administrationto the Village Council (VC) andthe Village Assembly(VA). This studycollectivelyrefersthe VC andVA asthe Village Land TenureInstitutions(VLTIs) mandatedwith the functions
  • 37. t4 of allocating land to villagers under its jurisdiction including issuanceof Certificate of Customary Rights of Occupancy(CCROs). The Governmentthrough support of donor communities such as the World Bank and EuropeanUnion has been imple- menting the NLP and VLA through individualization, titling and registration( re- ferred to as formalization) of rural land rights since 2001. According to Fairley (2012,2013)the districtsof Magu, Serengeti,Ngorongoro,Karatu,Monduli, Arume- ru, Simanjiro, Korogwe, Mbozi, Rungwe, Ileie, Niombe, Kilombero, Mbinga and Newalaunderthe EuropeanUnion (seeFigure 1-1) while thoseof Bariadi,Maswa, Kasulu, Urambo, Babati, Hai, Lushoto, Handeni Kilosa, Namtumbo, Tunduru, SongeaRural, Liwale, Mbarali, and SumbawangaRural implementedformalization underthe funding of the World Bank(seeFigure 1-2) below. It is a continuouspro- CESS.
  • 38. 15 PilotDist*ctswith F**dingEuropeanUnisn Figure 1-1: Districts with European Union Funding for Formalization Source:Fairlev.2013
  • 39. l6 :',r.,r-'r.-*^- * : ' t } - r . F F ) : r,.ti I € * gt J j ti :Tundqrru 0 ?5 150 3S0ldlometers Figurel-2 : Pilot DistrictsFundedby theworld Bank for Formalization Source:Fairlev"2013 As pointed out earlier in this study, historical and empirical evidencesconcerning land tenuresysteminTanzania Mainland suggestthat the systemhasbeencharacter- isedof full of or lack of adequateaccessto land,tenureinsecurity,land and gender inequality, weak governance,diminution of farm holdings, which in turn has been amongthe major reasonsfor food insecurityand rural poverty (wB, 1995,LINDp, II I
  • 40. tl 1997,URT,2000;URT,2000).Onrecent,thelandtenuresystemhascontinuedtobe thecausesof killingsbetweencompetingsocialgroupsmainlythepastoralistsand peasantsin thecountry. In2004 the Governmentof the United Republic of Tarzania through the Ministry of Lands,Housing and Human SettlementsDevelopment(MLHHSD) initiatedandco- ordinatedformalizationusingMbozi District in MbeyaRegionasthe first pilot. Fol- lowing the coming rnTanzania and adoptionof Hemardo De Soto's idea of property and businessformalization, rn2006 the President'sOffice through the Property and BusinessFormalizationProgramme(PBFP)known in its Kiswahili acronymMKU- RABITA coordinatedits first pilot in HandeniDistrict, TangaRegion.Both institu- tions collaboratedwith the respectivedistrict councils.Basedon the objectivesof the NLP and the decentralizationpolicy, the VLA vested all functions of village land administrationto the Village Councils(VC) andthe Village Assemblies(VA) which in this studythey arereferredto asthe Village Land TenureInstitutions). The VLTIs are establishedunder the Local Government(District Authorities) Act no.7,1982. Theseinstitutions are empoweredand requiredto distribute and allocateland within their areasof jurisdictionsand issuecertificateof customaryrights of occupancyto hervillagerswithout discrimination. Since when the concept of formalization was adopted by many countries, several studiesthat have been conductedtried to explore the impacts of tenure reforms on suchissueslike investment,accessto creditandtradabilityof landin Africa (Federet al. 1988; Deininger and Feder 1998; Place and Migot-Adholla ibid; Jacobyand Minten ibid; Sanga,2009;Nyatho,2012,Mukandala,2009;Ghebru,2010)but there
  • 41. 18 are inadequatestudieswhich have looked on the issueof fairnessandjustice in the distributionandaccessof rural landto socialgroupsin areaswhereformalizationhad taken place.The recent study by Fairley (2012) in Tanzanialooked on the effectsof formalization on the security of the village land but did not examinethe equity as- pectsof land distribution and accessof land to beneficiaries.Studieson empirical assessmentof the direct effectsof suchintervention on equitabledistribution andac- cessarevery scarce. This study asks?To what extenthasthis initiative of formalizing rural propertyrights to land achievedthe fundamentalprinciples of the NLP of promoting equitabledis- tribution of land and its accessto the diversityof socialgroupsincludingwomen in thesevillages? This study wanted to explore and examinethe equity implication of the formalizatron.The focusof this thesisis articulatedtowardsa critical assessment of the equity implication of rural land rights formalizationprocessin relationto the implementationof the land policy in Tanzania. 1.2Statementof the ResearchProblem Inequality in rural land distribution to rural communitieshasbeenraisedasa serious land issue in many Sub SaharanAfrican countries and Tanzania is no exception, Severaldebatesthat followed the formulation of the National Land Policy (1995), Genderand Women DevelopmentPolicy (2000) raiseda questionof socialjustice andequity in distributionof land resources.To tacklethis issue,Tarzaniaembarked on the formalization of rural land rights with the objective of promoting equitable distribution of and accessto land by all citizensincluding land accessby gender.
  • 42. t9 Available literature informs that rural land formaLizationin Tanzaniahas mixed re- sultsincluding differentiationin land ownershipandnon-democratictitling process. Hitherto, there is inadequacyof information from the ground on the extentto which formalization of rural land rights achievedthe principle of NLP which cameto be the objectiveof VLA of promotingequitabledistributionof andaccessto landto the di- versity of rural citizens in Tanlania. This is the gap that this study intendedto fill from the casestudiesof Mbozi andHandeniDistricts inTanzaria. 1.3Overall Objective This study aimed at exploring and determiningthe extent to which formalization of rural land rights implementedin Tanzaniahaspromotedequitabledistribution of and accessto land by all citizensin Mbozi andHandeniDistricts in Tanzania. 1.3.1SpecificObjectives Specifically,the aimsof this studywereto: (D To explore and examinethe level of equity in distribution and accessto land amongsocialgroupsatthe districtandvillage levels; (ii) To investigatethe extentof democraticparticipation by social groupsin andthe mechanismusedfor land rights formalization at the village level; (iii) To identifu factorsthat contributedto the success,problemsand or failure of the equitableland distribution of andaccessin the land formalization processat the householdandvillage level;
  • 43. 20 (iv) To identifi' actorsandrolesthat theyplayedtowardsland distributionat the householdandvillagelevels; 1.4ResearchQuestions (i) What is the level of equiq. in land distribution and accessafter the rural land formalization at the village level? (ii) To what extent was there participation mechanismacrosssocial groups in the formalization of land rights at the village level? (iii) What are the factors that facilitate and or constrain efforts towards equitable land distribution andaccessto the formalization processat the village level? (iv) What are the actors and roles that they played towards land distribution at the villaee level? 1.5Significanceof the Study This study is useful for Tanzaniaas it presentsan evaluation of the implementation of the NLP of 1995 in the context of facilitating an equitabledistribution of and ac- cessto landby all citizensthroughvillagelandrightsformalization. Also the findings of this study inform the policy makerson the attitude and percep- tions of the rural communities on the land allocation system,statusof relationships betweenland distributionandhouseholdsizes.Besides,this studywill provideinval- uable data and casestudy materialsfor educationaland training program on devel- opment studiesparticularly rural land administrationand livelihood improvement.It is expectedto add new knowledge in the existing body of knowledge on how imple-
  • 44. 2l mentationof land policies areperforming in the context of promoting equitabledis- tribution of and accessto rural land userights to citizens in Tanzaniaandelsewhere. In essence,this study standsas a benchmarkfor future land policy actions in rural land administrationparticularly rural landrights titling andregistrationin Tanzania. 1.6Scopeand Limitations of the Study 1.6.1Scopeof the Study This study was restrictedto the village or rural land which is defined in Section2.3 of this thesis.The studyfocusedon evaluationof equityimplicationmainly distribu- tive and procedural in relation to the formalization of rural land rights in both study areas.It restricted itself to examination of the extent of the promotion of equitable distributionof andaccessto landto the diversityof socialgroupsincludingextentof participation of landownersduring the process. l.6.2Limitations of theStudv There was limited time with most intervieweesbecauseinterviews were held in vil- lage office premisesthat were not completely free from frequent intemrptions; The studycould not get views of the Village Assemblies(VAs) asone of the institutions becauseof the fact from key informantsthat the VA were not always involved. Also the researcherhad to undertakecorrectivemeasuresto developa list of population from where to get samplesas therewere no village land registersin eachvillage as expected.
  • 45. 22 1.7ThesisOutline This thesisis organizedinto five chaptersnamely; Chapter One is on introduction in which backgroundinformation to the research,researchproblem; objectivesandthe significance of this researchare presented.Chapter Two presentsa literature re- view and theoretical and conceptualframeworks related to formalization of land rights Chapter Three presenfsmethodology used to conduct the study. Chapter Four presentsresults and discussionfrom the field researchin both study areas while Chapter Five presentsconclusions,recommendationson formali zation and. equitabledistribution of andaccessto land in rural areasin Tanzaua.
  • 46. 23 CHAPTERTWO LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1Overview Thischapterpresentsreviewof literaturerelatedto this study.It startsby presenting definitionsof keytermsusedin this study,empiricalliteratureonrurallandformali- zationandthepoliciesandstrategiessupportingequityin landresourcesdistribution arepresented.Finallytheoreticalandconceptualframeworkswhichhaveguidedand studiedin thisstudyareexplained. 2.2Definition of Terms 2,2.lFormalization The term formalization is usedin this studyto refer to the act of identifying bounda- ries of rural land, the owner of that land or farm, preparationof a land title andregis- tration of the samethrough a designatedland registry. In some countries, it is re- fened to also as certification or individualization titling and registration (ITR) etc. Formalization is usedto describethe processof increasedstateengagementin t..-, oflegal regulationandregistrationofland rights (Ikdahl.et a|.2005). It is, ironical- ly, * unclear conceptbut has its origin from 'formal' which comesfrom the Latin wordformalis, which means 'precise/explicit/clear' (Ikdahl, et al,. ibid). Hence,to formalise would mean to make something clearer and more explicit (ibid). Other scholarssuchasMr. Israel Simbal arguesthat the term formalization is not good be- causetheserights areformal to the relevantcommunitiesand clansthus it is betterto a I Interview with Mr. Israel Simba a retired Lecturer in Laws relatedto real property andland administrationat Ardhi Universitv inTanzania.
  • 47. 24 call the exercisecertification as it issuesa certificate. Actually somecountriessuch asEthiopia refer to this processascertification although it goesbeyond certification asit alsoincludesboundariesidentification.etc. In currentliterature on land rights in Africa, the term 'formal 'is usually andimplicit- ly associatedwith official and written documents.According to this understanding, to 'formalise' would be to make it offrcial. In anothersense,somethingis formal to one who recognisesit but informal to those who do not. In Tanzania,the term is sometimesreplacedby the word Certification which refers to issuanceof certificate to the land. But also,it hasbeenusedto refer to individuali zation titling or certifica- tion andregistrationof the certificateor ownershipof the land rights. A formal tenure systemis normally createdby the statethrough a law. The under- standingof the term formalisation leadsto an overall focus on the stateboth in terms of statelaw andpolicy. In the areaof landuseandaccessto naturalresources,states attemptto simplify and standardiselocal tenuresystemsand rules regardingtransfer of rights,trying to makethem 'legible'. Formalisationis thus often seenas a shift from 'informal' to 'formal' norms.from oral to written, from extra-legalto legal or from unofficial to offrcial. The classifica- tion of institutions asformal or informal, traditional or modern is questionablebut in essenceit dependson the circumstancesunderwhich the classificationis made.Alt- hough it is recognizedthat the terms 'formal/informal' and 'formalisation' areprob- lematic,they areusedfor practicalpurposesto explainor describethe situationof an
  • 48. 25 increasedstate engagementin terms of legal regulation and registrationof land rights. In a country like Tartzaria with more than 120 ethnic groups which are not regulatedby the state,then, formalizationwould meanto documentwhat the formal governmentdoesnot know andhencesimplifu provisionof public services.To un- derstandthe way rural land distribution is affectedby formalisation, we will haveto pay attentionto the complex interplay betweenformal and informal norms andprac- ticesof village land administration.Formalizationis alsoreferredto asthe processes of identifying interests,adjudicatingthem and registering them (Meinzen-Dick and Mwangi, 2007).In Tanzania,the term is also referredto ascertification or individu- ahzationof land rights, individualizationtitling andregistration(ITR) etc.The output of formalization is the issuanceof a documentreferredto in this study asthe Certifi- cateof CustomaryRightsof Occupancy(CCRO).Formalizationof landrightsusesa mechanismknown asboundaryadjudicationwhich canbe systematicandsporadic. a) Adjudication This term is usedin this studyto referto themodeof delineatinglandboundariesfor the purposeof individualization,titling and registration(ITR) during the formaliza- tion process.Adjudication,titling andregistrationcanbe donesystematicallyor spo- radically. Adjudication can either be systematicand sporadic. Likewise titling and registrationcanalsobe systematicandsporadic. Systematicadjudication and Registration is a survey that takes place accordingto an organisedplan so that rights to land are determinedsimultaneouslywithin a pre-
  • 49. 26 defined area.It is usually supply driven. When donesystematicallyit meansthat al the districtor a village levels,all parcelsor farmsaresurveyedat onetime. At the village level systematicadjudicationis donewherebyall farmsor plots canbe surveyedat one time wherebyownersof land, land size,cropsfound andotherprop- erties on the farm can be documented.The advantagesof systematicsurvey are the abilities to: strategicallyplan 'and coordinate survey activities including public awareness,adjudicationand registrationteams;strengtheningthe appropriatelocal agencies;lowering individual surveycoststhrougheconomiesof scale;administering contiol; andmoreeasilyprovidingincreasedtenuresecurity. Systematicsurveyingis regardedas a more efficient method for building a coordi- natedcadastrein areasnot previouslysurveyedbecausesurveyandmappingresults are simultaneouslyacquiredin a logical step-wiseprocess.Disadvantagesinclude dependenceon long term governmentcommitment andpublic support,andthe large investmentcostsfinancedby implementingagencieswith limited immediaterecu- perationopportunities.Systematicregistrationhasthe advantagethat it will provide more comprehensiveland information within a given time frame. It will also give morepeopleimprovedrightsmorequickly, thussupportingthe generaldevelopment impactof increasedsecurityof ownershipandreducedtransactioncosts. Sporadic adjudication and registration Sporadicadjudicationis a parcelby parcelapproach,usuallytriggeredby somespe- ciltc event,like the saleof the propertyor registeringthe ownershipas is the case with onewho buysland in a village.This is onewherewhen a landowner(s)want(s) his or her or their farm to be surveyed,he/shelthey canrequestthe land adjudicatorto
  • 50. 27 do the boundaryadjudication.Throughthis, detailsof the land rights claimerswill thenbe recordedandthen a title or customaryright of occupancywill be processed andregistered.Dependingon thejurisdiction sporadicadjudicationwill theninvolve demonstratingthat the title is basically soundbefore it is acceptedand enteredinto the registrationsystem(LINECE, 1996). Sporadicmethodsare piecemeal,taking place as-neededfor ownership or boundary determination.This may result from an owner's requestas opposedto being pre- scribedby authorities,i.e. they aretypically demanddriven. Sporadicsurveyingor adjudicationis a piecemealapproachwhich may leadto discrepancieswhen isolated surveysare brought into the cadastreresulting into the existenceof large gapsof in- formation aboutparcelswhich areleft unregistered.There is potential for the sporad- ic surveyapproachto favour largerland holdersandelites who can afford the system and therefore securetheir property against small and more informal ownership of poorercitizens. Accordingto FAO (lggg),sporadic registrationis usuallybasedon a specificaction or actionsof the ownerof thepropertyto trigger,bringing it into the registrationsys- tem. The most commonactionusedto trigger sporadicregistrationis the saleof the property or mortgageprocessing.This was, for instance,usedasthe main trigger for compulsory registration in defined registration areas in England and Wales after 1925. Sporadicsystemsenableselectiveregistration,reduceoverall costs,require only a short term commitment,and allow surveycoststo be directly imposedonto landholder(FAo,ibid). i
  • 51. 28 Sporadicregistrationhas the advantagethat it may be less expensivein the short term than systematicregistrationandthat it tendsto targetmost economicallyactive propertyfirst. It hasthe disadvantagethat it will takemuch longerto achievecom- pletecoverageof all titles within thejurisdiction.If the intentionis to registerall (or evenmost) parcels,then sporadicregistrationcannotbe cheaper,and will likely be moreexpensivebecauseof lack'of economiesof scale(e.g.,neighboursall havingto surveytheir parcelsseparately. According to FAO (ibid), the processof adjudicationshould simply reveal what rightsalreadyexist,by whom they areheld andwhat restrictionsor limitationsthere areon them.In practice,of course,themerefact of a final anddefinitiverecordingof theserights is a significantchangein thosejurisdictionswherepreviouslytherehad beenuncertainty.The processof adjudicationmay be sporadicor systematic,aswith resistration. 2.2.2Y illage Land Rights The term village asusedin this studyrefersto the basicadministrativeandpolitical structureat the local level with an electedvillage council and a village assembly which consistsof all adults(individualwho havereachedthe ageof majority,that is eighteenyearsandabovewho areof soundmind) living in a village(URT,1975). It is also referredto as a conglomerationof households(Rwejuna,2006).A village canalsobe definedasthe major non-familiarunit of peasantsociety,whoseorigin is suggestedto be an extensionof the family, with non-family membersintroducedei- ther by way of marriage(andthus absorbedinto the family) or to perform a specified
  • 52. 29 task(ibid).A Village in this studyrefersto a settlementwhich has beenregistered underthe provisionsof the Local Government(District Authorities)Act No.7, 7982 as a village and which has been surveyedand issuedwith a Certificateof Village Land (CVL) in the village councilandtheVillage assemblyasvillage institutionsare delegatedpower to administerthe landwithin itsjurisdiction.Village Land is oneof the three categoriesof public land; others are the General Land and Reserveland (URT, I999a). "Village land"meansthe landdeclaredto be village landunderandin accordancewith section7 of the VLA and includes any transfer or- land transferred to a village; "Operation Vijiji" meansandincludesthe settlementandresettlementof peoplein villagescommencedor carriedout duringandat anytime betweenthe first dayof January,1970andthirty first dayof December,1977for or in connectionwith thepurposeof implementingthepolicy of villagization,andincludesthe resettlement of peoplewithin the samevillage, from onepart of the village land to anotherpart of that village land or from onepart of land claimedby any suchpersonasland which he heldby virtue of customarylaw to anotherpart of the sameland andthe expropri- ationof it in connectionwith OperationVijiji (URT,1999). Village land rights refer to rights to the useand occupationof land by individuals, organrzattons,clans, within the jurisdiction of a village. Land rights are defined by the landtenuresystemwhich is madeup of rules,authorities,institutionsandrights. Land rightshavecomponentsor'web of interests'whicharecategorizedas: the use rights, suchas the right to accessa resource(for example,to walk or passacrossa field or farm of someone)andto withdraw from a resource(to pick somewild plants suchmedicinalplants)(Meinzen-DickandMwangi, 2001).
  • 53. 30 Other categoriesinclude the exploitationof a resourcefor economicbenefit or the control,or decision-makingrights, suchasthe rights to management(plant a crop), right of exclusion(preventothersfrom accessingor enteringthe land,plot, farm or field), and alienation(rent out, sell, or give away the rights to others,mortgageetc) (Meinzen-DickandMwangi, ibid). Accordingto Ghebru(2010)therearethreeprin- cipalrightslinked to the spatialdimensionof land;namely;userights;controlrights; and transferrights. Use rights refer to the right to use land for growing crops,pas- sage, grazing animals, and the utilization of natural and forest products. Control rights refer to the rights to make decisionsabout how the land should be usedand how benefitsshouldbe allocated.Holdersof land rights can transfertheir rights in the form of saleor mortgageland, conveyland to others,transmitthe land through inheritanceandreallocateuseandcontrolrishts. Land tenurerights includethe freedomto: occupy,use,developor enjoy one'sland; bequeathland to heirs or sell land; leaseor grantland or userights overthat landto otherswith reasonableguaranteesof being ableto recoverthe land; restrictothers' accessto that land; and use naturalresourceslocatedon that land(Knight,2010).A number of individuals can hold different tenure claims and rights to the sameland wherebytheseclaims may be formal, informal, customaryor religious,and can in- clude leasehold,freehold, use rights and private ownership (Ifuight, ibid). The strengthof one's land claims may hinge on national legal definitions of property rights,local socialconventionsandmultiple otherfactors(Ifuight, ibid). Accordingto FAO (2002)andMeizen-DickandMwangi, (2007)classificationof the web of landinterestsis basedon thefunctionsof eachinterestasfollows:
  • 54. 31 Overriding interests such as when a sovereignpower (e.g., a stateor a community)hasthepowerto allocateor reallocate; overlapping interests where severalparties are allocated different rights to the sameparcelof land,for exampleoneparty may havetilling rights andanothermay havea right of way; (iii) complementary intereslswhen different partiessharethe sameinterestin the sameparcel of land, as betweenbee-keepersand farmerswith or- (iv) chardsto be pollinated; and When different partiescontestthe sameinterestsin the sameparcel. Thesedifferent categoriesof interestsmentionedabove(i-iv) have, in other cases, been designatedas primary, secondaryand tertiary/transitory. For many rural com- munities these interestsare derived from social relationshipsand memberships, which in turn will define the content of the risht or claim and then underwrite the exerciseofthat right. Land rights at a village level can be of threetypes,namely,clan, family and self- acquiredland.Accordingto Manji (1996)self-acquiredlandmay be definedasprop- erty which has been obtainedthrough the efforts of an individual or a family. Such propertyis usuallyacquiredby clearingvirgin landsor buying land which is already cleared.'Family land'.isonewhich in the pasthad beenownedby individualsof the samefamily lineage.'Family land'may now be definedassmall plots or homesteads retainedby individual families within villages and farmed by them. 'Clan land' is land vestedin the clan undertraditional systemsof land tenure(ibid). Theseproperty rights to land canbe either formal or informal. Formal rights arethosewhich arerec- (i) (ii)
  • 55. iz ognizedby the stateand securedby legal means.Informal land rights suchas clan and family are not protectedby formal laws or the modern governments.In Tanza- nia, for example,there are many tribes eachof which has customsand traditional normsandlawswhich arenot monitoredcloselvbv the Government.In somecasesa right canbe dehnedsomewherein betweenthe formal andinformal rights.The right may not be againstthe law but it is not recognizedby the law either, for indigenous areasthis is common (FAO, 2002) henceformally known as customaryland. Cus- tomaryrights boundedby customarylaw areoftenpracticedwithin indigenousareas andaregovernedby traditionalproceduresandrules(Kalabamu,2000). Statutoryrights areformally recognizedrights which areoften definedwithin market capitalism. Statutory land tenure meansthat an ownership guarantiescertain rights suchasthe right for owner to sell his/herproperty andto transferthe property on the market(Kalabamu,ibid). In somecasescustomarylaw has over time beenwritten down into formal rights which areregulatedundercommon law (Dale andMcl.augh- lin,1999). Thepublic land in TanzaniaMainlandis categorisedinto threetypesof land,namely, the general,reserveandvillage land.The lastcategoryis administeredby theVillage Council andthe Village Assembly. Land tenureright rnTanzanrais calleda right of occupancywhich refersto title to the useandoccupationof land (URT, 1999a).It is a relationshipbetweenthepeopleandthe landwithin anyjurisdiction.It is concerned with the modein which rightsto landareheld,andwhich are,therefore,groundedin statutorylaw, commonlaw or customarylaw andtraditions.
  • 56. a a J J 2.2.3Equity and its Categories Equity is a close synonym ofjustice andfairness,so it usually relatesto more quali- tative matters.Equality refersto the condition of being equal,andit tendsto relateto things that can be expressedin numberssuchasareaof a farm, income etc. For ex- ample,onemight saythat landequalityis a resultof equityin the society,or that in- equality in land ownership is a greatinequity in land distribution. In this thesis,ineq- uity has been used interchangeablywith inequality to refer to a lack of equality in opportunity or treatmentduring land formalization. Inequality is usedto refer to dis- parities in land size ownership betweenand among individuals and for that matter household. In the distribution of land as a resource,genderequity entails considerationof men and women in the registrationof land rights so asto have securetenurefor both; on youth and adults to ensurethat inheritancerights are defined for the future genera- tionswhile in the caseof pastoralistsandpeasantsto considerthe sizeof landparcel that eachgroup deserveto haveto sustainabledevelopment. Equity is related with land governanceas it processesof decision making and im- plementationof decisions.The term good governancecan be viewed in severalcon- texts suchascorporate,institutional, national,andlocal governance.The standardsof transparency,equityoaccountability,subsidiarity,andalsoparticipationareespecial- ly important to sustainableLand Administration Systems(LAS). Smith (2008) arguesthat when land rights areformalized, what mattersis not land or a building but the associatedequity, which he defined as somethingin a legal record or title - which providessecurityto the holderof the legalrecordor title for freeuse,
  • 57. 34 mortgages,easementsand other covenants.In practice, when an individual wants a loan from a bank he or shepresentsthe title deedto a bank andtherebyallow theeq- uity associatedwith the underlying assetto be setfree for purposesof investmentin other things. In this way, the records and representationsconstituting the formal property systembring a new domainof quasi-abstractreality into existence,whose growth is intimately associatedwith thoseadvancesin human welfare which are as- sociatedwith economicdevelopment(Smith,ibid). Many scholarshave tried to discussequity. According to Sharon(2000) equity is aboutfairnessand derivesfrom a conceptofsocialjustice. It representsa beliefthat there are some things which people should have, that there are basic needs that shouldbe fulfilled, that burdensand rewardsshouldnot be spreadtoo divergently acrossthe community,andthatpolicy shouldbe associatedwith impartiality,fairness andjusticetowardstheseends(ibid). Equity impliesthatpeople'sneeds,ratherthansocialprivileges,shouldguidethe dis- tribution of opportunitiesfor well-being.Equity requiresreducingunfair disparities aswell asmeetingacceptablestandardsfor everyone.Equity implicationsassessedin this study aredistributive equity, procedural/participatoryequity andcontextualequi- ty. Thesesaspectsof fairnessandjustice are associatedwith the procedureusedto distributeland rights during the formalizattonprocessin the study areasof Mbozi andHandeni Districts inTanzania. Procedureandparticipatory equity which consid- er context in which the resourceis located can determinethe way distribution and accesscan be equitable.Contemporarythinking on equity owesmuch to the work of US philosopherJohn Rawls, who arguedthat just outcomesare thosethat people
  • 58. 35 would agreeto undera "veil of ignorancs"-1[41 is, if they did not know what status they would occupyin society(LrNDP, 20lr). JohnRawls,sideaofjustice advocated basiclibertiesand proceduralfairnessby permittinginequalitiesin caseswhen they couldreasonablybe expectedto be to the advantageofeveryone (andifby reducing themtheywould makeeveryoneworseoffl. Evaluation of equity implication where land rights formalizationor titling program hastakenplaceis importantbecauseit is abouthumandevelopment.Human devel- opmentis the expansionof people'sfreedomsto live long,healthyandcreativelives; to advanceother goalsthey havereasonto value;andto engageactively in shaping developmentequitablyand sustainablyon a sharedpranet.Equity is aboutdistribu- tive justice; therefore,wherethe processof land titring becomesinequitable,it be- comesunjust acrossgroupsor generations.Inequalitiesare especiallyunjust when they systematicallydisadvantagespecificgroupsof peopre,whetherbecauseof gen_ der, occupation,race or birthplace,or when the gap is so greatthat acutepoverty is high(ibid)or likely to behigh. Equitycanbe distributive, proceduralor participatory below: a) Distributive Equity According to Mc-Dermott et at.(2011),distributiveequity is concemedwith out- comesin the allocationamongstakeholdersof costs,risksandbenefitsresultingfrom environmentalpolicy or resourcemanagementdecisionsand hencerepresentspri- proceduralor participatoryand contextual.In practice, equity facilitatesdistributiveequity. They are discussed
  • 59. 36 marily (but not exclusively)the economicdimensionof equity. In this respectthen equitabledistribution of benefits (which in this caseis land resources,grazing areas etc) to the beneficiariescan bejustified on the basisof one of severaldifferent prin- ciples:equality,socialwelfare,merit andneed.The distributiveequitycanbe within the same generationor betweenthe current and the future generationhence,intra- generationaland intergeneratioiralequity. Thesecategoriesare discussedin detail below: (i) Intergenerational Equity Intergenerationalequity in economic,psychologicaland sociologicalcontextsis the conceptor ideaof fairnessor justice in relationshipsbetweenchildren,youth, adults and seniors, particularly in terms of treatment and interactions (Foot and Venne, 2005).It refersto relationshipthat a particularfamily hason resources.Intergenera- tional equity is the centralethicalprinciplebehindsustainabledevelopment(Sharon, 2000). The 1987 UN BrundtslandCommissiondefinedsustainabledevelopmentin equity terms as: "developmentthat meetsthe needsof the presentwithout compro- mising the ability of future generationsto meet their own needs."Intergenerational equity refersto how fairly benefitssuchasland rights are distributed acrossexisting populationof interests(Arko-Adjei,2011). It is more aboutdistributionof resources suchasland. Distributional equity.ensuresthat the needsof minorities and vulnerablegroupsin the societyareprovidedfor. In this case,the focusis on how rights areapportioned suchthat they are used effectively and efficiently at present,without compromising their useby future generations,henceincorporatingsustainability.
  • 60. ) t Sustainabilityis concernedwith onetypeof equity- acrosspeoplebom in different times- asdistinctfrom thedistributionof outcomes,opportunitiesor capabilitiesat present. Intergenerationalequity meansthat we inherit the Earth from previous generations and have an obligation to passit on in reasonablecondition to future generations. The idea behind not reducing the ability of future generationsto meet their needsis that, although future generationsmight gain from economic progress,those gains might be more than offset by environmentaldeteriorationwhich will occur asa result of population growth, overgrazingor misuseof rangelands,etc. (ir) Intra-Generational Eqaity This is about fair treatmentacrosscommunities(household,gender,occupational groups,age,etc) and nations within one generation. Intra-generationalequity is as- sociatedwith theprincipleof sustainabledevelopmentbecausein many casesinequi- ties in the distribution of land resourceshave triggered the degradationof the,envi- ronment.As a result of inequitiesin the distributionof land resources,peoplebe- comepoor hencethey becomeenvironmentallyunsoundin their activities.As argued by Sharon(2000),poverty deprivespeopleof the choiceaboutwhetheror not to be environmentally soundin their activities. Intra-generationalequity is concernedwith the way resourcesare distributed within the current generation.It is aboutequity betweenpeopleof the samegenerationsuch as male and female; boys and girls; youth and adult; married couples;peasantsand pastoralists(Sharon,ibid). It includesconsiderationsof distributionof resourcessuch
  • 61. 38 asland andjustice betweennationsor individualsor socialgroupswithin a commu- nity suchas a clan, community,a village etc. Other considerationsincludewhat is fair for people within any one nation, a village, district or any geographical area. Thus,the distributionof benefitssuchaslanduseandaccessright canbe termedeq- uitable in terms of intra-generationif it is inclusivewherebyall socialgroupsin a communityor a village havebeenconsidered.Therefore,if a certainsocialgroupis deniedownershipor accessright or hasinadequatelandresource,thenthereis likeli- hood for one group or individual to trespassinto the land of anotherindividual or group or a reservedarea.Examplesof indicatorsof intra-generationalinequitiesin Tanzaniaincludeescalatingland relateddisputes,trespassto protectedareassuchas wetlands,gamereserves,forestsreservesor commonlandresourcesin a village such as grazingandburial sites. The high levelsof wealthareperhapsevenmore damagingto the environment(both rural and urban) as they are accompaniedby high levelsof resourcesconsumption such as land grabbing,which lead to landlessnessto segmentof communitigsand thus poverty for thosewho rely on land do so for livelihoods.Many environmental problems-such as global warming and chemical contamination are the result of af- fluenceratherthanpoverty(Sharon,2000).Theseoccurrencesarewitnessedin Tan- zaniain the form of trespassingon reservedlandssuchasthe nationalparks,forests andgamereserves,wetlandareasandevento land ownedlegally by individualsand organizations.
  • 62. 39 b) Procedural/Purticipatory Equity ProceduralEquity (PE) can be specifiedto meanan1'thingfrom guaranteeingbasic rights equally to taking affirmative action to amplify the voices of groups such as women, the landless and ethnic minorities which are frequently marginalized with respectto naturalresources,(Mc-Dermottet.al,2011).PE is aboutfairnessin thepo- litical processesthat allocateland resourcesand resolvedisputes.It involvesrepre- sentation,recognition/inclusion,voice andparticipationin decision-making.Accord- ing to Shao (2008), empoweredparticipationor involvement meansnot only the physicalpresenceof the individual,but alsoactive,effectiveandconsciousparticipa- tion. In the contextof village or rural land formalizationprocess,all dimensionsof equitycometogetherin the normativeprincipleof participatoryparity, which insists on fairness,inclusiorVrepresentationand democraticdecision-makingat all levels from the designof formalizationprocess(awareness,approvalof claims,adjudica- tion mechanism,titling andregistration)to completion. c) Contextual Equity Contextualequity links togetherthe other two dimensions(distributiveand proce- duralequities)by taking into accountthe pre-existingconditionsunderwhich people engagein proceduresand benefitdistributions- and which limit or enabletheir ca- pacity to do both. It entailsaccess,capabilitiesand power. Accessrefersto the 'ability to derivebenefrtsfrom thingssuchasland', wherebythis ability dependson a 'web of powers' exercisedthrough socialrelationsand institutionssuchas tradi- tion, markets,property,andinformal,illicit andcoerciveclaimsto resourcessuchas land rights (Ribot and Peluso,2003).Capabilitiesare capacitiesnecessaryfor indi-
  • 63. 40 vidualsandhouseholdsto fully functionin their chosenlives,which in otherwords, constitutesfreedom andthe wherewithalto exerciseland rights and choicesin pursu- ing their lives they find appropriate.In order for a villager to exerciseany on-farm livelihood activity such as farming or livestock keeping they require adequateland for farming and grazingpurposesincluding recognition asmembersof the village (as a community).Also education,information,sufficienteconomicresourcesandsecu- rity area prerequisite(Ribot andPeluso,ibid). Power enablesactorssuchasthe Vil- lageleadersandtheir Councilsandthe villagerswho arecustomarylandrightshold- ers or beneficiaries(villagers including women and other nrlnerable groups)to gain control and maintainaccessto land resources.Unequalpower (re)producesinequity in its otherdimensions. 2.2.4Beneficiary Benefrciary in this study refers to an individual or institutions whose land rights (clan,family or self-acquired)were adjudicated,individualized,titled andregistered at the District Land Registry during the formalizatron programme in Mbozi and HandeniDistricts.Beneficiariesarealsoreferredto asrespondentsin this study. 2,2.5Land Tenure and Administration Svstems a) Land Tenure Land tenure is the relationship, whether legally or customarily defined, among peo- ple, asindividualsor groups,with respectto land (FAO, 2002).ltdevelopsdueto so- cial,political andeconomicstructuresthathaveexistedwithin a country.
  • 64. 4l Therefore,it is importantto understandeachcountry'sspecifichistoryaswell ascul- ture to be able to understandthe land tenure structurethat has developedwithin the country studiedand why. Land tenureis categorizedinto the following sub areas (FAO,ibid): Private or individual land refersto land which is tied up to an individual or a party with exclusive right to that specific land. Communal land is one in which each memberof a societyor a village hasthe right to uselike a path, farming, grazingetc. Open accessmeansfree accessto resourcesto all, for exampleforestsandmarines, grazingand medicinal picking andState in which the rights to this tenure category areassignedto an authorityin the public sectoras is the caseof TanzaniaNational Parks Authority (TANAPA) for all national parks and game reservesin Tanzania Mainland.InTanzania the stateland is referredto asthe reserveland.All thesecate- goriesof land canbe found in a village.Manji (1996)talksaboutclanandfamily and self acquiredland asoneunderprivateor individual land.In many rural areas,com- munalland,openaccessaresometimesownedby individuals,groupssuchascianor family. b) Land Tenure Systems Land tenure systemrefersto the rules, authorities,institutions, rights and norms that governaccessto and control over land and relatedresources.They definethe rules andrightsthat governthe appropriation,cultivationanduseof naturalresourceson a given spaceor pieceof land;they governwho canusewhat resources,for how long and under what conditions. They can be formal or informal whereby the former is
  • 65. 42 recognizedby the state while the latter is not recognizedby the state; statutory or customarywhereby the former is a result of the statutewhile the latter arerights that resultfrom customsandtraditionsof the local communityor traditionalinstitutions; legally recognizedor not legally recognizedare rights which are either codified or not codifiedby any law althoughthey exist-forexamplenyarubanjarights still exist in Bukoba although legally they are not recognised;permanent or temporary are thoserights which are periodic such as a permit to grazein someone'sfarm after harvest. The right of private ownershipor of common property are like those of freeholdtenurewhile commonpropertyrights is like thosewhereownersdo not de- fine their individual rights suchascustomarytenure(IFAD, 2008). Land tenure systemsneedto take sufficient accountof the land accessandtenureis- suesotherwisethey canresultinto problem.Therefore,the typesof cropsthat areto be grown on a pieceof land-be they for subsistenceor commercialpurposes-arein- fluencedby the decisionsof land accessand tenuresecurity. The decisionof land accessalso influencesthe extent to which farmersand other land usersareprepared to invest in improvementsin production,sustainablemanagement,and adoptionof new technologiesand promising innovations.Tenuresystemsin many developing countrieshavebeeninfluencedby former colonial land policiesthat overlaidestab- lishedpatternsof land distribution andaccess(ibid). c) Land Administration Systems(LAS) Land Administrationis definedasthe processesof recordingand disseminatingin- formation about ownership, value, and use of land when implementing land man-
  • 66. 43 agementpolicies G|NECE, 1996).Land administrationis the managementof sys- temsof land rights which includethe following subjects: (i) Proceduresby which landrightsareallocatedor recognized; (ii) The definitionanddelimitationof boundariesbetweenparcels; (iii) The recordingof informationaboutlandrights,rightsholders,andparcels; (iv) Proceduresgoverningtrdnsactionsin land,including sales,mortgages,leases anddispositions; (v) The resolutions of uncertainty or adjudication of disputes concerning land rightsandboundaries; (vi) Institutionsandprocessesfor theplanning,controllingandmonitoringof land use;and (vii) Land valuation andtaxationprocedures. To be ableto performthesesubjects,landadministrationsystemscaneitherbe in the form of a centralised,decentralisedor integratedsystem. Centralisedsystemsusea centralisedbureaucracyto carry out land administrationtasks, thereby relying on a single,closed(top-down) approach.Decentralizedsystemusesa decentralizedbu- reaucracyto carry out land administrationtasks with offices at the district or local level dependingon the governmentsystemin place.In Tanzania,for example,ad- ministrationof village land hasbeendecentralizedtothe village levelswherebyreg- istrationof village land rightsis doneatthedistrictlandregistrylevel. Integratedsystemis onewherebysomefunctions arecentralizedwhile othersarede- centralizedasis the casewith theadministrationof generallandin Tanzaniawhereby certainland sizeallocationneedsapprovalof the Commissionerfor Lands.
  • 67. 44 But Fairley (2012) arguesthat land administrationsystemscan be top-downor bot- tom-upandconcurrentlycentralizedor decentralized. 2.3Empirical Literature on Rural Land Formalizationand Equity The literature review strategyincluded expert chain of citations ('snowball') ap- proachwhich was followed by a keyword-basedcomputerisedsearchof the litera- ture. Severalstudieswith keywords of rural land formalization, equity and equitable land distribution, land accessand distribution;genderand land access;vulnerable groupsand land formahzatronwere reviewed.This part presentsfindings of the prior works on rural land rights formahzationwith a focus on equity from global to local level. Equity in a particularprogrammeor projectcanbe in the form of distribution of outcomesandin theproceduresemployedin theprojector programme. Thereareformalizationprogrammesthat consideredthe relationshipbetweencitizen andland ownershipduringthe allocationof landresources.Cambodiahasbeencited by Catalla(2001) as one of countrieswith a fairly equitableland ownershipsystem following the enactmentof a Sub-decreeNo. 25 andInstructionNo. 3 of 1989.In this country, land was redistributedto private householdsbasedon the numberof family members(householdsize)andland availabilityin the area.Local authorities, with full participationfrom village residents,identif,redthe number of membersin eachfamily andthe availableland in the area,then subdividedthe land accordingly (ibid). A studyby Jayne.etal,(2003) in the Easternand SouthernAfrican Region,found that the smallholderfarming sectorwas typically characterizedby small but relatively
  • 68. 45 "uni-modal" andequitablydistributedlandholdingssituatedwithin a "bi-modal" dis- tribution of land between large-scaleand small-scalefarming sectors.Jayne.et al.(ibid) admit of that empiricaldatashowthat in Africa therehavebeeninadequate studieswithin the small farm sectorsand that land-relatedresearchhas mainly fo- cusedon the effects of land property rights andtenure.The study further found that in many African countriesthe distributionof farm sizeshas signsof disparitiesin accessto land within the smallholdersectors.This includedthe difficultiesof nurtur- ing other avenuesto rural income growth for householdslacking accessto sufficient land to ensurea decentlivelihood (ibid). Inequitiesin assetsdistributionis seenasa challenge.In countries with a "bad" distribution of assets;however, economic growth was skewedtoward wealthierhouseholds,causingthe gapbetweenrich and poor to widen (Jayne;et a1,2003).This necessitatesevaluationof the formalization of land rights in Tanzaniaso as to determinethe patternsof distribution of land as assets. On farm or land size,Jayne.et al., (2003)arguethat the discussionof feasibleand sustainablerural growth strategiesmust be groundedwithin the contextof prev'ailing farm sizedistribution patternsandtrends.However, availableevidenceindicatesthat mostof Africa is facingincreasingrural populationdensitiesandperson-to-landratr- os (ibid). This finding is supplementedby Gugertyand Timmer (1999) studywho found that initial "gogd" distributionof assets,both agriculturalandnon-agricultural growth, benef,rttedthe pooresthouseholdsslightly more in percentageterms.It was also found that formahzatronin many caseshad beenassociatedwith the decentrali- zationof land administrationpowersthroughintroductionof village councilsasdeci- sionmakingbodies.
  • 69. 46 Knight (2010) in his study on countriesthat havemadeand implementedland law mentionsTanzaniain the list of best practicesbut does not discussthe extentto which theseland laws and in particularthe VLA have achievedtheir objectivesof promotingequitabledistributionof andaccessof land to her citizens.But, Pedersen (2010) in his working paperon the Challengesof Implementationof the Tanzama Land Law Reformraisedtwo importantissuesto address,namely,whetherequity in accessto land administrationservicesis ensuredandwhetherthe rishts of vulnerable groupsaresufficiently protected. The role of local land tenureinstitutionshasalsobeenfound assourcesof landten- ureproblems.A studyby Quan(1997)found that the introductionof formal catego- ries of tenureand systemsof land administration(suchasland boards,village coun- cil) in parallelto existingsystemsof customaryland managementhasfrequentlyre- sulted in uncertainty and confusion regardingrural land rights. This was supported by Lastarria(2006)who foundthattitling programmesin many casesignorecultural normsandpracticesaroundland rights resultinginto a situationwhere certaingroups (such as women, children, pastoralistsand other ethnic minorities) are disenfran- chised. Approachto formalizationprogrammehasalsobeendiscussedasresultinginto land relatedproblems.Acgording to Hall (1998),experiencewith land rights formahza- tion in Africa has shown that efforts to redistributerural land to the "disadvantaged" or to the "rural landless",havetendedto reinforceexistingland rights resultinginto new dimensionsof inequalitieswithin beneficiarycommunities.This is furthersup- ported by Amanor and Moyo (2008) in their study in Zimbabwe where they found
  • 70. 47 that inequitable accessto land preventedthe rural poor from acquiring plots of land that were economically viable. In uncertainty situation where existing rural land rights are unclear or weak as is always the casein many rural settingsin Africa, the use of sporadic or on - demandapproachfor first - time registration of rights will often carry a significant risk of land grabbing by well - connectedand powerful elites(Deininger.eta|.,2010). Findingsby Deininger.et al., 8010) in EthiopiaandRwandashow that the mecha- nism of formalization adoptedlow-cost, community-basedapproachesto land regis- tration. Theseapproachesinvolve women in key administrativeand decision-making positionsat all stagesof the processof demarcatingand adjudicatingland parcels. Land parcel occupation and boundariesare agreedupon in public, with the consent of all parties,including thoseoccupyingneighboringparcels.Besidesbeing of low cost, Deininger et al; (2008) arguethat the land adjudicationused a participatory mechanismswhich wasviable andled to equitableoutcomesthat allow clearproduc- tivity, gainsovertime. In his analysison consideringcustomsand tradition in policy implementation,Sha- ron (2000)arguesthat many policiesthatemphasizereliability on customsandtradi- tions in their implementation,take a 'one size-fit all approach'without looking into local conditions of the country (for example,village, ward, district or region) and hencethis canresultinto inequitiesin landresourcesdistribution.This is in line with Shao's (2008) findings that measuresto improve environmental problems through the introduction of private land titling in communitieswhere land is usedas a com-
  • 71. 48 mon resourcecan result into seriousdisputesas was the casein HandeniDistrict in Tanzama.The implementationof thesepoliciesmay impactmore on somesectorsof the community than others.This can happenthrough imposing additionalcostsre- sulting from lessaccessibleland resourcesor reduceability to competelocally, re- gion wise or internationallybecauseof thereducedcapabilities. A studyby Block and Foltz (1999)in Saheliancountriesfound skeweddistribution of land and that therehad beenlittle attentiondevotedto quantifyingland distribu- tion patternswithin Africa's small-scalefarming sector.This happensamid a wide- spreadacceptancethat "pro-poor" agriculturalgrowth is stronglyassociatedwith eq- uitableassetdistribution(ibid). The model of structuraltransformationhasdemon- stratedthat in countries where 70-80% of the rural population derive the bulk of their income from agriculture;poverty reductiontypically dependson agricultural productivity growth (ibid). This is associatedwith the observationmade by Jayne et.al; (op cit) that discussionof feasible and sustainablerural growth strategies shouldbe groundedwithin the contextof prevailing farm size distributionpatterns andtrends.This is what this studyhastried to look into in the contextof Mbozi and HandeniDistrictsto seeif institutionsresnonsiblefor landallocationconsideredrela- tionshipsthat existedbetweenfarm sizesura tfr.i, householdsize,occupationetc. Literatureon landrightsdistributioninTanzaniashowsthe existenceof inequities.A study by Mchomvu et al; (2002) quoted studiesby Awiti (1973) and Putterman (1986) on distribution of land in Ismani (Iringa) and Arusha, Morogoro, Mbeya, Iringa andRuvumaregionsreaffirmingthe existenceof inequalityin the distribution of landholding.Manji (1996) points out the Tanzanianprogrammeof villagization
  • 72. 49 underwhich farming wasto be carriedout collectivelyby all membersof a villageas the onethat alteredthe conceptof family landresultinginto land inequalities.Means of accesssuchasown acquisition(buying),inheritanceof clan or family land deter- mine equality of land ownership.Manji (ibid) arguesthat, in caseof women,those who acquiredtheir own land weretreatedby othervillagerswith more respectthan thosewho are landlessor thosewho expectedto get through inheritance.Though thesestudieswereconducteda long time ago,they showhow the issuesof inequities in land is old and thus where formalizationhastakenplace assessmentis vital to see whetherthoseinequitieshavebeenaddressedon not. In examining factors that affect equity in the distribution of and accessto land a study by Catalla (2001) on land registrationfound land registrationin somecases exacerbatedisputesand enabledland grabbingbecausesomeelite groupssoughtto assertclaims over land which was not theirs under customarylaw becauseof the knowledgeof impendingregistration.The inequitiesin land distributionweredueto lack of accessto education,landinformationandcontact;costof registrationasusers find that the land that they thought was theirs has beenregisteredby someoneelse. Themostvulnerableto losinglanduserightsaresmallholders. Moteover, registrationtendsto penalizeholdersof secondaryland rights, such as women and herders,as theserights often do not appearin the land register and are thus expropriated(Cotulla. et al; ibid). This is supportedby Lastarria-Cornhiel (2006) who lamentsindividualization and privatization of ownership (formalization) do transferland rights from householdmembersto individualmen asthey areableto claim all rights to land andthat formalization hasbeenfull of inequity in the statusof
  • 73. 50 land distribution.Under many of the titling programsthereis one dynamicof indi- vidualizationthat thosepersonswith indirect and secondaryrights to land (suchas women,ethnicminorities,andnomadicpastoralists)may losethem (rights),particu- larly when land is formally privatrzedundertitling andregistrationprograms. Empirical studiesfurther show that someof the userrights which arenormally lost during formalization include accessand use rights for cultivation and grazing that womenandminority groupsmay haveto landundercustomaryrules.These,accord- ing to a studyby Tuladhar(2004)occurespeciallyduring the adjudicationphasein which existing land rights are recognized.andrecordedaccordingto the land law. This hasbeenthe caseduring registrationof land rights in many developingcoun- triesaslessor more securityof tenureandconflictsover land arecreated(ibid). Be- sides,suchtools asformal landuseplanscanresultinto denialof userights suchas grazingrights of pastoralistsaswas the casebetweenChamakwezaandPingo Vil- lagesin BagamoyoDistrict, Tanzama(researcher'sown eiperience formerly as a BagamoyoDistrict Land Officer and Registrarof CustomaryRights of Occuppncy) henceaffectingthe livelihood of thepastoralists. In Kenya, a long history on the impactsof formalization as presentedby Okoth- Ogendo(1985) show that a formahzationprogram impoverishedthe rural society wherebyfor example.inKajiado areait compromisedthe viability of the rangefor pastoralists,resultinginto many Maasai sellingoff their land and moving into trad- ing centressuch as Nairobi in pursuit of petty trade and menial jobs (Odhiambo, 2006).This is supportedby Platteau(1995)who found that in Africa land registra- tion hasincreaseduncertaintyandconflict overlandrightsespeciallyfor groupssuch
  • 74. 51 as pastoralistswhich customarilyhad no formal accessto natural resources.Other studieswith negativefindings on formalizationincludethat by Shao,2008 and Od- gaard,2006 who found that weak local land governancein terms of policies and democraticprinciplesin rural areashad resultedinto conflictsmainly betweenpas- toralistsandpeasants.The educational,economicandpolitical dliteswere generally ableto benefitdisproportionatelyfrom landtitling. Recentmassiveformalizationis that of Ethiopia where Deininger.et.al; (2008) regardit as the largestland admin- istrationprogramcarriedout over the lastdecadeandpossiblyin the World asit is- sued20 million certihcatesto farmers.Unfortunatelythe studydoesnot narrateany- thing aboutequityin this programme. In line with situation,Tsikata(2001) andKagwanja(2008)recommendedan exami- nationof the adverseeffectsof individuahzedtitling programsin Africa on marginal- ized segmentsof society,including women,children,migrants;pastoralists,hunters and gatherers,and communalland usersparticularlyquestionsof socialjustice and equityin the distributionof land resources.Otherstudiesby (Koda, 2000,Cotullaet aL,2004;Claussen,et al., 2003;)on the implementationof new landpoliciesandleg- islationsrecommendedexaminationof the effectsof thesenew policiesand legisla- tions in SubSaharanAfrica so asto inform the governmentson the consequencesof their effortsthroughqualitativegenderedconcerns.Their recommendationsincluded the follow-up suveys in Tanzaniaso asto comeup with the assessmentof the im- pactsof formahzation on different socialgroups.This is an evidenceof the existence of inadequateinformation on the extentto which equity issueshavebeenhandledby formalization process.
  • 75. 52 Studyby Ghibru (2010) on the land certificationin Ethiopia also provedthat many literature on land reforms have explored its impacts on investment,accessto credit; productivity and tradability of land in Africa (for example in Tanzaniaby such re- searcherslike Mukandala,2009;Sanga,2009 andNyatho, 2012)but studieson em- pirical examination of the statusof suchintervention on land distribution amongso- cial groupsat the rural settlementlevelswere very scarce.This was also raisedby Fairley (2012) in her recentresearchin Mbozi, Kisarawe,Bariadi and Handenidis- tricts in Tanzaniawhen sherecommendeda further researchon women land rights, agriculture improvement in the form of optimal farm size for the most efficient pro- ductionof food cropswhich sheregardedasanongoingdebatein this field. Empirical studies show funher that proceduresfor land accessand administration havesomeinjusticesassomesocialgroupssuchaspastoralistsaremarginalizedand their land use rights disregarded(Shivji, 1999; Mwaikusa, 1999; ole Kosyando, 2007;Fairley,2012;2013). Fairley(2013)recommendeda funher assessmentto de- terminehow hybrid approachesof formalizationcouldhelp sustainthe livelihoodsof residentsin Tanzaniaand this recommendationis what this study had tried to do. In- dicatorsof inequity in distribution and accessto land in Tanzaniais manifestedfrom the growing volume of land related conflicts mainly betweenpastoralistsand peas- ants; trespass on protected areas and objection to land use planning pro- cess(Shao,ibid). A recentstudyby Ali. et al ;(2011) on the assessmentof genderand land accessin land regularrzatronandtitling (LRT) in Rwandafound that genderequity was highly