The role of international community on promoting good governance in Somalia

ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY IN PROMOTION OF GOOD
GOVERNANCE IN SOMALIA
BY
ALI AHMED ABTIDON
1174-06256-13930
A RESEARCH THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES AND
SOCIAL SCIENCES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT FOR THE REQUIIRMENTS FOR
AWARD OF MASTERS’ DEGREE IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
AND DIPLOMATIC STUDIES OF KAMPALA
INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY
MAY, 2019

DECLARATION A
―THIS dissertation is my original work and has not been presented for a degree or any
academic award in any university or intuition of learning‘‘.
Signature Date:
Student: ALI AHMED ABTIDON

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DECLARATION B
I confirm that the work reported in this dissertation in this dissertation was carried out by the
candidate under my supervision
Signature Date
Dr. Kazibwe Sophia
Supervisor

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DEDICATION
I would like to dedicate this piece of work to the Almighty Allah who has enabled me to carry
out research successfully and my beloved parents my mother Fatima Hashi Gabayre, my father
Ahmed Abtidon (late) and my Aunt Fatima Abtidon also brothers and sisters, my cousin Sofia
Hashi Ghelle, Salado Ahmed Abtidon,Abdi‘ziz Ahmed Abtidon ,Abdikadir Ahmed Abtidon and
Anab Ahmed Abtidon I would like to praise for their endless support. My beloved parents,
brothers and sisters gave me moral and material supports without them I can‘t be here. May
Almighty Allah bless you all?

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
First of all, am greatly indebted to the Almighty Allah for enabling me complete my academic
career. I would like to extend my sincere gratitude to my beloved parents my mother Fatima
Hashi and my father Ahmed Abtidon(late) who gave me blessing, compassion unforgettable my
Aunt Fatima Abtidon supported my master b also here I would like to acknowledge my brothers
and sisters those were most important, contributors and they are my dear cousin Sofia Hashi
Ghelle is the good heart and generous , my Brother Abdi‘aziz Ahmed Abtidon he is kindly
brother ,my brother sheikh Abdikadir Ahmed Abtidon he is pleasant also my lactures like
Dr.Ongodia, Dr.Kuturama and other were major role and my supervisor Dr. Kazibwe Sophia for
her collaboration and guidance.
My sincere thanks go to all contributed moral and material where ever they are who have
transformed me into a better and knowledgeable person through my academic struggle at
Kampala International University. May Allah Bless you all.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION A...................................................................................................................1
DECLARATION B...................................................................................................................2
DEDICATION ..........................................................................................................................3
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ........................................................................................................4
TABLE OF CONTENTS..........................................................................................................5
LIST OF TABLES ....................................................................................................................9
LIST OF ACRONYMS...........................................................................................................10
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................11
CHAPTER ONE .....................................................................................................................12
INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................................12
1.0 Introduction.......................................................................................................................12
1.1 Background to the study....................................................................................................12
1.1.1 Historical perspective.....................................................................................................12
1.1.2 Theoretical perspective ..................................................................................................14
1.1.3 Conceptual perspective ..................................................................................................14
1.1.4 Contextual perspective ....................................................................................................15
1.2 Statement of the problem ..................................................................................................17
1.3 Purpose of the Study .........................................................................................................17
1.4Specific objectives..............................................................................................................17
1.5 Research Questions ...........................................................................................................18
1.6 Research Hypotheses.........................................................................................................18

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1.7. Scope of the study............................................................................................................18
1.7.1. Geographical Scope.......................................................................................................18
1.7.2. Content Scope ...............................................................................................................19
1.8 Significance of the study...................................................................................................19
1.9 Operational Definition of Key terms.................................................................................19
CHAPTER TWO.....................................................................................................................22
LITERATURE REVIEW........................................................................................................22
2.0 Introduction.......................................................................................................................22
2.1 Theoretical Review ...........................................................................................................22
2.2 Conceptual framework ......................................................................................................23
2.3 Review of Related Literature ............................................................................................24
2.3.1 The effect of peace and reconciliation on promotion of good governance in Somalia..24
The reconciliation in Somalia has passed many phases and process and here are its stages:
............................................................................................................................................ 24
1992-1995 UN Missions to Somalia ..................................................................................24
1993 the Conference on National Reconciliation............................................................25
1997 National Salvation Council ......................................................................................25
1997 Cairo reconciliation Conference / Cairo Declaration............................................25
1998 Baidoa Conference....................................................................................................25
2000 Somalia National Reconciliation Conference.........................................................26
2001 National Commission for Reconciliation and Property Settlement.....................26
2002 Somali Peace and Reconciliation Conference ........................................................27
2004 Nairobi Reconciliation Conference .........................................................................27

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2004 Presidential Elections ...............................................................................................27
2.3.2 The effect of Capacity Building in promoting governance in Somalia..........................28
2.3.3 The effect of Peace and Security promotion in good governance in Somalia ...............32
2.4 Research Gaps...................................................................................................................40
CHAPTER THREE ....................................................................................................................42
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY................................................................................................42
3.0 Introduction.......................................................................................................................42
3.1 Research Design................................................................................................................42
3.2Study Population ................................................................................................................42
3.3 Sample Size.......................................................................................................................43
3.4 Sampling Procedure ..........................................................................................................44
3.4.1 Purposive Sampling........................................................................................................44
3.4.2 Random Sampling..........................................................................................................44
3.5Sources of data ...................................................................................................................44
3.5.1 Primary data ...................................................................................................................44
3.5.2 Secondary data................................................................................................................44
3.6 Data collection....................................................................................................................45
3.6.1 Questionnaire...................................................................................................................45
3.6.2 Interviews........................................................................................................................45
3.7 Validity and reliability of instruments................................................................................45
3.7.1 Validity............................................................................................................................45
3.7.2 Reliability........................................................................................................................46
3.8 Data Analysis......................................................................................................................46

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3.9 Ethical Considerations........................................................................................................47
CHAPTER FOUR...................................................................................................................48
DATA PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS.....................................48
4.0 Introduction........................................................................................................................48
4.1 Demographic characteristics of the respondents................................................................48
4.2 Findings on effect of peace and reconciliation on promotion of good governance in Somalia 51
4.3 Findings on the effect of Capacity building on promotion of good governance in Somalia
................................................................................................................................................ 54
4.4 Findings on the effect of Peace and Security on promotion of good governance in Somalia
57
CHAPTER FIVE.....................................................................................................................60
DISCUSSIONS, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ......................................60
5.0 Introduction........................................................................................................................60
5.1. Discussions of findings......................................................................................................60
5.1.1. The effect of peace and reconciliation on promotion of good governance in Somalia.60
5.1.2. The effect of capacity building on promotion of good governance in Somalia.............61
5.1.3Effect of Peace and Security on promotion of good governance in Somalia...................62
5.2 Conclusions ........................................................................................................................63
5.2.1 Effect of peace and reconciliation on promotion of good governance in Somalia .........63
5.2.2 Effect of Capacity building on promotion of good governance in Somalia....................64
5.2.3 Effect of Peace and Security on promotion of good governance in Somalia..................64
5.3 Recommendations ..............................................................................................................65
5.2.1 Effect of peace and reconciliation on promotion of good governance in Somalia .........65
5.2.2 Effect of Capacity building on promotion of good governance in Somalia...................66

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5.2.3 Effect of Peace and Security on promotion of good governance in Somalia.................67
5.4 Areas of further research...................................................................................................68
REFERENCES ...........................................................................................................................68
APPENDICES ............................................................................................................................72
APPENDIX I: RESEARCH QUESTIONNAIRE...................................................................72
APPENDIX II: INTERVIEW GUIDE....................................................................................75
APPENDIX III: A MAP OF SOMALIA ................................................................................76

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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Study Population and Sample Size................................................................................43
Table 4. 1: Demographic characteristics of respondents .............................................................48
Table 4. 2: Effect of peace and reconciliation on promotion of good governance in Somalia.. 51
Table 4. 3: Effect of Capacity building on promotion of good governance in Somalia ..............54
Table 4. 4: Effect of Peace and Security on promotion of good governance in Somalia ............57

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LIST OF ACRONYMS
AMISOM African Mission in Somalia
AU African Union
EU European Union
EUCAP European Union Capacity
EUTM The training Mission of the Somali Army
FGM Female Genital Mutilation
FMS Federal Member States
GBV Gender Based Violence
HRW Human Rights Watch
ICU Islamic Courts Union
IED Improvised Explosive device
IGAD Intergovernmental Authority on Development
ISIL Islamic State of Iraq& Levant
NGO‘s Non-Governmental Organizations
SFG Somali Federal Government
SNA Somali National Army
SNPC Somali National Peace-Conference
TFG Transitional Federal Government
UK United Kingdom
UN United Nations
UNDP United Nations Development Program
USA United States of America
VOA Voice of America

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ABSTRACT
The study was carried out the role of international community in promoting good governance
in Somalia. The study was guided by research objectives were evaluating Somalia‘s political
achievements, based on this study objectives: on peace and reconciliation in promotion of good
governance in Somalia, on capacity building in promotion of good governance in Somalia, on
peace and security in promotion of good governance in Somalia. The study consisted of a
population of 179 from which a sample size of 124 respondents were selected four different areas
and a descriptive research design was used to collect data from 124 respondents self-
administered questionnaires(SAQ) as the main data collection instrument and also interview.
The data analyzed SPSS to test the effect between variables, The findings of this study were;
peace and reconciliation standard considerably on promoting, the findings revealed that there is
a significant effect capacity building on promotion of good governance in Somalia, the findings
of this study clarified there is a positive impact the effect of peace and security on promotion of
good governance in Somalia. The study was based on a liberal Theory by John Locke the father
of liberal theory it focused on self-governed, cooperation and freedom. The researcher concluded
that; role of international community in promotion good governance in Somalia, if used to
improve peace and reconciliation among Somalia people through dialogue to solve Somali‘s
problems that long time suffered and civil strife clan based conflict to contributed capacity
building that customized, competency-based training that can brings solutions institutional
building and strengthening, social and state peace building similarly good governance: political
participation, rule of law, transparency, accountability and responsiveness, also international
community has major role peace and security in Somalia is vital position according to
respondents and other documentaries. Recommendations based on findings were, the researcher
recommended the federal government of Somalia must Start grass root reconciliation and
disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of former combatants, to ensure peace and
security processes. The study contributed to knowledge by signifying that it is the actuality that
covered both the content and geographical gap of role of international community in promotion
good governance in Somalia. Consequence that can be accredited to this study is at the moment
obvious the role international of international community is somehow absence from good
governance in Somalia little was done through to promote good governance in Somalia but it‘s
not enough.

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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.0 Introduction
This chapter contains background of the study, historical perspective, theoretical perspective and
conceptual perspective, contextual perspective, statement problem, the purpose of study,
objectives of the study, research questions, and hypotheses, scope of the study, significance of
the study and operational definition of key terms.
1.1 Background to the study
The background was studied in four perspectives namely; historical perspective, theoretical
perspective, conceptual perspective and contextual perspective.
1.1.1 Historical perspective
Over the last two decades, the international community has increasingly become so
interconnected and interdependent due to the rapid progress in technology and the development
of economic integration processes (Adongo and Christopher, 2015). The recent economic crisis
has revealed the weaknesses and shortages of cooperation in the global economy and only the
diplomatic consensus has led to the adoption of urgent solutions. But as the global economy
seems to be out of recession, at least in certain parts of the world, states have begun to focus on
fiscal and social policies in order to overcome the continuing effects of the crisis, and the desire
to improve cooperation relationships and global economic governance seems to be in decline.
With the establishment of the United Nations (UN) in 1945 a new reality for the international
community came into being that had never existed before .It eradicated colonialism and brought
a large number of newly independent states to join the UN, established in 1945 with fifty-one
original members, now stands at 194 (Allen &Santomero, 2017).

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In Africa, the international community has paid a very high price for satisfying itself with the
financial and macroeconomic risks as advertised, but the economic risks seem to multiply every
day waiting for proactive answers (Andersen &Terp, 2016). But how can global governance be
redesigned in terms of architecture without taking into account the critical role of international
organizations? When states especially in Africa were dominant actors on the international stage
and major policy decisions were taken by only a few of them, the progresses in international
cooperation tended to be quantified through creating new institutions and intergovernmental
organizations. But the current problems for example in Nigeria and Egypt show that efforts to
strengthen international cooperation should focus on creating new institutions and international
rules, to modernizing the existing for a greater integration of governmental framework in policy
decisions (Atkins et al., 2016).
In Somalia, the recent problems that international system have been faced led to the need in
addressing the dilemma related to international agreements and institutions, whether they are
viable and meet the needs of the 21st century (Beasley &Frigo, 2014).Researchers say that we
have been facing a real paradox in the approach to this new paradigm of global economic
governance: the more seriously we take the concept of global economic governance, the more
all its substance runs away and begins to contradict the general knowledge (Smouts, 2002).
External influences, at the regional and global levels, are playing pivotal roles in Somalia, both
in positive and negative ways (Beasley &Frigo, 2014). And while many Somalis, increasingly
believe that left to their own devices, the political/tribal conflict in the country have better chance
of been settled, this is unlikely scenario, and not necessarily desirable in the case of the
humanitarian relief involvements. The involvements of regional states, global powers, and non-
state actors are undeniable reality today and will most likely continue to be major actors in the
near future and until Somalis regain control of their destiny and are able to manage their own
affairs. How these influences and involvements are managed or applied will have critical
ramifications, may determine any final resolution or lack of it, and could have lingering long-
term implications for Somalia's territorial and political future. According to Somali‘s people they
believe international community is a party those who spoiling the country, in Somalia
international community they called Sixth Community because of Somali‘s political structure
based on or share five clan that is why they said international community sixth community,

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mostly Somali‘s people believe international community they are not honest governance in
Somalia wreath heel (Berger&Udell, 2015).
1.1.2 Theoretical perspective
The study was based on liberal Theory propagated by Hampton (1993). Liberals believe that
international institutions play a key role in cooperation among states. With the correct
international institutions, and increasing interdependence (including economic and cultural
exchanges of states have the opportunity to reduce conflict and increase Interdependence among
states liberals focused on interdependence and interdependence forms main mechanisms among
States interaction in various ways, these are: economic cooperation, peace security, capacity
building and promoting good governance, cultural, transports, communications, social
interaction and those things are what brings regional and world globalization; security tends to
not be the primary goal in state-to-state interactions; and military forces are not typically used
(Bessis, 2010).The liberal theory was initiated by John Locke (August 29, 1632- October 28,
1704), John Locke FRS was an English philosopher and physician, widely regarded as one of
the most influential of Enlightenment thinkers and commonly known as the "Father of
Liberalism".
Liberals also argue that international diplomacy can be a very effective way to get states to
interact with each other honestly and support nonviolent solutions to problems. With the proper
institutions and diplomacy, Liberals believe that states can work together to maximize prosperity
and minimize conflict, Liberal theory is one of the main schools of international relations theory.
Liberalism comes from the Latin liber meaning "free", referred originally to the philosophy of
freedom. Its roots lie in the broader liberal thought originating in the Enlightenment. The
central issues that it seeks to address are the problems of achieving lasting peace and security
cooperation in international relations, and the various methods that could contribute to their
achievement that promoting good governance (DeLoach, 2010).
1.1.3 Conceptual perspective
The concept of international community implies the ability of states to hold common values and
standards of conduct as well as some capacity to act in the international arena in collective

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manners for collective goals. Although the term is widely used by scholars, practitioners, and
international political leaders, most usages of it take its existence for granted. Only few have
sought to explore the international community as a subject in its own right, let alone define it,
identify its members, and characterize its ways of actions and sources of legitimacy and studies
international community emerged after second world after created united nations and other sub
Diaries agencies (Gates, 2016).International community means broad people and governments
of the world also international community creates instruments and mechanism that can tackle
world challenges and creates opportunities.
Promoting Good governance as expressed or the role such factors as reliability, predictability,
political Participation, Rule of Law Transparency, Accountability and Responsiveness also
promoting good governance is important for economic, political, social development, good
governance contributes public management reforms key factor in improving capacities building
and governmental sectors (Greuning & Bratanovic, 2013). Promoting good governance is subject
or term that describes how public institutions conduct public affairs and manages public
resources in the preferred way also the concept of good governance then emerges as a model to
compare ineffective economies, political bodies and social development.
1.1.4Contextual perspective
The support of the international community to the Somalia's besieged transitional government is
critical in order for the latter to get handle of the security situation in Somalia specially focus on
South Somalia were terrorists Al-Shabaab and ISIS groups actively operated
(Greuning&Bratanovic, 2013). The international community should continue its support by
fulfilling the military, peace and security, Capacity building and promoting good governance in
Somalia commitments already made. This is not because Somalia federal government is effective
or even legitimate but any sort of resemblance of order, with the potential of moving the cause
of stabilizing Southern Somalia forward, is preferable to the current situation. While the TFG
has so far being a major disappoint, it has being in office for merely a year and should be given
more time to find its footing. A significant element of this support has to do with turning the tide
of the violent extremist groups, like Al-Shabaab, whose rule of Somalia not only spells a certain
doom for the future of Somalia, but also posts significant and eminent dangers to the region and

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to the world (Herman & Head, 2011).
And to facilitate a lasting political settlement, the international community should help keep
neighboring countries, Ethiopia in particular, out of Somalia. Political or military involvements
of these countries will always spell disaster regardless of however well intentioned (Herman &
Head, 2011). The majority of Somalis have a visceral reaction, are suspicious and fearful o

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any involvement or intervention in their country by Ethiopia due to the historical enmity
between the two countries. While recently the UN Security Council appropriately imposed a
sanction on Eritrea for its support to the extremist groups opposing the Somali federal
government (SFG), Ethiopia has continued to have a free hand in meddling in Somali‘s affairs,
including occasional military incursions, without the slightest disapproval from the UN or the
major world powers. This undermines even further an already weak SFG regime, whose primary
domestic support was built on its opposition to the Ethiopias occupation of 2006. It also erodes
whatever trust the Somali public has in the international community which, in turn, translates a
net gain for Al-Shabaab, whose two main selling points are misuse of Islam and appeal to
Somali nationalism (Greuning&Bratanovic, 2013).The Somali Federal Government (SFG) is
neither the creation of nor the choosing of Somalis (Greuning&Bratanovic, 2013). It was
essentially handed to us, and though its structure and form are not desirable or tenable in the
long run, it is a structure that can be of use at this time of crisis. The international community
has responsibility to see to it that it does not devolve into a dictatorial, totalitarian or autocratic
religious regime as it gathers strength and gains control with the backing of the international
community - which brings me to my next point .Regardless of how difficult and agonizing the
road maybe, Somalia's final political goal and destination must be a democratic society at peace
with itself and with the rest of the world (Herman & Head, 2011). In her article, Flaminia Vola
proposes a deeper examination on the role of Islam and the need for it to be part of national
conversation. Islam has always being and will continue to be an integral part of Somali life.
What is unfortunately missing, and is not part of the conversation, is democracy, the rule of law
and individual freedom, the basic blocks of a free society (Greuning&Bratanovic, 2013). While
the absence of these critical elements of our future maybe understandable because the severity
of the prevailing conditions tend to obscure them, their importance for a stable Somalia cannot
and shouldn‘t be underestimated. It would be truly a tragedy if, after two decades of destructive
civil war and statelessness, we settle on dictatorship or religious autocracy in the quest for a
quick resolution to the current conflict. Assisting grassroots efforts to establish and strengthen
local institutions at the district level will help lay the groundwork for such a social development

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1.2. Statement of the problem
Somalia good governance facing difficulties challenges, also shows signs of hopes of promoting good
governance, the mostly peace and security threats from al-Shabab terrorists groups is estimated to number
between 2,000 and 3,000 active fighters, it controls vast segments of Somalia districts in southern Somalia
and is present throughout, including in Mogadishu where it regularly conducts attacks as well as collects
taxes. While clan rivalries have divided other groups, al-Shabab manages to raise above clan politics.
Although the African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM) formally has about 22,000 forces in Somalia,
Felbab-Brown explained that it’s not clear how troops are actually deployed. She also pointed to AMISOM’s
inability to hold territories nominally cleared of al-Shabab and its minimal interaction with local populations.
Similarly, the Somali National Army (SNA) remains critically weak, Felbab-Brown explained, even though
the international community funds it with some $240 million per year. Among 29,000 Somalia National
Army (SNA) troops, According to international community provide support towards good governance in
Somalia there are signs of hope in Somalia, also presented a number of troubling indicators. (Houpt &
Embersit 2011).
Freedom House gives Somalia the worst possible score on civil and political rights, for instance. In this area,
“Somalia are still very far from indicators good governance, and the score has not changed since collapse
Somali government 1991“though a little peace and reconciliation” international community played major
role in promoting good governance more than three decades in terms peace and reconciliations and
organized more than seven teen peace processes, peace and security contributed more than 22,000
peacekeeping troops from African union those get supports from United nations, United States and
European Union also international community provide Capacity building training both civil and military,
women in parliament Somalia, civil societies and civil servants, however international community paid
those efforts still there are absence good governance philosophies a lack of transparency and accountability
that brought among Somali societies distrust, Corruption is rife in every sector and at every level. It’s a
societal problem. Nothing will get done without nepotism or tribalism and bribery (Froot, K. A.2014).
Rule of law is very fragile in Somalia there is no fair legal frameworks that are enforced by an impartial
regulatory body, the full protection of stakeholders to promote good governance, responsiveness is one of
principles of good governance and Somalia is a weak responsive organizations and their processes designed
to serve the best interests of participants within reasonable timeframe also Somalia governance there is no
fair political participation, equity and inclusiveness the small groups and individuals gain political and
resources opportunities were other stakeholders just eye witnesses and Somali political situation is not easy
every citizen desire by both men and women because of clan based politics, huge bribery and finally the

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lack of consensus oriented Somalis political leaders and bureaucracy requires consultation to understand the
different interests of stakeholders in order to reach a broad consensus of what is in the best common interests
of the entire nation state, instead of small groups and individual concern to achieved in a sustainable and
prudent manner (HRW. (2018).
1.3. General objectives ofthe Study
The purpose of the study was to determine the role of international community
towards promotion of good governance in Somalia
1.3.1. Specific objectives
i. To examine the effect of Peace and reconciliation on promotion of good
governance in Somalia
ii. To determine the effect of capacity building on promotion of good
governance in Somalia
iii. To establish the effect of peace and security on promotion of good governance
in Somalia
1.2. Research Questions
i. What is the effect of Peace and reconciliation in promotion of good governance in Somalia?
ii. What is the effect of capacity building in promotion of good governance in Somalia?
iii. What is the effect of peace and security in promotion of good governance in Somalia?
1.3 Research Hypotheses
There was a strong and positive significant relationship between international community
and good governance in Somalia.
1.7. Scope of the study
1.7.1. Geographical Scope

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The study was carried out in Mogadishu. Mogadishu is the capital city of Somalia locally known as
Xamar or Hamar, is the capital and most populous city of Somalia. Located in the coastal Banadir region
on the Indian Ocean, the city has served as an important port for millennia. As of 2017, it had a population
of 2,425,000 residents. Tradition and old records assert that southern Somalia, including the
Mogadishu area, was historically inhabited by hunter-gatherers. These were later joined by Cushitic-
speaking agro-pastoralists, who would go on to establish local aristocracies. During its medieval Golden
Age, Mogadishu was ruled by the Muzaffar dynasty, a vassal of the Ajuran Sultanate. It subsequently
fell under the control of an assortment of local Sultanates and polities, most notably the Sultanate of the
Geledi. The city later became the capital of Italian Somaliland (1889–1936) in the colonial period.
After the Somali Republic became independent in 1960, Mogadishu became known and promoted as the
White Pearl of the Indian Ocean. After the ousting of the Siad Barre regime in 1991 and the ensuing
Somali Civil War, various militias fought for control of the city, later to be replaced by the Islamic Courts
Union in the mid-2000s. The ICU thereafter splintered into more radical groups, notably al-Shabaab,
which fought the Transitional Federal Government (2004–2012) and its African Union Mission to
Somalia allies. With a change in administration in late 2010, government troops and their military
partners had succeeded in forcing out Al-Shabaab by August 2011. Mogadishu has subsequently
experienced a period of intense reconstruction. As Somalia's capital city, many important national
institutions are based in Mogadishu. It is the seat of the Federal Government of Somalia established in
August 2012, with the Somalia Federal Parliament serving as the government's legislative branch. Also
Mogadishu is the head quarter Somali federal government and international community main offices
specially United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) European Union (EU) and Ministry of
foreign affairs and international cooperation of Somali federal government those above three institutions
are where will be the researcher‘s unit of Analysis or were researcher will focus on research respondents
from because those three institutions named are those who are well affiliated for promoting good
governance in Somalia.
1.7.2. Content Scope
The study focused on the effect of reconciliation on promotion of good governance in Somalia, effect of
capacity building on promotion of good governance in Somalia and effect of peace and security on
promotion of good governance in Somalia

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1.7.3. Time Scope
The study was conducted in a period of 1 year; from 2018- 2019. It considered reviewing literature till
2007 the staring peacekeeping Amisom .
1.8. Significance of the study
The study will benefit International community, Government of Somalia, diplomats and international
delegates, independent think tankers, journalist, students and other readers those interested international
relations and diplomatic studies and academicians etc.
This study will also consider the changing paradigm shifts relevant to the promoting good governance in
Somalia. It will be allowed the government to provide an indicators of how the international community
landscape looks like in Somalia‘s promoting good governance since.
1.9. Operational Definition of Key terms
The international community is a phrase used in geopolitics and international relations to refer to a broad
group of people and governments of the world. It does not refer literally to all Nations or states in the world
(Greuning & Bratanovic, 2013). The term is typically used to imply the existence of a common point of
view towards such matters as specific issues focused for international community:
Reconciliation is the long -term process by which the parties to a violent dispute build trust, learn to live
cooperatively, and create a stable peace (Greuning&Bratanovic, 2013). Reconciliation it can happen at the
many levels: individual level, the community level and the national level.
Capacity building is the process by which by which individuals and organizations obtain, improve, and
retain the skills, knowledge, tools, equipment and other resources needed to do their jobs competently or
to a greater capacity (Atkins, D. D. (2016).
Peace and Security the United Nations came into being in 1945, following the devastation of the second
world war, with one central mission: The maintenance of international peace and security. The UN does
this by working to prevent conflict; helping parties in conflict make peace; peacekeeping and creating the
conditions to allow peace to hold and flourish.

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Good governance is perceived as a normative principle of administrative law, which obliges the State to
perform its functions in a manner that promotes the values of efficiency, no corruptibility, and
responsiveness to civil society. It is therefore a principle that is largely associated with statecraft.
Participation by both men and women is a key cornerstone of good governance. Participation could be
either direct or through legitimate intermediate institutions or representatives (Herman & Head, 2011). It
is important to point out that representative democracy does not necessarily mean that the concerns of the
most vulnerable in society would be taken into consideration in decision making.
Rule of law
Good governance requires fair legal frameworks that are enforced impartially. It also requires full
protection of human rights, particularly those of minorities. Impartial enforcement of laws requires an
independent judiciary and an impartial and incorruptible police force (Adongo, J. a. 2015).
Transparency
Transparency means that decisions taken and their enforcement are done in a manner that follows rules
and regulations. It also means that information is freely available and directly accessible to those who
will be affected by such decisions and their enforcement (Houpt&Embersit 2011). It also means that
enough information is provided and that it is provided in easily understandable forms and media.
Accountability
Accountability is a key requirement of good governance. Not only governmental institutions but
also the private sector and civil society organizations must be accountable to the public and to their
institutional stakeholders. Who is accountable to whom varies depending on whether decisions or
actions taken are internal or external to an organization or institution.
Responsiveness
Good governance requires that institutions and processes try to serve all stakeholders within a reasonable
timeframe. (Berger, A. N. (2015).

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Political dialogue is to identify and redress existing forms of injustice, participants in the dialogue must
be able to appeal to the concept of objectivity in order to exchange claims, attitudes, and background beliefs
which distort or conceal various forms of injustice. The conceptions of objectivity traditionally employed
in liberal democratic political philosophy are not well-suited to play this role because they are insufficiently
sensitive to the social and ideological pluralism of modern societies. Some liberal political philosophers
have recently offered more context-sensitive and pluralistic conceptions of objectivity, requiring
participants in political dialogue to frame their demands for justice in terms of a conception of justice
acceptable to all participants in the dialogue(Emblemsvåg, J. &. (2012).
Peace building and state building programs; peace building is an activity that aims to resolve injustice in
nonviolent ways and to transform the cultural& structural conditions that generate deadly destructive conflict
(Anderson, 2015).
State building programs; the state building refers to political and historical processes of creation,
institutional consolidation; in Somali state building programmes consists of two main and interconnected
programmes –pillars of peace and democratization with the objective to build social cohesion, the pillars of
state building programmes established Somalia 2009(interpaece July 5, 2019).

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CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.0 Introduction
This chapter presents the literature from different scholars and authors in accordance to the
objectives of the study. This is sub-divided into three sections, that is; theoretical review,
conceptual framework and review of related literature.
2.1 Theoretical Review
The study was based on liberal Theory. Liberals believe that international institutions play a key
role in cooperation among states. With the correct international institutions, and increasing
interdependence (including economic and cultural exchanges) states have the opportunity to
reduce conflict. Interdependence has three main components like States interact in various ways,
through economic, financial, and cultural means; security tends to not be the primary goal in
state-to-state interactions; and military forces are not typically used (Houpt&Embersit 2011).
The liberal theory was initiated by John Locke (August 29, 1632- October 28, 1704), John Locke FRS was an English
philosopher and physician, widely regarded as one of the most influential of Enlightenment thinkers and commonly known
as the "Father of Liberalism".
Liberals also argue that international diplomacy can be a very effective way to get states to interact with
each other honestly and support nonviolent solutions to problems (Husseien et al., 2010). With the proper
institutions and diplomacy, Liberals believe that states can work together to maximize prosperity and
minimize conflict like that liberal theory is a consent self-governed and equity before the law, freedom and
justice, rule of law and responsiveness and those are all included good governance principles. Liberalism is
one of the main schools of international relations theory. Liberalism comes from the Latin liber meaning
"free", referred originally to the philosophy of freedom. Its roots lie in the broader liberal thought originating
in the Enlightenment. The central issues that it seeks to address are the problems of achieving lasting peace
and cooperation in international relations, and the various methods that could contribute to their
achievement (Kalyango, 2015).

26
2.2 Conceptual framework
Sources: Researcher, 2018
The conceptual framework above indicates that the independent variable was international
Community which entails the Contributions of international community, in terms peace and
reconciliation, capacity building and peace and security towards promoting good governance in
Somalia and the dependent variable was promoting good governance which focuses on;
transparency, accountability, responsiveness and professionalism.
Dependent variable
International Community
 Peace and Reconciliation
 Capacity building
 Peace and security
Good Governance
 Participation
 Rule of Law
 Transparency
 Accountability
 Responsiveness
Independent variable
- Political dialogue
- Peace building and state
building programs

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2.2 Review of Related Literature
2.2.1 The effect of peace and reconciliation on promotion of good governance in Somalia
The reconciliation in Somalia has passed many phases and process and here are its stages:
1991 First reconciliation Attempts was during the Somali civil war, a "Manifesto" was produced
and supported by many of the rebel leaders. From this "Manifesto," a rebel government was
formed in January 1991. Because the "Manifesto" was mostly supported by the United Somali
Congress, this governmental movement became known as "USC 1991." However, since not all
rebel leaders were signatories, and because many other factions did not wish to submit to the
USC's leadership, the "Manifesto" or "USC 1991" government failed to be recognized as
legitimate by all parties and was not recognized by the international community. The first attempt
at Somali national reconciliation was conference was held in Djibouti, between 5–11 June 1991
(Djibouti I). Four factions participated. A second conference (Djibouti II) was held in Djibouti
in July 1991, but neither produced significant results, Hirad, Abdalla Ahmed (2009-02-09).
1992-1995 UN Missions to Somalia
In late 1992, UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali proposed an expansion of the UN humanitarian
mission to Somalia to include nation building activities, including the disarming of the warring militias of
the country. However, in a Time Magazine article from December 28, 2002, US Special Envoy Robert B.
Oakley, said three things were important to a Somali man: "his camel, his wife and his weapon. The right
to bear arms is in their soul." As Oakley astutely observed, the UN missions to Somalia would not result in
the disarmament of the many factions of the Somali Civil War. Too many warlords, as well as too many
common Somalis, wished to keep their weapons, and to keep their feuds alive. In 1995, the last of the UN
peacekeepers were pulled out of Somalia. UN Security Council intervention in Somalia's Civil War went
back to Resolution 733, an arms control provision which established a weapons embargo on the country.
The list of UN missions to Somalia, and their US operations names, is as follows:
Table 1: UN missions to Somalia, and their US operations names

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UN Mission US Operation Start Date End Date UNSC Resolution
UNOSOM I Operation Provide Relief April 1992 March 1993 751
UNITAF Operation Restore Hope December 1992 May 4, 1993 794
UNOSOM II Operation Continue Hope March, 1993 March 1995 814
Source: UN Report, 2002
1993 the Conference on National Reconciliation
In early 1993, concurrent with the UNOSOM I humanitarian mission, fifteen of the warring
parties of the Somali Civil War signed two agreements for national reconciliation and
disarmament: an agreement to hold an Informal Preparatory Meeting on National Reconciliation,
followed by the 1993 Addis Ababa Agreement made at the Conference on Peace and National
Reconciliation in Somalia. Fighting continued, and the agreement later fell apart.
1997 National Salvation Council
Organized by IGAD, and held in Sodere, Ethiopia, but boycotted by Hussein Aidid's faction as
well as the newly-declared government of Somaliland. A similar conference in Sana'a, Yemen,
did not include all the parties of the conflict, and was rejected by those not attending.
1997 Cairo reconciliation Conference / Cairo Declaration
Hussein Aidid and representatives from 25 clans attended a peace conference in Cairo, in
December 1997. While the UN Security Council lauded the efforts, which included decisions to
adopt "a federal system with regional autonomy and agreement to form a transitional government
of national unity," it still left the country without a national leader, many of the non-attendees
balking at the results, and none of the Somali factions agreeing to disarm. Hussein Aidid and Ali
Mahdi were considered opposed to the proposed settlements.
1998 Baidoa Conference
The conference was postponed indefinitely and then cancelled after continuous fighting in the

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city throughout the early part of the year made it impossible to ensure security. Cholera had also
broken out in Baidoa around that time. By June, Osman Hassan Ali "Ato" declared the Cairo
peace process "dead."
2000 Somalia National Reconciliation Conference
Officially dubbed the Somalia National reconciliation Conference (SNRC), and sometimes
called the Djibouti conference, this was a series of meetings held in Arta, Djibouti, on April 20
- May 5, 2000. The conference was aimed at bringing together representatives of the warring
factions of Somalia to end the civil war that had claimed over 300,000 lives. The name
Transitional National Government (TNG) was selected for the movement at this time.
Annex II of the program for the Conference dealt with cease-fire, disarmament and security. It
emphasized:
The desire of the Somali people for peace and security through disarmament is unambiguous.
This call is heard repeated throughout the country from all segments of the Somali society, who
have consistently demand an end to violence. Unless this is realized, the entire process of peace
and reconciliation, rehabilitation and reconstruction would be jeopardized, if not stillborn. One
of the first responsibilities of Somalia's new transitional government have to insist on an
immediate and comprehensive cease-fire, together with binding, complete and simultaneous
disarmament of all militias throughout the country consistent with the agreements they signed
from 1991 to 1997, but never implemented.
It took another six years before the transitional government was in a position to implement such
a cease-fire and disarmament.
2001 National Commission for Reconciliation and Property Settlement
On May 6, 2001, an effort to create a 25-member working body, dubbed the National
Commission for Reconciliation and Property Settlement (NCRPS), was damaged when
Abdirizak Haji Hussein, former Prime Minister, was named as its head. The Somalia

30
Reconciliation and Restoration Council (SRRC) and Puntland leadership objected strongly.
Hussein later resigned on July 25, 2001.
2002 Somali Peace and Reconciliation Conference
Held in Eldoret, Kenya, this conference was attended by most Transitional federal government
(TFG) supporters. However, at the time, the Rahanweyn Resistance Army (RRA) was still hotly
contending with other factions, including warlord Adan Madobe and Habsade, who captured
Baidoa. The RRA accused the Juba Valley Alliance of assisting the warlord, an accusation
denied by the Juba Valley Alliance (JVA) leader Barre Adan Shire Hiiraale.
2004 Nairobi Reconciliation Conference
In January, 2004 a productive conference was held in Nairobi, Kenya, at which the Transitional
Federal Government was agreed to. A document was signed by the major factions, entitled,
Declaration on the Harmonization of Various Issues Proposed by the Somali Delegates at the
Somali Consultative Meetings from 9–29 January 2004. From this, the Transitional Federal
Institutions were agreed to, including elections. However, none of the parties yet had disarmed.
2004 Presidential Elections
On 10 October (2004), the President of ―the former Puntland regional president ", Abdullahi
Yusuf Ahmed, was elected President of the Somali Transitional Federal Government (TFG) with
189 votes. The runner up, Mr. Abdullahi Ahmed Addow received 79 votes. Before voting, the
25 Presidential candidates swore on the Koran and signed a declaration, pledging to support the
elected president and demobilize their militia. The avowed demobilizations never occurred
―now the peace and reconciliation Somalia have been assembled to share their knowledge and
their expertise and to figure out how collectively that experience can be geared to the
extraordinary challenge Somalia faces,‖ the former Secretary-Generals‘ Special Representative
for Somalia, Michael Keating, said in remarks at the opening of the so-called Conference on
Peace and Reconciliation in Somalia. ‘The first of its kind in the country, the gathering seeks to

31
generate a body of research that will enhance efforts at conflict prevention and reconciliation,
which are widely considered to be prerequisites for lasting stability in Somalia. The event is co-
hosted by the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), the Government of European Union (EU),
UNDP and the UN Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM). December 13-15 2018(Voice of
America Reported).
2.2.2 The effect of Capacity Building in promoting governance in Somalia
Possibilities for external and regional actors to influence internal Somali decision-making
processes and actions are constrained. In addition to the AU, the most influential external factors
include the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the sub-organizations of the
United Nations, the European Union (EU) and Turkey (Gates, 2016). Besides private security
companies, the approximately 22,000 AMISOM soldiers from Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia,
Djibouti and Burundi, with funding above all from the EU and the USA, are of importance in
terms of military policy. Their mandate was extended until March 2016 a few days ago. Within
the EU, the former colonial powers of Britain and Italy and especially Sweden, where there is an
influential Somali diaspora, have made commitments. Recently China and Iran have stated that
they intend to devote more attention to Somalia in the future as well (Kalyango, 2015).
In retrospect, the experience of the international community in Somalia underscores that attempts
to stabilize fragile states primarily by promoting training and funding of government security
forces runs up against limits pretty quickly (Bessis, 2010). Claiming to have trained more than
1,800 Somali soldiers since 2011, the training mission of the Somali Army (EUTM Somalia)
that is receiving support from the EU in cooperation with AMISOM has a patchy record. First
of all, there has been and still is a high rate of desertion, however disinclined officials are to
admit such. Several hundred Somalis trained by Ethiopian troops have in the meantime changed
sides, lured by more handsome Al-Shabaab rewards for their service (Kalyango, 2015).
Secondly, the Somali National Army (SNA) is a loose amalgamation of local militia without any
accountable command and control structure. Nor do irregular payment of salaries (or no payment
at all), the illicit sale of government weapons at the Bakara market in Mogadishu and serious
human rights violations by AMISOM and government troops, in

32
Which the international law of war is violated with impunity, help matters much (Greuning &
Bratanovic, 2013).
The Ethiopian perspective is also dominated by aversion to difficult-to-calculate risks – ethnic
Somalis account for a majority of the population in some southeast regions. This is the main
factor accounting for recent dissertations to establish a military buffer zone along the Ethiopian
Somali border. By the same token, Addis Ababa can count on the support of the Djibouti
government, who‘s President, Omar Guelleh, recently inaugurated in Mogadishu. Regional
economic interests furthermore play a major role here. Expansion of the port and airport in
Berbera, located in Somaliland, could from the Ethiopian perspective help lessen its one-sided
dependence on Djibouti‘s expensive port. In general, it is difficult to avoid the impression that
Ethiopia, if offered the alternative, would prefer independence for Somaliland
– Alongside Great Britain (Kalyango, 2015). According to EU report 21/08/2013 said EU has
given Somali federal government and people of Somalia a lot of capacity building like inclusive
politics, security, economic recovery, education and humanitarian:
Inclusive politics: the EU plays a significant role in supporting Somalia‘s efforts to become a
peaceful, stable and democratic country and to take progressive ownership over its own national
security. In 2020, Somalia aims at holding a multi-party universal election and deliver legislation
that will pave the way to holding a historic one-person-one-vote election. It does so, for instance
by political parties registration and protecting inclusivity, particularly in terms of ensuring equal
participation and representation of women, youth, minorities and disadvantage groups in
decision-making.
Security: through the three EU security and defense missions based in Somalia: European Union
Training Mission in Somalia (EUTM), EU Operation ATALANTA, and European Union
Capacity (EUCAP) Somalia, the EU is contributing to capacity building within the local security
sector by providing training, advising, mentoring, as well as deterring and repressing acts of
piracy. Also, the EU is an important partner of the African Union Mission in Somalia
(AMISOM), which has enabled Somalia‘s peacebuilding and state-building with the focus on
respect of human rights, protection of civilians, with particular attention to the rights of women
as well as the protection of children, and prevention and countering of violent extremism.

33
Economic recovery: the EU helps Somalia develop a strong and sustainable economy through
new policies and reforms, for instance the public sector reform as well as supporting a
competitive private sector. There is a focus on improving livelihoods, generating employment,
and encouraging inclusive growth. Special attention is paid to improving economic opportunities
for women and young people, ensuring they have greater access to profitable, income-generating
activities. Education is an extremely important component: education for children and youth is
an investment in the future of the country; it also empowers Somali youth socially, economically
and politically.
Recovery and humanitarian assistance: Droughts, floods, disease, and conflict have a great effect
on Somalia and its people. There are around 5.4 million people in Somalia in need of
humanitarian assistance, including 2.5 million who need immediate assistance to meet their basic
daily food needs. There are also 2.6 million people internally displaced and in need of various
forms of assistance and protection. Since 1994, the EU has supported humanitarian aid
operations in this country, which has been struggling with internal conflict and natural disasters
for decades. Only in 2017, the EU mobilized 119 million euro for the draught response, which
allowed providing life-saving aid to Somalis in the regions hardest hit by the water and food
shortages, as well as disease outbreaks.
Also United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has major contributions for promoting
good governance in Somalia The promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of women
is central to the mandate of UNDP Somalia and intrinsic to our development approach. This
includes advocating for women‘s and girls‘ equal rights, combatting discriminatory practices
and challenging the roles and stereotypes that lead to inequalities and exclusion. UNDP said we
have made good progress towards gender equality and women‘s empowerment in Somalia, but
there is still so much more to do the time is now to end sexual harassment and abuse. UNDP
addresses Gender Based Violence (GBV) in Somalia through ongoing community conversations
and inter-generational dialogues on how to prevent GBV, supporting advocacy for legislative
reforms and striving for abandonment of harmful practices.
The time is now to end violence against women. Approximately 98% of women in Somalia
undergo Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), and it is mostly performed on girls between the Ages

34
4 to 11 years in its most severe form. UNDP continues to support the Somali Government and
people to eradicate FGM by hosting community outreach forums on how to eliminate this
harmful practice, and through legal and policy support on adoption of gender national policy,
FGM policy and Sexual Offence policy.
The Time is now to promote women‘s political participation. UNDP supported efforts to realize
a 30% quota for women in the electoral process of 2016 in Somalia. Through high level
advocacy, mass sensitization, dialogues with traditional institutions, and capacity building
support for women candidates, women achieved 24.6% of the seats in both houses of the
parliament (13/54 at the Upper House and 67/275 in the Lower house) and the new cabinet of 26
members includes 5 women in top ministries.
The time is now to close the gender employment gap. Somali women face higher levels of
unemployment than men in the formal sectors of the economy and earn less than men for work
of equal value. Female employment in the main telecommunication and financial institutions is
as low as 1%, while in the public sector it is only 4%. Women also still lack equal participation
and representation in government and the private sector.
The Time is now to ensure that rural women have equal opportunities. A 2014 UNDP socio-
economic survey estimated that 14% of households in urban areas, and 12% of households in
rural areas are headed by women, which means that women are increasingly the sole provider in
a household. Such households are often the first to suffer when natural resource access comes
under pressure, due to cultural restrictions on movement and ownership. This can be seen
especially in times of drought, when men migrate with camels to find water, while women and
children are expected to stay at home and care for the other livestock.
It is estimated that women provide more than 60% of labor in subsistence farming and such
farming is also the first to be affected by drought. As a result, 70% to 80% of internally displaced
communities are women and children. Women and children who have become displaced due to
drought also face heightened risk of sexual and gender based violence, exacerbated by
overcrowded makeshift facilities without adequate safety and security measures.

35
The time is now to celebrate activists working on women‘s equality and rights.
On this International Women‘s Day, we in UNDP join the global community celebrating and
honoring the work of Somali women activists in the best way possible: by redoubling our efforts
to build a world free of discrimination and exclusion and make it possible for all women and
men to live lives of dignity and opportunity.
The 17 Sustainable Development Goals of the 2030 Agenda which range from ending poverty,
to boosting equitable growth and achieving quality education for all are strongly interconnected,
and gender equality is pivotal to achieving all of them. That means that all of us have a role to
play in supporting women‘s empowerment, at home and in our communities like that UNDP
does not only gives capacity building for women but also it is multiple areas like peace and state
building, youth, education and health, construction and consulting government officers to
promote good governance in Somalia, report of United Nations Development Programme
women‘s Day 8 of March 2018.
2.2.3 The effect of Peace and Security promotion in good governance in Somalia
―Peace and security in Somalia had passed long process and still is ongoing‖
Peace: ―The state of Somalia was born in 1960, when British Somaliland and what had
formerly been Italian Somaliland united and declared independence. ―In 1969, a coup headed by
Mohamed SIAD Barre ushered in an authoritarian socialist rule characterized by the persecution,
jailing, and torture of political opponents and dissidents‖ (ACAPS, 2018).
―Armed opposition groups overthrew Barre‘s regime in 1991, and Somalia descended into civil
war and anarchy.‖ (ACCORD, 2018)―The ousting of Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991 sparks a
decades-long civil war between rival clan warlords and the collapse of central authority. Former
British Somaliland declares unilateral independence. ―Somalia lacks a unified central
government. Somaliland, in the north, declared independence from Somalia shortly after the civil
war broke out in 1991, although it has not been recognized by any foreign governments.
Puntland, in Somalia‘s northeast, declared itself an autonomous state in 1998.

36
Unlike Somaliland, Puntland does not seek independence.‖ (ACCORD, 2018).In 2000, the
Somalia National Peace Conference (SNPC) held in Djibouti resulted in the formation of an
interim government, known as the Transitional National Government (TNG). When the TNG
failed to establish adequate security or governing institutions, the Government of Kenya, under
the auspices of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), led a subsequent
peace process that concluded in October 2004 with the election of former president Abdullahi
Yusuf Ahmed as President of a second interim government, known as the Transitional Federal
Government (TFG) of the Somali Republic. The TFG included a 275-member parliamentary
body, known as the Transitional Federal Parliament (TFP).‖ (CIA, 22 March 2016)―In 2004, [the
TNG] was replaced by the Transitional Federal Government, which initially ruled from Kenya
until it moved to Baidoa in 2007. In July 2006, the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), a group of Sharia
courts, defeated the US-backed and secular Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter-
Terrorism. The ICU took control of Mogadishu and large parts of the southern region.‖ (Peace
Direct, January 2014). ―In 2006, the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) took control of much of central
and southern Somalia, imposing a strict interpretation of sharia law over the areas it ruled.
Ethiopian troops intervened later that year to fight ICU forces.
Also Ethiopian troops made in Mogadishu war crimes and crimes against humanity, a radical
offshoot of the Islamic courts union (ICU) those part of them transformed al-Shabab, now
affiliated with al-Qaeda, controls much of southern Somalia, although African Union troops
specially troops from Uganda government and Burundi government with Somalia National army
forces have made major victories against al-Shabaab.‖ (Al Jazeera, 9 September 2012).―The
seizure of the capital city of Somalia-Mogadishu and much of the country's south by a coalition
of Islamist shariah courts in 2006 prompted an intervention by Ethiopian, and later, African
Union, forces, - An African Union peacekeeping force, Amisom, begins to deploy and Ethiopian
troops withdraw in 2009. Al-Shabab - a jihadist breakaway from the Islamic Courts - advance
into southern and central Somalia, prompting an armed intervention by Kenya.‖ (BBC, 4
February 2016)―In 2009, the TFP amended the TFC to extend TFG's mandate until 2011 and
in 2011 Somali principals agreed to institute political transition by August 2012. The transition
process ended in September 2012 when clan elders replaced the TFP by appointing 275 members
to a new parliament who subsequently elected a new president.‖ (CIA, 22 March 2016).―A
relatively new figure in Som
al
i politics, academic and civic activist Hassan Sheikh Mohamud

37
beat the incumbent Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed in a run-off presidential vote in September
2012.

38
This was the first presidential election held on Somali soil since 1967, and held among members
of parliament elected by clan elders. In 2015, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud shelved plans to hold the
next presidential election the following as a direct popular vote, citing a lack of security and
infrastructure.‖ (BBC, 4 February 2016).―Somali lawmakers elected a new president
Wednesday, choosing a former prime minister who is a dual U.S.-Somali citizen. Mohamed
Abdullahi Mohamed, better known as ‗Farmajo,‘ was declared the winner after two rounds of
voting by the Somali parliament in Mogadishu. Farmajo won the largest share of votes in the
second round, far outdistancing incumbent leader Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and former president
Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed.‖ (VOA, 2017).―The president of Somalia has told VOA that his
government will not hold popular elections next year, due to continuing insecurity in the
country.‖ (VOA, 2015).
Here is ―Security incidents involving Al Shabaab are expected to persist in Lower and Middle
Juba, Lower and Middle Shabelle, Gedo, Bay, Bakool, Banaadir and Hiraan, causing
displacement and loss of lives. Regular improvised explosive deviceexplosions (IED) are
reported in these areas, including landmine attacks, car and suicide bombs. Al-Shabaab is the
most security threat for government of Somalia and even people of Somalia Al-Shabaab made
deadest attacks those they killed Somali citizens and African peacekeepers the biggest attacked
made terrorist Al-Shabaab was the 14 October 2017 that they killed more than 1000 and injured
Somali innocent people and also other attack made terror group last year 2018 was Sahafi Hotel
in Mogadishu At least 54 civilian deaths and more than 75 people injured from explosive
violence have been recorded since September 2018 (HRW, 2017).
Casualties are reported in clashes between officials/soldiers and Al Shabaab around the capital
Mogadishu, Hiraan region, Gedo region and other regions. Armed groups and Al Shabaab also
target Parliament members and civilians. The overall security situation remained volatile across
Somalia, including in Mogadishu, despite the operationalization of the Mogadishu stabilization
force and strengthened security measures. In August, there were a number explosions caused by
vehicle-borne improvised explosive devices, mainly in the vicinity of Makka Al-Mukarama
Road, an area frequented by Government officials, with some commercial establishments. There
was a steady flow of low-intensity armed clashes, crime and terrorism-related incidents in
September, with two large-scale attacks using vehicle-borne

39
Improvised explosive devices. Targeted assassinations continued in the city with a record
number of 12 assassinations targeting businessmen, security personnel, civil servants and
Government officials.‖ (UN Security Council, 26 December 2017, p.2)
―Periodic armed encounters between Al-Shabaab and Somali security forces occurred in
Puntland. Al-Shabaab fighters fired six mortar shells at the village of Afurur in the Galgala
mountains on 15 November near a camp of Puntland security forces. No injuries were reported
in the incident. Movement and activity by members of Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIL)
was reported in and near Boosaaso, Puntland, and responsibility for a suicide attack outside a
police station in Boosaaso on 4 October was claimed by ISIL. Reports of incoming fighters from
Yemen to areas in Puntland were also received. While the security situation remained relatively
calm in ‗Somaliland‘ during the reporting period, there was some unrest before and after the
presidential election of 13 November, mainly violent demonstrations in New Hargeysa,
Erigavo, in the disputed Sanaag region, and in Burao, in
‗Somaliland‘, by supporters of opposition parties.‖ (UN Security Council, 2017, )
―The security situation in Mogadishu remains volatile notwithstanding some improvements as
a result of initiatives taken by the Federal Government in conjunction with the Banadir Regional
Administration. Incidents on 8, 15 and 17 May involving explosive -laden vehicles killed at least
people and injured many more. On 20 June, an explosive -laden minibus detonated at the
entrance gate of the Wadajir District Commission, causing 17 deaths and 30 injuries. Al-Shabaab
claimed responsibility. On 22 June, a vehicle -borne improvised explosive device detonated in
front of a police station, followed by a secondary explosion targeting first responders, resulting
in several deaths and injuries. On 12 June and 4 July, a total of nine mortar shells targeted the
African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) bases at Mogadishu Stadium and Villa Somalia,
killing one soldier and injuring two others.‖ (UN Security Council, 2017)
―In Mogadishu, Al-Shabaab failed to disrupt the electoral process, despite conducting two
attacks there in January. On 2 January, two explosive -laden vehicles detonated near the
Mogadishu International Airport, killing 16 people and injuring 23. On 25 January, four
assailants launched a complex attack on the Daya Hotel, resulting in 38 fatalities and more than

40
50 injured. No security incidents were reported during the presidential election on 8 February,
but terrorist activities resumed the following week. On 16 February, four mortar rounds landed
near Villa Somalia at the time of the presidential handover ceremony. On 19 February, a car
bomb in a market area killed at least 34 people and injured 50. On 22 February, three mortar
rounds impacted the same area, injuring four civilians. Al-Shabaab senior leaders have expressed
hostility towards the new President and vowed to continue waging war on the Federal
Government. On 13 March, two explosive-laden vehicles detonated near the former Jazeera
Training Centre and in front of the Wehliye Hotel, killing 18 people and injuring others. Another
car bombing at a checkpoint near the National Theatre on 21 March resulted in over 10 fatalities
and more injured. In both cases, Al-Shabaab claimed responsibility. On 9 and 10 April, four
terrorist attacks in the city killed at least 12 national army soldiers and 18 civilians, injuring many
more. Al -Shabaab claimed responsibility for a car bombing on 9 April near the Ministry of
Defence, reportedly targeting the new Commander of the Army, and a suicide attack at the former
Jazeera Training Centre on 10 April.‖ (UN Security Council, 2017)
The timing of the Security Pact and the underlying National Security Architecture agreement
reflects a growing urgency around the need to have effective Somali security institutions capable
enough to provide security for the population without substantial reliance on external partners,
and in particular, capable enough gradually to take over the role currently being played by the
African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM).
First deployed to Somalia in 2007 to support the Somali government and to assist in the fight
against Al-Shabaab, AMISOM is still on the ground eleven years later, having grown from 1,600
Ugandan soldiers in Mogadishu, to 22,126 military and police personnel from nine contributing
nations spread across south and central Somalia. In 2015–16, all AMISOM contingents suffered
heavy losses from Al-Shabaab attacks on their camps (HRW, 2018). Citing reduced funding,
inadequate logistical support from international partners, and the Somali authorities‘lack of
commitment to build and sustain their own forces to take over from AMISOM, some troop
contributing countries started to express an intention to withdraw their troops as some key
international donors (e.g., the European Union) expressed an intention to lessen their funding.

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The most recent UN Security Council resolution 2372 (2017) of August 30, 2017, for the first
time ever, reduces the number of AMISOM personnel by a net total of 1,500 by October 31,
2018, welcoming a recommendation by a joint AU-UN Review for a ―gradual and phased‖
reduction and reorganization of the
Mission and paving the way for a transition of security responsibilities to Somali forces
However, the security situation in Somalia remains dire. Somali authorities and AMISOM are
still striving to maintain control of key towns around the country, and struggling to extend control
over the vast rural areas and road networks connecting towns and villages in the south and central
regions. In more than half of the country, government officials and international actors are
strictly limited to small areas in the main cities guarded by AMISOM; key ports and airports are
secured by AMISOM. Somali security institutions continue to be weak and fragmented despite
years of capacity building efforts by both Somali and international actors, and Al-Shabaab
continues to be devastatingly resilient, as evidenced by an October 2017 Mogadishu truck bomb
that killed over 500 people.
Faced with the prospect of a potential AMISOM withdrawal before the establishment of a
functional Somali security sector, and the potential erosion of the modest political and state
building achievements of the past decade, Somali authorities and international partners have
recognized the urgent necessity of dealing with the key political barriers to security sector
development in Somalia (Daily Monitoring Report, 2017). This paper will trace the outline of
these political barriers, focusing on three specific challenges of the Somali security landscape,
the way the recent National Security Architecture agreement attempts to politically unlock some
of these challenges, and the potential obstacles on the road ahead. Security institutions that are
shared, trusted, and capable are critical to peacebuilding—whether local, state or national. The
1991 civil war and the years that followed saw the full disintegration of all national institutions,
including army, police and justice. With varying degrees of effectiveness, provision of security
and justice for civilians devolved to the community level, with local militias and traditional
courts stepping in where the state had disappeared.
In line with this new reality, in February 2018 the FGS has launched the planning process for an

42
eventual transition of security responsibility from AMISOM to Somali security forces, with the
plan to emphasize the importance of identifying the right security and political conditions to
permit safe withdrawal of AMISOM contingents, and outlining how such conditions will be met
(including how security institutions will be strengthened and towns and villages stabilized prior
to transition). Consequently, rebuilding security institutions is part and parcel of rebuilding the
Somali state, and this broader project has been the principal focus of Somali political actors and
external interventions over the past two decades (Peace Direct, 2014).
Somalia formally adopted a federal system as the template to rebuild the state with the 2004
adoption of the Transitional Federal Charter. Remarkable progress has been made on state
building in the last decade, including progress on a transitional roadmap (2009–2012), the
adoption of a new provisional federal constitution (2012), the formation of four new FMS to
bring the total to five2 (2013–16), and the negotiation and implementation of two national
electoral processes (2012, 2017) (Amnesty International Report, 2017/18). However, the actual
dynamics, institutions, and processes of the federal state remain to be clarified, and in particular,
the big political question of how roles, responsibilities and resources will be shared between and
among the federal center and the FMS.
The backdrop to these peace and political achievements has been a security landscape that has
been dominated since 2006 by the ongoing existential fight of successive Somali governments
against Al-Shabaab insurgents, compounded by a number of long standing clan and resource
based disputes that Al-Shabaab exploits, often by offering to support the weaker parties to the
conflict (UNSOM, 2018). Despite substantial support from international partners – in the form
of troop and financial contributions to AMISOM as well as Somali security sector reform efforts
– Al-Shabaab have continued to be capable of planning and executing repeated attacks on
civilians, security actors and government sites. Al-Shabaab has also effectively exploited the
capacity deficits of Somali authorities, particularly in the delivery of justice, education and youth
employment.In theory, therefore, Somalia is engaged in a tricky balancing act – rebuilding the
institutions of the state, and in particular the security sector institutions, while simultaneously
fighting a war. In practice, the ongoing fight against Al-Shabaab dominates the security
landscape and often takes precedence over established best practice for rebuilding a security
sector in a post-

43
Conflict fragile state. So, for example, training, equipping and paying soldiers to get into the
fight takes precedence over answering constitutional questions regarding the respective roles of
security institutions, or over lengthy and complicated efforts to ensure representation and
inclusivity, or fair sharing of training opportunities, or tackling negative political economy
developments. Mogadishu-based centralized approach in developing the army. But this has
generated a force that is widely perceived to be lacking a genuinely national character, skewed
in favor of certain clans, and lacking either discipline or cohesion. As a result, in many areas the
population places greater confidence in local forces (UN Security Council Report, 2018).
The centralized approach of international security assistance described above has been focused
to date on the rebuilding of the Somali National Army (SNA), Somalia‘s official national military
institution. The problems of lack of discipline and cohesion and the perceived bias towards
certain clans can be partly explained by the way the current SNA was reestablished and was
Started in 2008 (after the Djibouti reconciliation agreement that brought in a new federal
leadership), attempts to reconstruct the SNA started through a process of bringing together
―officers of the former national Army, which remained in Mogadishu, former Islamic Courts
Union, and clan and warlord militias, While there was some degree of success in integrating the
militias in and around Mogadishu, this did not extend to integration of forces from further
afield(Andersen, K. &Terp, A, 2016).As a consequence, multiple regional and local forces
continue to exist alongside the SNA, and in some cases, are better established and more effective
than the SNA units; in others, there are no SNA forces present at all (e.g., Somaliland, Puntland,
and significant parts of some of the emerging FMS). Some of these regional and local forces
have always been aligned with the existing/emerging FMS (e.g., Puntland Defence Forces,
Jubbaland Forces, South West Special Police) and some have only recently been brought into
the fold (e.g., AhluSunnaWalJama‘a in Galmudug). To get a sense of the numbers, the World
Bank and the United Nations estimate in a 2017 World Bank/United Nations Somalia Security
and Justice Public Expenditure Review that there are 40–45,000 armed Somali personnel in the
army, police, and security service or Paramilitary paid by the FGS or FMS, and approximately
17,000 of these are SNA soldiers (Husseien.A, et al, 2010).

44
In some areas, local forces and the SNA coordinate in their common fight against Al-Shabaab;
in others they do not. With the exception of Somaliland and Puntland (where there is no
AMISOM presence), these local forces fight alongside AMISOM. Many international donors
are unable under their own laws to fund local forces given their unclear legal status. Kenya and
Ethiopia have bilaterally taken the most forward-leaning stances vis-à-vis working with the local
forces adjacent to their borders, in some cases even providing training, equipment and funding.
The integration of these various local or regional forces into the SNA continues to be the stated
goal of both the FGS and SNA leadership (Husseien.A, et al, 2010). This process, however, has
been overtaken by the ongoing federalization process and the emergence of the new FMS. The
World Bank/United Nations Somalia Security and Justice Public Expenditure Review attribute s
this to a security dilemma. The regions do not wish to give up their means of self-defense and
survival via respective clan militias, while trust and confidence in the federal political process
remains fragile. If the national‘ army, the SNA, remains perceived as essentially a clan-based
organization then the FMS, and other groups, will be reluctant to relinquish the command and
control of their own militia forces.
Moving forward with integration is therefore inextricably linked to the overall federal state
building project. Progress will remain superficial unless confidence is actively built in the
broader federalization process (and the associated resource sharing conversation) and joint
answers are sought to difficult questions such as: How many local forces will be integrated?
What will be the status of the remaining unintegrated forces? Who will choose who is integrated
and who is not? What assurances will there be that once integrated, they will be adequately
equipped and paid? And so on (DeLoach, J. W. 2010).
2.3 Research Gaps
Husseien.A, et al, (2010) indicates that the critical impact of governance on Somalia hasn‘t been
fully covered. In principle, while Somalia has continually faced insecurity, political instability,
famine and droughts, human rights violations weak internal political cohesion, lack promoting
good governance and unstable governance procedures, the implication on the livelihood been
faced the people. The challenging factors based on the how the country‘s clan based political
and local administrative units are managed, improved and guided to help improve the country‘s
security parameters hasn‘t been research fully. Many works involving the country‘s history, its

45
global mandate and future prospects need projected analysis so that it‘s style of operation, and
promoting good in Somalia governance and managed to solve what other researchers left and
adding new information about the role of international community in promoting governance in
Somalia, in the current operations of international community in promoting good governance
in Somalia it’s not parallel and needs more efforts to cover gap in terms, peace and
reconciliations, Capacity building, Peace and security those will support the indicators of
promoting good governance or principles good governance like rule of law, accountability,
transparency, responsiveness, participation, also political dialogue, environmental policy in
Somalia and peace building and state building programmes those still existing a lot of gaps and
necessity to achieve future milestone the role of international community in promotion good
governance in Somalia.
Lastly, in order to be administratively effective, the research work should center on the dynamics
involving international community, international organizations, Somalia and its neighbors.
These are challenges that have continued to influence its social, economic standing and cultural
long term goals, the relational factors that are optimally established are relevant to the upcoming
of Somalia and its quest for better service delivery. According to him the level of
constitutionalism and the mechanisms aid future developments as well as instituted procedures
of governing the country.

46
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.0 Introduction
This chapter contains the research design, study population, sample size, sampling procedure,
data collection methods, research instruments, validity and reliability, data collection procedure,
data analysis, ethical consideration and limitations of the study.
3.1 Research Design
This study was based on correlational research design to assess the respondents ‘views towards
the role of international community on promotion of good governance in Somalia. Correlational
research is a non- experimental research method, in which a researcher measures two variables,
understands assess the statistical relationship between them with no influence from any
extraneous variable. Both quantitative and qualitative methods were used in data collection and
analysis and general information on the subject matter was used as purposive method among
different stakeholders in both international community and Ministry of Foreign Affairs in
Mogadishu- Somalia. Qualitative design involved in-depth interviewing top political appointees
of Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Somalia such as Minister, Permanent Secretary and Director
General of Ministry of Foreign Affairs and also top Directors of European Union (EU) in
Mogadishu and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).
3.2 Target Population
The study was conducted from Mogadishu-Somalia and exactly number of target population
were 179 those was selected by 124 respondents and respondents from six different portions: 81
staff and political appointees from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and international cooperation
of federal government Somalia, 6 respondents from Officials UNDP Mogadishu office, 4 from
EU mission in Mogadishu office,78 respondents from Ministry of Planning, investment and
Economic Development of Somali federal government,4 from elders and lastly 6 from civil
societies organizations The researcher was collected data from

47
Mogadishu because of Mogadishu is the capital city of Somalia and headquarters of the
International organizations such as UNDP, EU and Federal Somali Government.
3.3 Sample Size
The study used Sloven’s formula to determine the sample size of the actual respondents. Sloven’s formula sta
n =
N
1+N(α)2
Where; 𝐧 = sample size; 𝐍 = target population;and 𝛂 = 0.05 level of significance
n =
179
1 + 179(0.05)2
n = 124 respondents
𝐧 = 𝟏𝟐𝟒 respondents
Table 2: Study Population and Sample Size
Respondents Target
Population
Sample
Size
Sampling
techniques
UNDP officials in Mogadishu office 6 4 Purposive sampling
European Union (EU) Mission in Mogadishu office 4 3 Purposive sampling
staff and political appointees Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, and International Cooperation
81 56 Purposive sampling
Ministry of Planning, investment and Economic
Development
78 54 Purposive sample
Elders 4 3 Focus Group
Civil Society 6 4 Focus Group
Total 179 124
Source: Researcher 2019
Researcher went Somalia and visit for above office to collect data as purposively to get
reliable information that related the researcher academic purpose to fill research
processes. Sampling Procedure

48
3.2.1 Purposive Sampling
The researcher purposely selected a number of stakeholders such as UNDP officials in Mogadishu Office and European Union
(EU) Mission in Mogadishu office because they are dealing with promoting good governance in Somalia and they are
international party of international donors those contributes good governance in Somalia and they have information about role of
International Community towards promoting in good governance in Somalia, ministry of foreign affairs and international
Cooperation and Ministry of Planning, investment and Economic Development both of them responsible foreign relation
and international donors also elders and civil societies were local people information and what international community doing
Mogadishu-Somalia, all respondents were assumed to have vital information on the study topic. Respondents who were ready to
contribute were approached.
3.2.2 Random Sampling
The researcher also used random sampling in selecting government officials and staff from the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Mogadishu in Somalia. These respondents were randomly selected
so as to get equal chances of representation of the respondents. In that way, every member would
have an equal chance to be selected.
3.5Sources of data
The study used both primary and secondary sources of data.
3.5.1 Primary data
This method involved a personal participation of the researcher in order to obtain first-hand
information from the field. This was applied through the use of questionnaires. Directly
information was necessary because it authenticated existing information or other presumed ideas.
3.5.2 Secondary data
This was acquired from text books and other related works of outstanding scholars such as

49
published magazines, written data sources including published and unpublished documents,

50
Company reports and internet sources which was all referred to, to provide more information on
international community and good governance.
3.6 Data collection
Both interview guide and questionnaires were used before the distribution of questionnaires such
as secured official introduction letters for the collage of higher degrees and research.
3.6.1 Questionnaire
The researcher used questionnaires as the main primary source of data collection. 124 Close
ended questionnaires were used in the collection of data and these were distributed to the
respondents involved in the study to provide answers. The instrument was purposely selected
because it sought personal views of the respondents and thus enabled the respondents to use their
knowledge in providing a wide range of data as they would never shy away in any way.
3.6.2 Interviews
The researcher organized Key informant interviews with 4 top officials of United Nations
Development Programmes (UNDP) and 3 European Union (EU) officials in Mogadishu office
also elders and civil societies groups to enrich the study findings. The researcher had to cooperate
with the respondents, face to face and ask them relevant questions to the study. The process was
conducted purposely because it offers for methodical flow information outstanding to the order
of questions and it drive also assistance in covering information that would have been left out in
the questionnaires.
3.7 Validity and reliability of instruments
3.7.1 Validity
Content validity index was used in calculating for validity of the instrument. Validity refers to
the degree to which results obtained from analysis of the data actually represents the

51
phenomenon under study. (Mugeda, 2009). In calculating validity, the researcher ensured that
questions were relevant in order to ensure that data collected give meaningful and reliable results
represented by variables in the study. The researcher used the following formula to establish
validity of the research instruments as seen below.

52
Content Validity Index (CVI) = CVI = Number of questions declared valid
Total no. of questions in the questionnaire
CVI = = 0.89 therefore the instrument was valid since the CVI was above 0.70.
3.7.2 Reliability
The reliability of the question was established using the Cronbach Alpha coefficients. The
table shows the summary of the results.
Table 3: Cronbach‘s Alpha coefficients for the reliability of instrument
Reliability Statistics
Cronbach's Alpha Number of Items
Cronbach Alpha
1 18 0.926
2
Therefore, the instrument was reliable since the Cronbach Alpha‘s value was 0.926 which is
above 0.75.
3.8 Data Analysis
The quantitative data involved information from the questionnaires only. Data from the field was
too raw for proper interpretation. It was therefore vital to put it into order and structure it, so as
to drive meaning and information from it. The raw data obtained from questionnaires was
cleaned, sorted and coded (Galib, 2015). The coded data was entered into the Computer, checked

53
and statistically analyzed using the statistical package for social scientists (SPSS) software
package to generate descriptive and inferential statistics. Descriptive analysis was applied to
describe the primary variable and associated indicator items related to the study objectives.
Tables showing frequencies and percentages were generated. The Pearson product correlation
Co-efficient analysis was used to test the relationship among the variables and regression
coefficient models to determine the extent to which the independent variables

54
Impacted on the dependent variable. The results were presented inform of tables then discussed
in relation to existing literature. Conclusion and recommendations were drawn in relation to the
set objectives of the study. From the reliability test in the table 3, results indicate that the
instrument had higher degree of reliability with overall Conbach Alpha of 0.926 (92%). For the
modification of the response to the following guide was used irrespective of mean values, mean
range
Table 4-Legend
Range Mean Range Response Mode Interpretation
5 1 – 1.8 Strongly Disagree Very Low
4 1.9– 2.6 Disagree Low
3 2.7 – 3.4 Neutral Low
2 3.5 – 4.2 Agree High
1 4.3 – 5 Strongly Agree Very High
Qualitative data was collected from interview discussions with top officials of UNDP,
Mogadishu. Qualitative data analysis involves such processes as coding (open, axial, and
selective), categorizing and making sense of the essential meanings of the phenomenon. This
stage of analysis basically involves total involvement for as long as it is needed in order to ensure
both a pure and a thorough description of the phenomenon.
3.9 Ethical Considerations
To ensure ethical considerations of the study and the safety, social and psychological well- being
of the person and/or community involved in the study, the researcher got an introductory letter
from the Directorate of Higher Degrees and Research Office of the Director, Kampala
International University. The study also ensured the privacy and confidentiality of the
information provided by the respondent which was solely used for academic purpose. On the
other hand to ensure the safety of the person and/or community was involved in the study the
researcher got the consent of the respondent approval by their signing before the respondents
filled the questionnaires. Respondents were coded and only initials were used instead of the
names. Authors whose works were used have been fully acknowledged through referencing.

The role of international community on promoting good governance in Somalia

The role of international community on promoting good governance in Somalia

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