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Citation: Hallman, Kelly. 2007 . "Nonconsensual sex, school enrollment and educational outcomes in
South Africa," Africa Insight 37(3): 454-472.
Nonconsensual Sex, School Enrollment and Educational Outcomes in South Africa
Sexual violence is a significant problem in South Africa. Such encounters bring psychological trauma,
social stigma, and the risk of pregnancy, HIV and STIs. Existing qualitative research indicates that
survivors have difficulty concentrating on school-work, with many reportedly losing interest and some
leaving school. The relationship between these experiences and school enrollment and educational
attainment has not been quantified in sub-Saharan Africa. Using a random sample of 14-24-year-olds
in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, I find the experience of nonconsensual sex to be associated with
significantly lower chances of current school enrollment among males and females, and lower
educational attainment and more school delays among females. Multivariate results show a significant
negative relationship between nonconsensual sexual experience and schooling progression amongst
Kelly Hallman is an Associate at the Population Council. Her current research investigates factors that
promote safe and productive transitions to adulthood, and how policies and programmes can enhance
the decision-making power of young people—especially girls—with regard to their sexual and
reproductive health, education, work, and marriage choices. Before joining the Population Council in
2001, Dr. Hallman was a Research Fellow at the International Food Policy Research Institute where
she focused on how gender and intrahousehold power dynamics affect food and nutrition security in
developing countries. She received her Ph.D. in economics from Michigan State University.
This document is an output from a project funded by the UK Department for International
Development (DfID) for the benefit of developing countries. The views expressed are not necessarily
those of DfID.
Reports demonstrate that sexual violence is a significant problem in South Africa. South Africa
Police Service statistics indicate that from April 2003 to March 2004, 52,733 rapes and attempted rapes
were reported, and it is believed that this figure underestimates the true extent of rape due to high
levels of underreporting.1 Rates per 10,000 women are among the highest in the world.2 A 2001
Human Rights Watch (HRW) report3 described social and sexual violence to be common in schools.
This report took South Africans off guard. In response to the findings, UNICEF commissioned the
Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) to study the issue: Qualitative results from the study, of
eight schools across South Africa, indicated that the prevalence of sexual violence varies considerably,
being virtually non-existent in some schools and pervasive in others.4
South African studies of learners’ experiences of sexual violence, both within and outside of
school, have been undertaken. The Medical Research Council study of learners in grades 8-115 found
that 12.9 and 14.4 percent of male and female learners, respectively, had been physically assaulted by a
boyfriend or girlfriend, and that 11.1 percent of females and 8.1 percent of males had been forced to
have sex. The CIET (Centro de Investigación de Enfermedades Tropicales)6 study showed that 8.6
percent of learners aged 11-19 had been forced to have sex without their consent. Various community-
level studies also indicate that sexual violence is a fact of life for many young people in South
Besides the psychological trauma and social stigma these encounters bring, the potential health
risks of pregnancy, HIV and other STIs may be large since a condom is seldom used.14,15,16 Interviews
with girls17 also indicate that school-aged rape survivors found it harder to concentrate on their studies
after the assault; some lost interest in school, transferred schools, or left school altogether. While these
findings are very important, the relationship between such experiences and progression through school
and educational attainment has not been well-studied in South Africa or elsewhere, amongst either
female or male learners.
To examine these issues, analyses is undertaken of the Transitions to Adulthood in the Context
of AIDS18 survey of 4,100 young women and men aged 14–24 years residing in KwaZulu-Natal in
2001. The data include a wide variety of information about the lives of young people living in a setting
characterized by high reported rates of social and sexual violence, HIV, poverty and inequality. For all
respondents, there is both a complete educational history and questions answered about experiences of
sexual violence. A better understanding of the relationships between experiences of sexual violence
and schooling status for girls and boys may elucidate a potentially important contributing factor to
slow school advancement in South Africa, as well as point to areas of potential program and policy
Sexual Violence and Human Capital Accumulation
The United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women19 broadly
defines gender-based violence as “any act that results in or is likely to result in physical, sexual, or
psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary
deprivation of liberty, whether in public or private life.” The World Report on Violence and Health20
defines sexual violence as “any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, unwanted sexual comments
or advances, or acts to traffic, or otherwise directed, against a person’s sexuality using coercion, by any
person regardless of their relationship to the victim, in any setting, including but not limited to home
and work.” An Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) study21 defines domestic violence as
“violence that takes place between people related to each other by blood, marriage or common law,
versus social violence, which occurs between individuals not so related.”22 The operational definition
used in the current study is described in the “Data and Methods” section of the paper.
In reviewing literature on the effects of violence in six countries in Latin America (Brazil,
Colombia, El Salvador, Mexico, Peru and Venezuela), Buvinic et al.23 classify the socio-economic
costs of social and domestic violence into four categories. (1) Direct costs—The value of goods and
services used in treating or preventing violence. These include medical and counseling services, police
and criminal justice system expenditures, and social services such as domestic violence prevention and
education, advocacy programs, alternative housing for victims, and training for police, doctors and
others. (2) Non-monetary costs—which are morbidity and mortality effects of violence. This category
includes health impacts that do not necessarily result in demand for health services, such as increased
morbidity, abuse of alcohol and drugs, and depressive disorders, as well as increased mortality through
homicide and suicide. (3) Economic multiplier costs—include macroeconomic, labor market, and
inter-generational productivity effects of violence. In this grouping are lower rates of school or labor
market participation, decreased accumulation of human capital, reduced productivity at school or on
the job, increased absenteeism, lower earnings, negative inter-generational productivity impacts, and
lower levels of saving and investment at the macroeconomic level. (4) Social multiplier—costs which
impact on inter-personal relations and quality of life. These effects comprise the erosion of social
capital due to the social isolation of victims, and the intergenerational transmission of the perpetration
and acceptance of violent behaviors, as well as unhealthy parenting and interpersonal behaviors.
The current study focuses on the category Buvinic and colleagues refer to as “economic
multiplier” effects. Evidence on the intergenerational aspects of this effect is most plentiful in Latin
America. Children who witness domestic violence at home or have been abused themselves are
reported to have greater difficulty at school in the form of disciplinary problems, and a greater
likelihood of repeating grades and dropping out of school earlier.24 In Chile, children who reported
suffering serious abuse did significantly worse in school than children who reported no physical
abuse.25 Such children experience difficulty in developing close and positive friendships.26 These
effects suggest a direct impact on children’s human and social capital and their future ability to
effectively compete in the labor and marriage markets.27 Apart from the loss of human and social
capital, there are direct costs to school systems as children from violent homes may perform poorly
and have to repeat grades.
Another aspect of the economic multiplier effects of violence includes “missed education”, that
is, holding children (mostly girls) out of school with the intention of reducing their exposure to
potential perpetrators (often boys and educators) in the belief that this will reduce their risk.28 29
Despite parents’ good intentions, Jejeebhoy and Bott’s review30 indicates that sexual violence and
harassment are common even in settings where parents strictly limit girls’ interaction with boys, and
that these restrictions may in fact compound girls’ risks. In these situations boys and men have been
observed, in India for example, to use the threat of ruining a girl’s reputation as a way of pressuring her
into having sex or keeping quiet about an incident of sexual abuse or harassment.31
A third type of economic multiplier effect is the direct effect on victims themselves. In 1993
the World Bank estimated that in industrialized countries, sexual assault and violence accounted for
nearly one in five healthy life years lost among women aged 15-44.32 Women faced with violence are
less able to participate fully in the various realms of their lives. Sexual and domestic violence are
associated with lower success in obtaining, performing in, and keeping a job, and with less financial
independence and security.33,34,35,36 The effects of violence are also associated with direct and indirect
costs to the workplace, such as decreased productivity, increased health care costs, absenteeism, errors,
and time spent coping with problems.37
While there is in fact little evidence of the direct effects of sexual violence on school
attendance and educational attainment in developing countries, a USAID-sponsored review of
literature on school-related gender-based violence38 found three studies (in addition to the HRW report
for South Africa)39 that provide some information. One study in Botswana40 indicated that at least 11
percent of schoolgirls were seriously considering dropping out of school because of ongoing
harassment by teachers. A report by Hallam41 indicates that sexual harassment and violence were
causing girls in sub-Saharan Africa to drop out of school. A small study in Ethiopia42 found that
school-related gender-based violence was cited as a factor in both low enrollment and school dropout
Sexual Violence and Education in South Africa
Several studies point to the magnitude of sexual violence among young people in South Africa.
A study of sexually-active urban adolescents in KwaZulu-Natal revealed that 55 percent of female
respondents reported having attempted to refuse sexual advances from their most recent partner; 71
percent of these respondents admitted their attempts to avoid sex had not been successful and that their
refusal nearly always resulted in physical coercion, abuse, or threats of rejection.43 Research by Wood
and Jewkes44 revealed that 60 percent of young women in a South African township have had sex
against their wishes, and many viewed sexual coercion as a routine part of a relationship. Other studies
in South Africa reported that young women’s attempts to discuss condoms or HIV/AIDS before a
sexual encounter could lead to violence or rape.45,46 In the 1998 South Africa Demographic and Health
Survey, 12 percent of 15–19-year-old women and 14 percent of 20–24-year-old women reported they
had been abused by a partner at some point in their lives;47 5 percent of 15-19- and 20-24-year-olds
reported having been raped.48 Among those women who had been raped before the age of 15 years,
one-third named their school teacher as the rapist.49 The South Africa Department of Education50 cites
alcohol and drugs on school premises, as well as violence perpetrated by a subset of male educators, as
contributing to sexual violence within the school setting.
While school enrollment is high in South Africa,51 school delays and slow progression through
school is a significant problem.52,53 Adolescent child-bearing is also high54 and teenage pregnancy has
been found to be associated with school delays among girls.55,56 There are few quantitative empirical
studies that have documented the relationship between the experience of sexual violence and schooling
for individual young people in South Africa.
Data and Methodology
The Transitions57 data offer an opportunity to explore the relationships between coerced sexual
experiences, school enrollment, and educational attainment. Two districts in KwaZulu-Natal province
were purposively chosen for the study site - Durban Metro and Mtunzini Magisterial District, as they
represent urban, peri-urban and rural areas of the province. A modified stratified, multi-stage cluster
sampling method was used,58 with enumeration areas from the 1996 census serving as the primary
sampling unit. Interviews were conducted with all willing 14–24 year-olds residing in each household
of each sample enumeration area. Informed consent was sought from all participants and from the
guardians of minor age participants. Ethical clearance for the study protocol was granted by the
Institutional Review Board of the Population Council.
Many aspects of transitions to adulthood were covered in the survey, including schooling, paid
and unpaid work, sexual and reproductive health behavior, HIV/AIDS knowledge and attitudes,
childbearing, marriage, and perceptions of social connectedness and safety. The study also includes
interviews with heads of households of youth, mainly parents, about household composition, living
conditions, economic status, and HIV/AIDS issues, as well as interviews with secondary school
principals to assess the extent of coverage of the school-based life-skills curriculum and its impact on
youth HIV knowledge, attitudes, and sexual risk-taking behaviors.
Sexual behaviors and experiences were collected using verbal face-to-face interviews by local
field staff of the same race, gender, and general age as the respondent. The sensitive nature of many of
the questions required that the interviews be conducted with in private. Interviewees were asked
whether they were willing, persuaded, tricked, forced, or raped at their first sexual encounter.59
Respondents were also asked if they have ever had sexual intercourse when somebody was physically
forcing, hurting, or threatening them. If the answer to this question was “no”, a follow-up question was
asked about whether s/he had ever tried to refuse sex but had not been successful. For the analysis, a
variable indicating experience of any nonconsensual sex was constructed, defined as being tricked,
forced, or raped at first sex, or an affirmative response to either the physically forced sex question or
the follow-up question for ever unsuccessfully attempting to refuse sex.
Information is not available on where these incidents took place or who the perpetrator was; it
is therefore not possible to link reported nonconsensual sexual experiences directly with the school
setting. Brookes and Higson-Smith’s60 study, however, indicates that girls in secondary school (grades
8-12) are at risk of rape both in school and in their community. Jejeebhoy and Bott61 found that many
of the forced sexual experiences of young women globally are by someone the girl was already
acquainted with and in a familiar setting, such as the home or school.
With regard to schooling and educational attainment, for each year after entering primary
school the survey respondent reported whether s/he was enrolled that year, and whether the school year
was completed successfully or not. For each instance of withdrawal for all or part of a school year, the
reason was solicited. Since the majority of young people in South Africa have experienced some form
of schooling delay, this level of detail provides a unique opportunity to track a respondent’s
educational progress. Using these data, Hallman and Grant62 reported that gender is an important
determinant of the timing of school delays. Although girls advance more quickly than boys through
primary school, their performance begins to falter at the secondary level. At age 14-15, 45 percent of
males versus 35 percent of females have had school delay.63 By age 20-22, 56 percent of males and 57
percent of females have experienced at least one school delay. Among young people who have had a
delay, the major set of factors reported is economic constraints. Lack of interest and poor performance
is also cited by both girls and boys. Among females, a considerable percentage who have had delays
report them as being pregnancy-related. While the effects of trauma from sexual violence was not
available as a choice in the survey as a cause of delay, this may in fact underlie some of the delays
which are reported as due to lack of interest/poor performance and pregnancy-related causes.
Educational histories, combined with the data on nonconsensual sexual experiences allow for
an exploration of the relationship between sexual violence, school enrollment, and educational
outcomes. Except for the first sexual experience, the survey did not collect information on when
nonconsensual encounters occurred. The sequencing of nonconsensual sex and various schooling
events is therefore unknown. For the multivariate analysis we thus utilize a bivariate probit estimator64
to test statistically for joint nature of experience of nonconsensual sex (0-1) and current school
enrollment/attainment of matric (0-1) among 14-19-year-olds, and having experienced nonconsensual
sex (0-1) and having attained a matriculation certificate (0-1) among 20-24 year-olds.65 A third model
is also estimated for the entire sample where the schooling outcome is defined as either currently
enrolled in school or has completed secondary school. Outcomes are modeled as a function of
underlying exogenous individual (age and population group [race]) and household characteristics
(household wealth, household size, highest level of adult education in the household, and parental
residence and survival) and urban versus rural residence. The data are weighted for unequal sampling
probabilities and standard errors are adjusted for cluster sampling. The statistical package STATA was
used for all data preparation and analysis.
The reported prevalence of nonconsensual sex among 14-24-year-olds is 26 percent among
females and 7 percent among males. Among 14-19-year-olds, the levels are 19 and 5 percent,
respectively, and among 20-24-year-olds, 40 and 11 percent, for females and males, respectively.
Table 1 presents school enrollment and educational attainment by history of sexual experience. Both
girls and boys aged 14-19 with sexual experience have statistically lower school enrollment rates and
are more likely to have had a school delay; differences by sexual debut status are much larger for girls
than boys. Girls and boys in this age group who have experienced nonconsensual sex are significantly
less likely to be enrolled in school or have matric66, with differences being much larger for females.
School delays are also more likely among those affected, but the difference is significant only for
females. To gain further insight into whether sexual experience itself or a nonconsensual sexual
encounter affects education, outcomes are presented by nonconsensual sex conditional upon having
had a sexual experience. Among those who have had sex, school enrollment is much lower for girls
than boys (largely related to pregnancy risk, as described below). Within the group who has had sex,
girls and boys who have experienced nonconsensual sex are less likely to be enrolled in school.
Among 20-24-year-olds, females who have had sex have significantly lower grade attainment,
lower rates of completing matric, and a higher prevalence of school delays. Males reported lower rates
of completing matric and more school delays. Females who have had nonconsensual sex have poorer
outcomes across the board. Conditioning on any sexual experience, completion of matric is lower and
school delays are greater among female victims of nonconsensual sexual experiences. Among males,
victims of nonconsensual sex have slightly lower matric rates but the difference between the two
groups is not statistically significant.
TABLE 1. SCHOOL ENROLLMENT/EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT BY EVER HAD SEX AND
……………..EVER EXPERIENCED NONCONSENSUAL SEX
Age 14-19 Age 20-24
Enrolled or Ever had a N Grade Has Ever had a N
Has Matric School Attainment Matric School
Ever had sex = No 95% 35% 942 11.5 70% 33% 111
Ever had sex = Yes 61% 52% 547 10.5 36% 61% 572
Means test (p-value) 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00
Nonconsensual sex = No 89% 38% 1203 10.8 49% 50% 415
Nonconsensual sex = Yes 57% 57% 286 10.4 29% 67% 273
Means test (p-value) 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00
Ever had sex = Yes & 66% 49% 261 10.6 42% 55% 304
Nonconsensual sex = No
Ever had sex = Yes & 57% 56% 286 10.4 29% 67% 273
Nonconsensual sex = Yes
Means test (p-value) 0.05 0.12 0.15 0.00 0.00
Ever had sex = No 94% 43% 638 10.5 55% 44% 75
Ever had sex = Yes 81% 56% 698 10.5 41% 59% 550
Means test (p-value) 0.00 0.00 0.98 0.03 0.01
Nonconsensual sex = No 89% 49% 1273 10.5 44% 57% 560
Nonconsensual sex = Yes 73% 55% 63 10.5 38% 59% 66
Means test (p-value) 0.00 0.39 0.98 0.37 0.72
Ever had sex = Yes & 82% 56% 575 10.5 42% 59% 482
Nonconsensual sex = No
Ever had sex = Yes & 73% 55% 62 10.5 38% 59% 66
Nonconsensual sex = Yes
Means test (p-value) 0.07 0.81 0.93 0.53 0.97
The correlations between nonconsensual sex, pregnancy risk, and age at sexual initiation are
also of interest for females. Table 2 indicates that females who have ever experienced nonconsensual
sex are more likely to have been pregnant and to have had an earlier sexual debut.
TABLE 2. EVER PREGNANT AND AGE AT FIRST SEX BY NONCONSENSUAL SEX
Nonconsensual Nonconsensual N Means
Sex=No Sex=Yes Test (p-
Ever pregnant (age 14-19) 9% 45% 1489 0.00
Ever pregnant (age 20-24) 46% 71% 688 0.00
Conditional on ever had sex
Ever pregnant (age 14-19) 42% 45% 547 0.49
Ever pregnant (age 20-24) 63% 71% 577 0.06
Age at first sex (age 14-24) 16.8 16.2 1118 0.00
In sum, the bivariate findings indicate a significant relationship between experiencing sexual
violence and (a) lower rates of school enrollment for girls and boys, and (b) lower educational
attainment for girls.
Bivariate probit estimates of the joint outcomes “currently enrolled in school (or completed
matric)” and “ever experienced nonconsensual sex” for females aged 14-19 years are presented in
Table 3. The low prevalence of nonconsensual sex among males this age resulted in an unstable
statistical model that did not yield interpretable results. An examination of the determinants of each
outcome reveals that being older, residing in a household with poorly educated adults, and being poor
are the primary determinants of girls not being enrolled in school. Girls who are older are more likely
to have experienced nonconsensual sex. Relative to African females, Coloured and Indian females are
significantly less likely to have experienced nonconsensual sex, as are girls who reside in households
with better educated adult members. Females in the lowest wealth quintile are also more likely to have
experienced nonconsensual sex. Parental residence and survival do not appear to significantly affect
either outcome. The Wald test of rho equals zero indicates that the null hypothesis of the two outcomes
being independent can in fact be rejected, implying a significant statistical relationship between the
In Table 4 the bivariate probit estimates of the joint outcomes “has a secondary matriculation
certificate” and “ever experienced nonconsensual sex” for 20-24-year-old females and males are
shown. Among females, being older and Indian increase the chances of completing matric, while
residing in a poor household, with many members, or with adults who are poorly-educated reduces the
likelihood of completing secondary school. Experience of nonconsensual sex among females this age
appears to be influenced by race and household structure and size. Indians and Whites participants
have significantly lower chances of experiencing nonconsensual sex than Africans, while those
residing in households with many members have greater chances, as do those who do not reside with
their living biological fathers. The Wald test of rho equals zero indicates that the null hypothesis of the
outcomes being independent cannot be rejected for either sex, implying no significant statistical
relationship between nonconsensual sex and attainment of matric.
For 20-24-year-old males, being older, Indian, or White increases the chances of having
completed matric, while residing in a poor household or with poorly-educated adults reduces the
chances. As with females, the likelihood of nonconsensual sex is affected by race and household
demographic factors. Coloured males have significantly lower chances of being subjected to
nonconsensual sex than African males. Similar to young women, young men who do not reside with
their living biological father are at increased risk. Urban males are at greater risk for nonconsensual
sexual than rural males.
Joint estimates of the pooled education outcome (either “currently attending school below the
secondary level” or “has a secondary matriculation certificate”) and nonconsensual sex for 14-24-year-
olds are shown in Table 5. For this model, the null hypothesis of the outcomes being independent can
be rejected for females but not males, indicating a significant statistical relationship between
nonconsensual sex and education for females only. Young people in poor households and whose adult
members have little education are less likely to be enrolled or have a matric (e.g., are more likely to be
school dropouts). For females, not residing with their living biological father significantly reduces
educational prospects, while being a maternal orphan is detrimental for the education of boys. For
females and males, the risk of nonconsensual sex rises with age and is more likely for African youths.
Among females, residing in a poor household also increases risk of nonconsensual sex. For males, not
residing with a living mother appears to reduce the risk, while not residing with a living father
This study examines the relationships between young people’s experience of nonconsensual sex
and their schooling status. While it is not possible, given the nature of the available data, to directly
attribute poor schooling outcomes to nonconsensual sexual experiences, the results do confirm that
sexual violence is significantly related to lower school enrollment and educational attainment,
especially for females. Bivariate results show that young women and men who have ever had a
nonconsensual sexual encounter are less likely to be enrolled in school. Young women (but not men)
who have had such experiences are significantly more likely to have had a school delay and to have
lower educational attainment. The multivariate results confirm the statistical relationship between a
nonconsensual sex experience and poorer schooling outcomes among females.
Progression through school for both girls and boys is inhibited by belonging to a traditionally
disadvantaged racial group (African), living in a poor or crowded household, co-residence with poorly-
educated adults, and not residing with living parents. For females but not males, belonging to a
household in the lowest wealth quintile of the sample also raises the risk of experiencing
nonconsensual sex. Urban residence increases the risks for males.
Most South African studies of this topic do not discuss race as a determinant, so it is not
possible to compare the race results with previous studies of nonconsensual sex. Poverty has been
shown in a several international studies to increase the risk of nonconsensual sex for girls and boys.67
A South African study68 found that violence in the sexual relationships of secondary school students is
more common among those who are economically disadvantaged. Using the Transitions data,
Hallman69 reported that females from poorer households are the least likely to report that their first sex
experience was a willing encounter. Violence en route to school and within and around the school
grounds is also believed to put poorer schoolgirls at higher risk, since they are least able to afford safe
transport, and many live in dangerous neighbourhoods and attend low-resourced, unsafe schools.70,71
The relationship between parental co-residence and support, and protection from sexual violence, is not
well-studied72 but has been documented for girls in China73 and India.74 A Human Rights Watch75
study in Zambia suggests that parental absence is a substantial risk factor for nonconsensual sex for
girls. Girls who had lost their parents were reported to be particularly vulnerable to rape by family
members who provided shelter.
The ability to live free from the fear of violence is a basic human right. Sexual violence is a
public health problem because it leads to increased morbidity and mortality; it is also, however, a
potentially serious obstacle to economic development. While a number of studies have estimated the
morbidity and mortality effects of sexual violence, fewer have dealt with its impacts on economic
development. Among those that have, the focus is often on time and productivity losses in the
workplace. Only a handful have examined the relationships between sexual violence and school
attendance and educational attainment, and these studies frequently focus only on the intergenerational
aspects of domestic violence on children’s schooling. One possible reason for the lack of evidence on
this topic is that in many low-resource settings girls historically drop out of school around the time of
puberty.76 With school attendance rates of adolescent girls on the rise in developing countries,
however, the relationship between the experience of sexual violence and school attendance and
educational attainment is pertinent in an increasing number of settings. Recent studies of gender-based
violence confirm that school-aged young people are victims of violence (Jejeebhoy and Bott 2003).77
The high secondary enrollment rates and the prevalence of reported sexual violence in South Africa
make it an appropriate setting in which to examine this important issue. Education is key to attaining
decent employment and a reasonable quality of life in a globalizing world. A better understanding of
the causes of sexual violence and its relationship to the schooling experiences of young people is
crucial to enhancing the well-being of future generations.
Notes and References
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Human Rights Watch, Scared at school: Sexual violence against girls in South African schools, 2001,
H Brookes and Higson-Smith, ‘Responses to gender violence in schools’, in L Richter, A Dawes, and Higson-
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S P Reddy, S Panday, D Swart, C C Jinabhai, et al., Umthenthe Uhlaba Usamila – The South African Youth Risk
Behaviour Survey 2002, Cape Town: South African Medical Research Council, 2003
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C Varga, and L. Makubalo, 1996, ‘Sexual non-negotiation’, Agenda, 28, 31–38.
C A Varga, ‘Sexual decision-making and negotiation in the midst of AIDS: Youth in KwaZulu-Natal, South
Africa’, Health Transition Review 2, Supplement 3, 45–67, 1997.
K Wood, and R Jewkes, ‘Violence, rape, and sexual coercion: Everyday love in a South African township’,
Gender and Development, 5(2), 41–46, 1997.
C MacPhail, and C Campbell, ‘I think condoms are good but, aai, I hate those things’: Condom use among
adolescents and young people in a southern African township’, Social Science and Medicine, 52, 2001, pp. 1613–
C Campbell, Letting them die: Why HIV/AIDS Prevention Programmes Fail, Oxford: James Currey, 2003.
S Maman, J K Mbwambo, N M Hogan et al., ‘HIV-positive women report more lifetime partner violence:
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A van der Straten, R King, O Grinstead et al., ‘Sexual coercion, physical violence and HIV infection among
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K L Dunkle, R K Jewkes, H C Brown et al., ‘Gender-based violence, relationship power, and risk of HIV
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Still other categories of violence include “economic abuse” and “structural violence.” The 1998 South Africa
Demographic and Health survey 77 defines economic abuse as an intimate partner regularly not providing money for
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