Briefly discusses the significance of membership of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) and the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG0.

1. What MTCR & NSG Membership Means for India
Shantanu Basu
The Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) is an informal and voluntary
partnership among 35 countries to prevent the proliferation of missile and
unmanned aerial vehicle technology capable of carrying a 500 kg payload for at
least 300 km. The MTCR was established in April 1987 by the G7 countries:
Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Great Britain, and the United States.
The Regime was created in order to curb the spread of unmanned delivery systems
for nuclear weapons, specifically delivery systems that could carry a minimum
payload of 500 kg a minimum of 300 km. In 1992 it was agreed to expand the
scope of the MTCR to include nonproliferation of unmanned aerial vehicles
(UAVs) for all weapons of mass destruction. India’s admission to the MTCR
would however, be subject to two major conditions. Firstly, the sharing of missile
technology, particularly for delivering WMDs without consulting other members
of this group. Secondly, India undertakes not to use this technology for WMDs
itself.
Now let us look at the 48-member NSG. The NSG was founded in response to the
Indian nuclear test in May 1974 and first met in November 1975. As things stand
on date, the NSG (Sep. 6, 2008), agreed to grant India a "clean waiver" from its
existing rules, which forbid nuclear trade with a country which has not signed the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). The approval was based on a formal
pledge by India stating that it would not share sensitive nuclear technology or
material with others and would uphold its voluntary moratorium on testing nuclear
weapons.
The pledge was contained in a crucial statement issued during the NSG meeting by
India outlining the country's disarmament and nonproliferation policies. On this
occasion, the Chinese had stayed aloof owing to some tough posturing by the US
and India. Interestingly, China was able to make its adherence to IAEA
proliferation control guidelines conditional upon grant of full membership of NSG
in 2004, leverage that India does not enjoy.
As of now, the Chinese have evidently prevailed upon Pak to file an application for
membership of the NSG. Notwithstanding the illicit nuclear ties between these
nations, China is of the view that Pak too should be approved if India’s claim to
membership is granted. In simple terms, China is using Pak as a surrogate for
intervention in South Asia, particularly against India.

2. The NSG, except for China, is thus placed in a very unenviable position. India’s
approval for entry into MTCR, coupled with membership of NSG, would impart
India the cutting technological edge in producing and exporting missile/drone
technology and create capability for delivering long-range hi-tech WMDs (say to
90% readiness level) using warheads already available in India’s atomic and
conventional arsenal.
Delivering low-yield WMDs via drones is also a distinct possibility. Technology
could operate driverless battle tanks, for instance. Such missiles, theoretically as of
now, could target the Chinese mainland, SE Asia and the South China Sea and
Central Asia (with its large reservoirs of natural gas) and have the potential for
export to countries like Vietnam that are inimical to Chinese regional ambitions.
Moreover, given the dubious track record of many NSG members, India’s
membership will not preclude any further surreptitious development of nuclear
WMD delivery systems that ISRO and DRDO are already doing.
The MTCR-NSG factors into naval detachments being currently established in the
ANI archipelago, a new naval base in Karwar, series of dual-application
communication satellites and fast evolving dual-use missile launch capability of
ISRO. To its credit, the UPA Govt. sanctioned the creation of a project in
Karnataka that experts say will be the subcontinent’s largest military-run complex
of nuclear centrifuges, atomic-research laboratories, and weapons- and aircraft-
testing facilities when it is completed, probably sometime in
2017(http://foreignpolicy.com/…/india_nuclear_city_top_secret_c…/). Among the
project’s reported aims are efforts to expand the government’s nuclear research, to
produce fuel for India’s nuclear reactors, and to help power the country’s fleet of
new submarines.
Battles are increasingly being fought on technology. Gone are the days when
infantry, mechanized cavalry and aircraft carriers ruled the roost. In modern battle
fields, these are sitting ducks to laser-guided projectiles that cover huge areas
individually and have the capability to annihilate everything in their swathe.
There is merit in substantial downsizing the HR of our defense forces that are
certainly manifold expensive than technology. Therefore, there is every reason for
India to invest heavily in the MTCR-NSG regime, while not waiting for uncertain
and politically fluctuating international support to more actively provide funds and
other resources, including foreign specialists, for defense-related R&D.
It is equally imperative that our 50-odd ordnance factories, GRSE, HAL, Mumbai,
Kochi & Goa naval shipyards, ISRO, DAE and many other CPSUs and private
sector manufacturers like L&T and Walchandnagar Industries come together to

3. create sector/project-specific R&D and manufacturing facilities, outside of
retarding, often ludicrous, government rules and regulations.
Newer measures like campus hiring of technology graduates by defense and
intelligence services, attractive but accountable performance-linked remuneration
for technology personnel, establishing a National Security University that could
have programs akin to a five-year integrated BA-LLB for technology students and
automatic absorption into suitable careers in defense and intelligence services, etc.
However, budget allocations for defense cannot grow at the Hindu rate and ways
and means have to be found to use idle or low-use defense land and similar assets
to fuel our national defense.
India’s neighborhood is becoming increasingly volatile. Many parts of our
neighborhood are also our sources for conventional energy. It is therefore high
time that Mr. Modi takes his laudable effort in getting MTCR membership for
India is nation much further, with or without NSG membership. We wish you all
success PM Modi in your NSG venture, if not today, certainly tomorrow!