1. Institute for
Development and
MOLDOVA’S FOREIGN POLICY STATEWATCH Social Initiatives
“Viitorul”
Issue 18, March 2011
POLAND’S PRESIDENCY - AN OPPORTUNITY
TO GAIN RECOGNITION OF MOLDOVA’S
EUROPEAN PROSPECTS
Veaceslav Berbeca
Moldova’s Foreign Policy Statewatch represents a series of brief
NEXT TOPICS
analyses, written by local and foreign experts, dedicated to the TO BE COVERED:
most topical subjects related to the foreign policy of Moldova,
major developments in the Black Sea Region, cooperation with The visit of
international organizations and peace building activities in the region. US Vice-president
It aims to create a common platform for discussion and to bring
together experts, commentators, officials and diplomats who are
Joe Biden
concerned with the perspectives of European Integration of Moldova. to Moldova
It is also pertaining to offer to Moldova’s diplomats and analysts a
valuable tribune for debating the most interesting and controversial
points of view that could help Moldova to find its path to EU.
S
ince its signing in 1994 and its entering into force in 1998, the
Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, the legal framework of
Moldova - European Union relations, has not changed even if, sub-
sequently, in 2004, the EU launched the European Neighborhood
Policy (ENP) within which the EU-Moldova Action Plan and Eastern
Partnership have been developed. Being a state with pro-Europe-
an aspirations, Moldova wants to amend its legal framework that
would imply recognition of EU membership prospects. It is obvious that
for this to occur, several conditions must be met. In addition to efforts to
promote internal reforms, Moldova needs to have the support of European
states in this process. The fact that Poland will hold the EU Council presi-
dency from 1 July 2011 could be a chance for Moldova in its effort to have
its EU membership prospects acknowledged.

2. 2 Moldova’s Foreign Policy Statewatch
Why Poland?
There are several reasons that make us think that the Warsaw administration could start
the process of supporting the idea of recognizing the Republic of Moldova membership prospects.
Indeed, Poland is in the situation to fulfill an important role in shaping the EU Eastern policy
and this has already been proved by a number of actions i.e. taking an active part in Eastern
Partnership elaboration and launching.
Poland is the largest EU member state in terms of territory and population, among those
that joined the EU in 2004 and 2007. This fact gave the state a substantial number of votes in
the Council and members in the European Parliament. Poland, like Spain, has 27 votes in the
Council, two fewer than Germany, Great Britain, France and Italy. This is one of the reasons for
prompting Poland to define its role and interests in the EU in the field of foreign policy.
There is a close connection between its foreign policy interests and geographical situation.
One important area to which Poland directs its attention is the Eastern Europe. The past worries
connected with Germany have been dispelled when Poland became a NATO member in 1999 and
a EU member in 2004 and the Eastern Europe, which Poland borders upon, is a source of instability
in the region because of political and economic problems and the widely spread phenomenon of
corruption in the Eastern European countries. Poland’s position and interest towards this region had
been defined, on different occasions, before Poland joined the EU emphasizing the idea that “the
more the East is integrated into the EU the stronger and less peripheral Poland’s position is.”1 It is
obvious that Poland’s relations with its neighbors Ukraine and Belarus are in the center of attention in
this process. They all have a common history and the integration of these states does not imply their
joining – an idea held by many European politicians and experts. In the aftermath of the EU failure in
Ukraine and the perpetuation of the authoritarian regime in Belarus, the Republic of Moldova seems
to be the only country combining all preconditions to become a success country in the region.
Starting with the 1st July 2011 Poland will hold the Council presidency which is an
important process in the EU thanks to the fact that the EU activity priorities in the near future are
established. The activity of putting forward proposals and their realizations depend on the interests
and skills of the state holding the presidency. Poland, bearing in mind its internal capacity, is able
to put forward and back ambitious projects. And also, as it was highlighted above, the Warsaw
administration is interested in developing a fruitful and trustworthy cooperation with the Eastern
Europe countries, unlike other EU member states that pay attention to other regions at the fringe
of the European Union or are skeptical about strengthening and deepening relations with the
Eastern Europe states. For these reasons, we consider that, on short term, it is very unlikely that
another state, except for Poland, will address the issue of acknowledging the Republic of Moldova
European prospects. Polish presidency is important for the Republic of Moldova because, in
1 The logic of this integration with the Eastern Europe countries does nor imply the recognition of these states European prospects, Dariusz
Milczarek and Alojzy Z. Nowak, On the road to the European Union. Applicant countries’ perspective, Warsaw 2003, Warsaw University Centre
for Europe, Eastern policy of the enlarged European Union, p. 245
Str. Iacob Hîncu 10/1, Chişinău MD-2005 Republic of Moldova 373 / 22 221844 phone 373 / 22 245714 fax office@viitorul.org www.viitorul.org

3. Moldova’s Foreign Policy Statewatch 3
the near future, there will not be another presidency favorable to the idea of acknowledging the
Moldovan state European prospects or it will not have enough resources to promote this goal at
the European level.
Another important factor refers to the public support for the process of the EU enlargement.
The respondents in the states that have recently joined the EU are among those supporting the EU
enlargement and the most numerous are the Poles (69%)2. Obviously, the respondents’ positive
attitude from Poland, Lithuania, Slovakia, Estonia or Romania towards the EU enlargement refers
mainly to the situation of the Western Balkan countries having such prospects and less to Moldova
that does not belong to this category. Denmark, for example, that will succeed Poland as Council
presidency, has always been among the most skeptical countries regarding the EU enlargement.
Why the Republic of Moldova?
In May 2009 the Eastern Partnership was launched – an initiative met with some reserves
by the former communist governance even if this policy implies the signing, on the basis of
association agreements, of treaties of vast and detailed free exchange and of liberalization of the
visa regime that have to be negotiated with every of the six states.
The Alliance created after the elections of July 2009 changed the rhetoric towards the
Eastern Partnership. As a result, in January 2010 negotiations with the EU regarding the signing
of an Association Agreement started. In June 2010 the dialogue concerning the visa regime
liberalization was launched and on 24 January 2010, Cecilia Malmstrom, European Commissioner
for Home Affairs, presented to the Republic of Moldova the Action Plan for the liberalization of the
visa regime, a document approved by the EU member states on 16 December 2010. The way
Chisinau –EU relations evolved and the beginning of internal reforms were positively appreciated
by the European officials, the Republic of Moldova being seen as a potential success story in the
region. As the President of the European Parliament Jerzy Buzek has recently put it: “currently,
the Republic of Moldova is the hope of the region.”3 The EU is interested in the existence of a
successful example that would prove that the principal of conditionality in exchange for developing
relations with the EU is working in this region of the Europe. Among all the countries in the region
and those within the Eastern Partnership, Moldova has the best position in terms of democracy.
Furthermore, the European integration idea is enjoying a high support from the part of the country’s
population.
The Republic of Moldova is a small state as for its territory and population size. This means
that its problems could be easier coped with in accordance with the EU absorption criterion. But
these features could, however, be a problem because of minimal advantages Moldova can offer.
Another problem refers to the EU – Russia disagreement concerning the common
2 Euro�arometre �3, �’opinion pu�li�ue dans l’Union Europeenne, �apport, volume 1, terrain � mai 2010 pu�lication � novem�re 2010, �on�
dage commandite et coordonne par la Direction generale Communication. http�//ec.europa.eu/pu�lic_opinion/index_fr.htm
3 For the EU, Ukraine is not any more a priority, the �epu�lic of Moldova has replaced it www.politik.md/?view=articlefull&viewarticle=5454
Str. Iacob Hîncu 10/1, Chişinău MD-2005 Republic of Moldova 373 / 22 221844 phone 373 / 22 245714 fax office@viitorul.org www.viitorul.org

4. 4 Moldova’s Foreign Policy Statewatch
neighborhood. The Union is willing to export its normative order to the Eastern Europe states -
an action that bothers Russia that continues to think in the terms of a zero sum game. From the
EU perspective, the multilateral cooperation with Russia in the region and the approaching to the
countries within the Eastern Partnership have become issues that are difficult to be reconciled.4
The paradox and the risk of this situation would be the fact that Moldova’s approaching to the
EU depended on the EU and Russia relations. Chancellor Merkel has recently praised Poland’s
efforts to improve its relations with Russia, during a Germany- France- Poland meeting, and
has confirmed Berlin’s support for the so-called “Eastern Partnership”, a thing that could give an
impulse to the European support for the region.
Conclusions
The negotiations with the EU regarding the signing of an Association Agreement, the
launch of the dialogue concerning the visa regime liberalization and the beginning of internal
reforms have enjoyed a positive assessment of the European officials. Thus, as a result of these
achievements, the Republic of Moldova is seen as a potential success story in the region. But we,
however, have to emphasize the fact that this appreciation looks more like an encouragement to
continue the reforms once started.
It is desirable that the EU offer Moldova an integration prospect in order to support the
internal reforms. Otherwise, the reform spirit deprived of the European prospect could exhaust
Moldovan citizens’ expectations. The Polish presidency could provide such an opportunity to
initiate discussions concerning the Republic of Moldova European prospects. But what is also
needed is a maximal responsibility on the part of Chisinau government in implementing reforms
– actions that could be used as an argument by the countries with a positive opinion on such an
approach in order to gain support for the Republic of Moldova European way.
The 2011 year is an opportunity for the Republic of Moldova when we refer to the
acknowledgement of its European prospects because from 2012 will take place a range of events
at the international and European level that will set the emphasis on topics others than that of
Moldova issue. That is why it is crucial to take advantage of the 2011 opportunity because, like
we have mentioned above, the near future will not offer us another chance like that.
4 Alvaro de Vasconcelos (ed.) (2010), A strategy for EU foreign policy, �eport nr. �, European Union Institute for �ecurity, Paris, p. 43
This publication was produced by IDIS “Viitorul” with the financial support of Soros Foundation
Moldova and the National Endowment for Democracy. The opinions expressed in this publicati-
on reflect the author’s/authors’ position and don’t necessary represent the views of the donors.
Str. Iacob Hîncu 10/1, Chişinău MD-2005 Republic of Moldova 373 / 22 221844 phone 373 / 22 245714 fax office@viitorul.org www.viitorul.org
Str. Iacob Hîncu 10/1, Chişinău MD-2005 Republic of Moldova 373 / 22 221844 phone 373 / 22 245714 fax
office@viitorul.org www.viitorul.org