Role of the Private Sector in Conflict Prevention in Pakistan
Safwan A. Khan
Vaqar Ahmed
Sustainable Development Policy Institute
Stability: International Journal of Security & Development, 3(1): 24, pp. 1-9, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/sta.dv
Our research is to discuss the influence of interstate economic relation on MNCs’ (MultiNational
Company) OFDI (outward foreign direct investment) location choice. Although there are many researches
about the effect of interstate bargaining tier on OFDI location choice, most of them focuses on interstate
bargaining power from political aspects.
There are diverse ideas about governance around the world, and this paper studies them through the following questions: (a) what does the available evidence tell us about the political and institutional requirements for sustained economic growth? (b) What do we need from the state to secure growth? (c) How do a country’s internal characteristics support or impede its growth? (d) How does the external environment of a country influence its economic growth prospects? These elements are then put together into a model of growth, from which we derive conclusions about governance arrangements. Thus the paper outlines a simple framework within which to think about the political economy of growth that can be summed up in five points: good government, with secure political conditions; credible macroeconomic stability; savings and investment high enough to sustain adequate growth; openness to the world economy; and the discipline of external engagement. It then argues that the growth model needs to be underpinned by suitable governance arrangements, and suggests that good governance has two main elements, each quite complex in practice, namely: protection of property rights, and accountability of government.
Authored by: Paul Hare
Published in 2007
1.. Islamic Rule and the Emancipation of the Poor and Pious
I estimate the impact of Islamic rule on secular education and labor market outcomes with a new and unique dataset of Turkish municipalities. Using a regression discontinuity design, I compare elections where an Islamic party barely won or lost municipal mayor seats. The results show that Islamic rule has had a large positive effect on education, predominantly for women. This impact is not only larger when the opposing candidate is from a secular left-wing, instead of a right-wing party; it is also larger in poorer and more pious areas. The participation result extends to the labor market, with fewer women classified as housewives, a larger share of employed women receiving wages, and a shift in female employment towards higher-paying sectors. Part of the increased participation, especially in education, may come through investment from religious foundations, by providing facilities more tailored toward religious conservatives. Altogether, my findings stand in contrast to the stylized view that more Islamic in‡uence is invariably associated with adverse development outcomes, especially for women. One interpretation is that limits on religious expression, such as the headscarf ban in public institutions, raise barriers to entry for the poor and pious. In such environments, Islamic movements may have an advantage over secular alternatives.
2. Islam and Long-Run Development
I show new evidence on the long-run impact of Islam on economic development. Using the proximity to Mecca as an instrument for the Muslim share of a country's population, while holding geographic factors fixed, I show that Islam has had a negative long-run impact on income per capita. This result is robust to a host of geographic, demographic and historical factors, and the impact magnitude is around three times that of basic cross-sectional estimates. I also show evidence of the impact of Islam on religious influence in legal institutions and women's rights, two outcomes seen as closely associated with the presence of Islam. A larger Islamic influence has led to a larger religious influence in legal institutions and lower female participation in public institutions. But it has also had a positive impact on several measures of female health outcomes relative to men. These results stand in contrast to the view that Islam has invariably adverse consequences for all forms of women's living standards, and instead emphasizes the link between lower incomes and lower female participation in public institutions.
3. The Rise of China and the Natural Resource Curse in Africa
We produce a new empirical strategy to estimate the causal impact of selling oil to China on economic and political development, using an instrumental variables design based on China's economic rise and consequent demand for oil in interaction with the pre-existence of oil in Sub-Saharan Africa.
This paper studies determinants of income inequality using a newly assembled panel of 16 countries over the entire twentieth century. We focus on three groups of income earners: the rich (P99-100), the upper middle class (P90-99), and the rest of the population (P0-90). The results show that periods of high economic growth disproportionately increases the top percentile
income share at the expense of the rest of the top decile. Financial development is also pro-rich and the outbreak of banking crises is associated with reduced income shares of the rich. Trade openness has no clear distributional impact (if anything openness reduces top shares). Government spending, however, is negative for the upper middle class and positive for the nine lowest deciles but does not seem to affect the rich. Finally, tax
progressivity reduces top income shares and when accounting for real dynamic effects the impact can be important over time.
Version of March 25, 2009. Please check for updates https://www.elsevier.com/
Read more research publications at: https://www.hhs.se/site
In this paper I examine the development effects of military coups. Whereas previous economic literature has primarily viewed coups as a form of broader political instability, less research has focused on its development consequences independent of the factors making coups more likely. Moreover, previous research tends to group coups together regardless of whether they overthrew autocratic or democratically-elected leaders. I first show that coups overthrowing democratically elected leaders imply a very different kind of event than those overthrowing autocratic leaders. These differences relate to the implementation of authoritarian institutions following a coup in a democracy, which I discuss in several case studies. Second, I address the endogeneity of coups by comparing the growth consequences of failed and successful coup as well as matching and panel data methods, which yield similar results. Although coups taking place in already autocratic countries show imprecise and sometimes positive effects on economic growth, in democracies their effects are distinctly detrimental to growth. When overthrowing democratic leaders, coups not only fail to promote economic reforms or stop the occurrence of economic crises, but they also have substantial negative effects across a number of standard growth-related outcomes including health, education, and investment.
Read more: https://www.hhs.se/site
In this paper I examine the development effects of coups. I first show that coups overthrowing democratically-elected leaders imply a different kind of event than those overthrowing autocratic leaders, and that these differences relate to the implementation of authoritarian institutions following a coup in a democracy. Secondly, I address the endogeneity of coups by comparing the growth consequences of failed and successful coups as well as implementing matching and panel data methods, which yield similar results. Although coups taking place in already autocratic countries show imprecise and sometimes positive effects on economic growth, in democracies their effects are distinctly detrimental. I find no evidence that these results are symptomatic of alternative hypothesis involving the effects of failed coups or political transitions. Thirdly, when overthrowing democratic leaders, coups not only fail to promote economic reforms or stop the occurrence of economic crises and political instability, but they also have substantial negative effects across a number of standard growth-related outcomes including health, education, and investment.
Find more research publications at https://www.hhs.se/site
Recent work on the so-called resource curse has focused on the importance of the interaction between institutional quality and resource abundance. The combination of low quality institutions and easily appropriable resources (such as oil and minerals) tend to be particularly bad for economic development. On the other hand, if institutions are good these same resources contribute more to economic growth than other types of natural wealth. While certainly pointing in the right direction this strand of literature leaves some open questions. First, it is vague on the precise channels through which institutional quality operates. Second, the empirical measures of institutions are often composite measures that arguably include measures of institutional outcomes rather than durable “rules of the game”. Using data for the period 1970-2003, this paper study the extent to which combinations of resource-types and constitutional setup determine the degree of appropriative activity in a country. Our results show that parliamentary regimes and majoritarian electoral systems are associated with less (or no) resource curse-effect than are presidential and proportional electoral systems. These effects are particularly strong in countries having much ores, metals and fuels.
By Jesper Roine (with A. Boschini and J. Pettersson), proceedings from "Meeting Global Challenges in Research Cooperation", Uppsala.
Our research is to discuss the influence of interstate economic relation on MNCs’ (MultiNational
Company) OFDI (outward foreign direct investment) location choice. Although there are many researches
about the effect of interstate bargaining tier on OFDI location choice, most of them focuses on interstate
bargaining power from political aspects.
There are diverse ideas about governance around the world, and this paper studies them through the following questions: (a) what does the available evidence tell us about the political and institutional requirements for sustained economic growth? (b) What do we need from the state to secure growth? (c) How do a country’s internal characteristics support or impede its growth? (d) How does the external environment of a country influence its economic growth prospects? These elements are then put together into a model of growth, from which we derive conclusions about governance arrangements. Thus the paper outlines a simple framework within which to think about the political economy of growth that can be summed up in five points: good government, with secure political conditions; credible macroeconomic stability; savings and investment high enough to sustain adequate growth; openness to the world economy; and the discipline of external engagement. It then argues that the growth model needs to be underpinned by suitable governance arrangements, and suggests that good governance has two main elements, each quite complex in practice, namely: protection of property rights, and accountability of government.
Authored by: Paul Hare
Published in 2007
1.. Islamic Rule and the Emancipation of the Poor and Pious
I estimate the impact of Islamic rule on secular education and labor market outcomes with a new and unique dataset of Turkish municipalities. Using a regression discontinuity design, I compare elections where an Islamic party barely won or lost municipal mayor seats. The results show that Islamic rule has had a large positive effect on education, predominantly for women. This impact is not only larger when the opposing candidate is from a secular left-wing, instead of a right-wing party; it is also larger in poorer and more pious areas. The participation result extends to the labor market, with fewer women classified as housewives, a larger share of employed women receiving wages, and a shift in female employment towards higher-paying sectors. Part of the increased participation, especially in education, may come through investment from religious foundations, by providing facilities more tailored toward religious conservatives. Altogether, my findings stand in contrast to the stylized view that more Islamic in‡uence is invariably associated with adverse development outcomes, especially for women. One interpretation is that limits on religious expression, such as the headscarf ban in public institutions, raise barriers to entry for the poor and pious. In such environments, Islamic movements may have an advantage over secular alternatives.
2. Islam and Long-Run Development
I show new evidence on the long-run impact of Islam on economic development. Using the proximity to Mecca as an instrument for the Muslim share of a country's population, while holding geographic factors fixed, I show that Islam has had a negative long-run impact on income per capita. This result is robust to a host of geographic, demographic and historical factors, and the impact magnitude is around three times that of basic cross-sectional estimates. I also show evidence of the impact of Islam on religious influence in legal institutions and women's rights, two outcomes seen as closely associated with the presence of Islam. A larger Islamic influence has led to a larger religious influence in legal institutions and lower female participation in public institutions. But it has also had a positive impact on several measures of female health outcomes relative to men. These results stand in contrast to the view that Islam has invariably adverse consequences for all forms of women's living standards, and instead emphasizes the link between lower incomes and lower female participation in public institutions.
3. The Rise of China and the Natural Resource Curse in Africa
We produce a new empirical strategy to estimate the causal impact of selling oil to China on economic and political development, using an instrumental variables design based on China's economic rise and consequent demand for oil in interaction with the pre-existence of oil in Sub-Saharan Africa.
This paper studies determinants of income inequality using a newly assembled panel of 16 countries over the entire twentieth century. We focus on three groups of income earners: the rich (P99-100), the upper middle class (P90-99), and the rest of the population (P0-90). The results show that periods of high economic growth disproportionately increases the top percentile
income share at the expense of the rest of the top decile. Financial development is also pro-rich and the outbreak of banking crises is associated with reduced income shares of the rich. Trade openness has no clear distributional impact (if anything openness reduces top shares). Government spending, however, is negative for the upper middle class and positive for the nine lowest deciles but does not seem to affect the rich. Finally, tax
progressivity reduces top income shares and when accounting for real dynamic effects the impact can be important over time.
Version of March 25, 2009. Please check for updates https://www.elsevier.com/
Read more research publications at: https://www.hhs.se/site
In this paper I examine the development effects of military coups. Whereas previous economic literature has primarily viewed coups as a form of broader political instability, less research has focused on its development consequences independent of the factors making coups more likely. Moreover, previous research tends to group coups together regardless of whether they overthrew autocratic or democratically-elected leaders. I first show that coups overthrowing democratically elected leaders imply a very different kind of event than those overthrowing autocratic leaders. These differences relate to the implementation of authoritarian institutions following a coup in a democracy, which I discuss in several case studies. Second, I address the endogeneity of coups by comparing the growth consequences of failed and successful coup as well as matching and panel data methods, which yield similar results. Although coups taking place in already autocratic countries show imprecise and sometimes positive effects on economic growth, in democracies their effects are distinctly detrimental to growth. When overthrowing democratic leaders, coups not only fail to promote economic reforms or stop the occurrence of economic crises, but they also have substantial negative effects across a number of standard growth-related outcomes including health, education, and investment.
Read more: https://www.hhs.se/site
In this paper I examine the development effects of coups. I first show that coups overthrowing democratically-elected leaders imply a different kind of event than those overthrowing autocratic leaders, and that these differences relate to the implementation of authoritarian institutions following a coup in a democracy. Secondly, I address the endogeneity of coups by comparing the growth consequences of failed and successful coups as well as implementing matching and panel data methods, which yield similar results. Although coups taking place in already autocratic countries show imprecise and sometimes positive effects on economic growth, in democracies their effects are distinctly detrimental. I find no evidence that these results are symptomatic of alternative hypothesis involving the effects of failed coups or political transitions. Thirdly, when overthrowing democratic leaders, coups not only fail to promote economic reforms or stop the occurrence of economic crises and political instability, but they also have substantial negative effects across a number of standard growth-related outcomes including health, education, and investment.
Find more research publications at https://www.hhs.se/site
Recent work on the so-called resource curse has focused on the importance of the interaction between institutional quality and resource abundance. The combination of low quality institutions and easily appropriable resources (such as oil and minerals) tend to be particularly bad for economic development. On the other hand, if institutions are good these same resources contribute more to economic growth than other types of natural wealth. While certainly pointing in the right direction this strand of literature leaves some open questions. First, it is vague on the precise channels through which institutional quality operates. Second, the empirical measures of institutions are often composite measures that arguably include measures of institutional outcomes rather than durable “rules of the game”. Using data for the period 1970-2003, this paper study the extent to which combinations of resource-types and constitutional setup determine the degree of appropriative activity in a country. Our results show that parliamentary regimes and majoritarian electoral systems are associated with less (or no) resource curse-effect than are presidential and proportional electoral systems. These effects are particularly strong in countries having much ores, metals and fuels.
By Jesper Roine (with A. Boschini and J. Pettersson), proceedings from "Meeting Global Challenges in Research Cooperation", Uppsala.
Although there exists a vast literature on aid efficiency (the effect of aid on GDP), and that aid allocation determinants have been estimated, little is known about the minute details of aid allocation. This article investigates empirically a claim repeatedly made in the past that aid donors herd. Building upon a methodology applied to financial markets, this article finds that aid donors herd similarly to portfolio funds on financial markets. It also estimates the causes of herding and finds that political transitions towards more autocratic regimes repel donors, but that transitions towards democracy have no effect. Finally, identified causes of herding explain little of its overall level, suggesting strategic motives play an important role.
Poverty is associated with political conflict in developing countries, but evidence of individual grievances translating into dissent among the poor is mixed. We analyze survey data from 40 developing nations to understand the determinants radicalism, support for violence, and participation in legal anti-regime actions as petitions, demonstrations, and strikes. In particular, we examine the role of perceived political and economic inequities. Our findings suggest that individuals who feel marginalized tend to harbor extremist resentments against the government, but they are generally less likely to join collective political movements that aim to instigate regime changes. This potentially explains the commonly-observed pattern in low- and middle-income countries whereby marginalized groups, despite their political attitudes and high-levels of community engagement, are more difficult to mobilize in nation-wide movements. We also find that arenas for active political participation (beyond voting) are more likely to be dominated by upper-middle income groups who are committed, ultimately, to preserving the status quo. Suppressing these forms of political action may thus be counterproductive, if it pushes these groups towards more radical preferences. Finally, our findings suggest that the poor, in developing nations, may be caught in a vicious circle of self-exclusion and greater marginalization.
Anders Olofsgård (with R. Desai and T. Yousef).
In this paper we argue that aid effectiveness may suffer when partnerships with new regimes need to be established. We test this argument using the natural experiment of the break-up of communism in the former Eastern Bloc. We find that commercial and strategic concerns influenced both aid flows and the urgency of entry into new partnerships in the first half of the 1990s, while developmental objectives became more important only over time. These results hold up to a thorough sensitivity analysis, including using a gravity model to instrument for bilateral trade flows. We also find that aid fractionalization increased substantially, and that aid to the region was more likely to be tied, more volatile and less predictable than to aid to other recipients at the time. Overall, these results suggest that the guidelines for aid effectiveness agreed upon in the Paris Declaration are likely to be challenged by the current political transition in parts of the Arab world. Hopefully being aware of these challenges can help donors avoid making the same mistakes.
We argue that the tilt towards donor interests over recipient needs in aid allocation and practices may be particularly strong in new partnerships. Using the natural experiment of Eastern transition we find that commercial and strategic concerns influenced both aid flows and entry in the first half of the 1990s, but much less so later on. We also find that fractionalization increased and that early aid to the region was particularly volatile, unpredictable and tied. Our results may explain why aid to Iraq and Afghanistan has had little development impact and serve as warning for Burma and Arab Spring regimes.
Contemporary Mainstream Economics suffers from both internal inconsistency on behavior and lack of external
outlook despite an overwhelming success in the real world! New pluralist behavioral economics (PBE), based
on the Big Five Taxonomy, focuses on group processes rather than individuals where the most Open-minded of
the Big Five is the key person in the formation of group standards. PBE identifies the democratic culture as the
weakest link in the chain of interactions towards sustainable development due to the complexity of the issue.
This requires a systematic information of the public on Economics to improve the quality of democratic
decision-making on economic- political issues. The overall selection criteria of elements of economics for such
a public information program is Human Capital value which has guided the structure of this new textbook.
Arrangements by which influential firms receive economic favors, has been documented in numerous case studies but rarely formalized or analyzed quantitatively. We offer a formal voting model in which political influence is modeled as a contract by which politicians deliver a more preferential business environment to favored firms who, in exchange, protect politicians from the political consequences of high unemployment. From this perspective, cronyism simultaneously lowers a firm’s fixed costs while raising its variable wage costs. Testing several of the implications of the model on firm-level data from 26 transition countries, we find that more influential firms face fewer administrative and regulatory obstacles and carry bloated payrolls, but they also invest and innovate less. These results do not change when using propensity-score matching to adjust for the fact that influence is not randomly assigned.
This policy brief covers a discussion on finance for sustainable development held during a full day conference at the Stockholm School of Economics on May 11, 2015. The event was organized jointly by the Stockholm Institute of Transition Economics (SITE) and the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and was the fifth installment of Development Day – a yearly development policy conference. With the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) expiring in 2015, the members of the United Nations are now in the process of defining a post-2015 development agenda. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) build on the eight anti-poverty targets in the MDG but also include a renewed emphasis on environmental and social sustainability. Whatever targets or goals will be agreed upon in the end, we know for certain that reaching the objectives will require substantial financial resources, far beyond the current levels of official development assistance (ODA). To discuss this issue, the conference brought together a distinguished and experienced group of policy-oriented scholars and practitioners from government agencies, international organizations, civil society and the business community.
Inna Shkolnyk, Viktoriia Koilo
http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/imfi.15(1).2018.32
The relationship between external debt and economic growth: empirical evidence from Ukraine and other emerging economies
The article examines the relationship between external debt and economic growth in emerging economies for the period 2006-2016. The authors used different econometric tools, e.g., ADL model and correlation analysis. The regression results showed that the original values had no significant impact on the estimation of the parameters. Thus, there was made an assumption that emerging economies have a non-linear impact on macroeconomic parameters, including external debt that has a non-linear type of influence on economic growth. The authors established that high level of external debt, in conjunction with macroeconomic instability, impedes economic growth in such countries. The regression model also showed that there is a critical level of debt burden for emerging economies, where the marginal impact of external debt on economic growth becomes negative.
The results of the study highlighted the significance of the problem of effective public debt management strategy implementation in Ukraine. This issue is predetermined by the appropriate organizational support. The study recommends improving a public external debt management model. In this paper, the authors proposed a new structure with the participation of new element – independent agencies. The unified external debt management system should integrate all state institutions and executive power structures in this area.
Arrangements by which politically connected firms receive economic favors are a common feature around the world, but little is known of the form or effects of influence in business-
government relationships. We present a simple model in which influence requires firms to provide goods of political value in exchange for economic privileges. We argue that political influence improves the business environment for selected firms, but restricts their ability to fire workers. Under these conditions, if political influence primarily lowers fixed costs over variable costs, then favored firms will be less likely to invest and their productivity will suffer, even if they earn higher profits than non-influential firms. We rely on the World Bank's Enterprise Surveys of approximately 8,000 firms in 40 developing countries, and control for a number of biases present in the data. We find that influential firms benefit from lower administrative and regulatory barriers (including bribe taxes), greater pricing power, and easier access to credit. But these firms also provide politically valuable benefits to incumbents through bloated payrolls and greater tax payments. Finally, these firms are worse-performing than their non-influential counterparts. Our results highlight a potential channel by which cronyism leads to persistent underdevelopment.
Dictatorships do not survive by repression alone. Rather, dictatorial rule is often explained as an ― authoritarian bargain by which citizens relinquish political rights for economic security. The applicability of the authoritarian bargain to decision-making in non-democratic states, however, has not been thoroughly examined. We conceptualize this bargain as a simple game between a representative citizen and an autocrat who faces the threat of insurrection, and where economic transfers and political influence are simultaneously determined. Our model yields precise implications for the empirical patterns that are expected to exist. Tests of a system of equations with panel data comprising 80 non-democratic states between 1975 and 1999 confirm the predictions of the authoritarian-bargain thesis, with some variation across different categories of dictatorship.
This paper examines whether the long-run relationship between budget and external deficits follows the
tenets of the twin-deficit hypothesis, the Ricardian equivalence hypothesis, the current account targeting
hypothesis, or the feedback linkages. It also evaluates the effects of budget and trade deficits on economic growth.
On a global perspective, these have been in the recent period debated in developed and developing nations. In
contributing to this ongoing debate, the study applied unit root tests, cointegration analysis, a dynamic vector
error correction model and a multivariate Toda-Yamamoto long -run Granger-causality representation using
annual time series data for Kenya from 1980 to 2016. There is evidence of unidirectional causality running from
budget deficit to external deficit in support of the twin-deficit hypothesis. In the long run, budget deficit had
significant positive effects while trade deficit had significant negative effects, on real GDP growth. Overall, the
findings suggest that the authorities should promote policies that upscale fiscal discipline, curb budget deficits for
external stability and long-term economic growth, in Kenya. The evidence underscores the need for more country
specific studies in sub-Saharan Africa.
In these slides you will learn about the role of Strategic Management in public sector its features, objectives, planning and much more about this topic.
Arrangements by which politically connected firms receive economic favors are a common feature around the world, but little is known of the form or effects of influence in business-government relationships. We argue that influence not only brings significant privileges for selected firms, but requires firms to relinquish certain control rights in exchange for subsidies and protection. We show that, under these conditions, political influence can actually harm firm performance. Enterprise surveys from approximately 8,000 firms in 40 developing countries indicate that influential firms benefit from lower administrative and regulatory barriers (including bribe taxes), greater pricing power, and easier access to credit. But these firms also provide politically valuable benefits to incumbents through bloated payrolls and greater tax payments. These firms are also less likely to invest and innovate, and suffer from lower productivity than their non-influential counterparts. Our results highlight a potential channel by which cronyism leads to persistent underdevelopment.
An Investigation of the Effect of Challenges Encounters Female Entrepreneuria...AkashSharma618775
The participation of females in entrepreneurial activities is such a satisfying ideal that has proven to
convey positive contribution towards economic process. To ascertain this; the subject matter has presented herein.
Such presentation has been done by giving detailed analysis of the effects of challenges encounters female
entrepreneurial taking Malaysia, which is one of the transformed economies as the country of context. There is a
promising growth in entrepreneurial activities in the recent years in Malaysia; yet, this growth has seen to have
many male entrepreneurs leaving females with minimal rate of participation. There are challenges identified,
evaluated and analyzed to be the very reasons that leads to this scenario. The study employed three challenges
called economic, resource and cultural extracted from Isa et al., (2018); the challenges which are henceforth
implemented as independent variables (IVs) of the study. The study has found the significant correlation between
each of these IVs (EoC) and its subject matter; that’s female entrepreneurial (FE) in Malaysia the DV with the
significant levels of 0.026 and 0.012 respectively. The extent of effects was regretted to be 62% within the inverse
correlation of 0.89 to mean that the increase of EoC results to the decrease of FE and the decrease of EoC leads to
the increase of FE. The statistical analytics were measured using SPSS and data were secondarily reviewed from
the study of Hossain et al., (2018). For further researches; an expansion to reach other stakeholders like police
makers and officers of financial institutions has been recommended because, this study has been established on the
mere perspectives and opinions of entrepreneurs and not other stakeholders of entreprenerial activities.
Micro, Small, and Medium Sized Enterprises’ (MSMEs) Participation in Peacebui...Dr. Amarjeet Singh
The academic literature has provided substantial
amount of suggestions on broad concepts of business fostering
peace in the community just by doing its operations properly.
However, many could contend if these businesses could be
urged to perform larger roles as agents for peace.
Consequently, the desire to have businesses, particularly the
Micro, Small and Medium Enterprise (MSME), to act as key
players in peacebuilding largely depends on the understanding
of what could motivate them in acting such key role and what
could possibly hinder them in doing the same. Thus, this study
is an exploration of the motivators and challenges of MSMEs
in acting as main agents for peacebuilding. The study utilized
a descriptive research design involving thirty conveniently
sampled MSMEs in Butuan City, Philippines. A researchermade questionnaire was used as data gathering tool. A
multivariate analysis was done to analyse the effect of
participation and perceived risk in the identified motivators
and barriers. The results of the study revealed thatinternal
motivators are the greatest motivators in acting for peace.In
addition, financial and political reasons are strong barriers for
MSMEs to participate in peacebuilding. Finally, the study
found that Level of Perceived Risk and Participation
significantly affects the type of motivators and barriers
MSMEs face in peacebuilding movements.
Although there exists a vast literature on aid efficiency (the effect of aid on GDP), and that aid allocation determinants have been estimated, little is known about the minute details of aid allocation. This article investigates empirically a claim repeatedly made in the past that aid donors herd. Building upon a methodology applied to financial markets, this article finds that aid donors herd similarly to portfolio funds on financial markets. It also estimates the causes of herding and finds that political transitions towards more autocratic regimes repel donors, but that transitions towards democracy have no effect. Finally, identified causes of herding explain little of its overall level, suggesting strategic motives play an important role.
Poverty is associated with political conflict in developing countries, but evidence of individual grievances translating into dissent among the poor is mixed. We analyze survey data from 40 developing nations to understand the determinants radicalism, support for violence, and participation in legal anti-regime actions as petitions, demonstrations, and strikes. In particular, we examine the role of perceived political and economic inequities. Our findings suggest that individuals who feel marginalized tend to harbor extremist resentments against the government, but they are generally less likely to join collective political movements that aim to instigate regime changes. This potentially explains the commonly-observed pattern in low- and middle-income countries whereby marginalized groups, despite their political attitudes and high-levels of community engagement, are more difficult to mobilize in nation-wide movements. We also find that arenas for active political participation (beyond voting) are more likely to be dominated by upper-middle income groups who are committed, ultimately, to preserving the status quo. Suppressing these forms of political action may thus be counterproductive, if it pushes these groups towards more radical preferences. Finally, our findings suggest that the poor, in developing nations, may be caught in a vicious circle of self-exclusion and greater marginalization.
Anders Olofsgård (with R. Desai and T. Yousef).
In this paper we argue that aid effectiveness may suffer when partnerships with new regimes need to be established. We test this argument using the natural experiment of the break-up of communism in the former Eastern Bloc. We find that commercial and strategic concerns influenced both aid flows and the urgency of entry into new partnerships in the first half of the 1990s, while developmental objectives became more important only over time. These results hold up to a thorough sensitivity analysis, including using a gravity model to instrument for bilateral trade flows. We also find that aid fractionalization increased substantially, and that aid to the region was more likely to be tied, more volatile and less predictable than to aid to other recipients at the time. Overall, these results suggest that the guidelines for aid effectiveness agreed upon in the Paris Declaration are likely to be challenged by the current political transition in parts of the Arab world. Hopefully being aware of these challenges can help donors avoid making the same mistakes.
We argue that the tilt towards donor interests over recipient needs in aid allocation and practices may be particularly strong in new partnerships. Using the natural experiment of Eastern transition we find that commercial and strategic concerns influenced both aid flows and entry in the first half of the 1990s, but much less so later on. We also find that fractionalization increased and that early aid to the region was particularly volatile, unpredictable and tied. Our results may explain why aid to Iraq and Afghanistan has had little development impact and serve as warning for Burma and Arab Spring regimes.
Contemporary Mainstream Economics suffers from both internal inconsistency on behavior and lack of external
outlook despite an overwhelming success in the real world! New pluralist behavioral economics (PBE), based
on the Big Five Taxonomy, focuses on group processes rather than individuals where the most Open-minded of
the Big Five is the key person in the formation of group standards. PBE identifies the democratic culture as the
weakest link in the chain of interactions towards sustainable development due to the complexity of the issue.
This requires a systematic information of the public on Economics to improve the quality of democratic
decision-making on economic- political issues. The overall selection criteria of elements of economics for such
a public information program is Human Capital value which has guided the structure of this new textbook.
Arrangements by which influential firms receive economic favors, has been documented in numerous case studies but rarely formalized or analyzed quantitatively. We offer a formal voting model in which political influence is modeled as a contract by which politicians deliver a more preferential business environment to favored firms who, in exchange, protect politicians from the political consequences of high unemployment. From this perspective, cronyism simultaneously lowers a firm’s fixed costs while raising its variable wage costs. Testing several of the implications of the model on firm-level data from 26 transition countries, we find that more influential firms face fewer administrative and regulatory obstacles and carry bloated payrolls, but they also invest and innovate less. These results do not change when using propensity-score matching to adjust for the fact that influence is not randomly assigned.
This policy brief covers a discussion on finance for sustainable development held during a full day conference at the Stockholm School of Economics on May 11, 2015. The event was organized jointly by the Stockholm Institute of Transition Economics (SITE) and the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and was the fifth installment of Development Day – a yearly development policy conference. With the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) expiring in 2015, the members of the United Nations are now in the process of defining a post-2015 development agenda. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) build on the eight anti-poverty targets in the MDG but also include a renewed emphasis on environmental and social sustainability. Whatever targets or goals will be agreed upon in the end, we know for certain that reaching the objectives will require substantial financial resources, far beyond the current levels of official development assistance (ODA). To discuss this issue, the conference brought together a distinguished and experienced group of policy-oriented scholars and practitioners from government agencies, international organizations, civil society and the business community.
Inna Shkolnyk, Viktoriia Koilo
http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/imfi.15(1).2018.32
The relationship between external debt and economic growth: empirical evidence from Ukraine and other emerging economies
The article examines the relationship between external debt and economic growth in emerging economies for the period 2006-2016. The authors used different econometric tools, e.g., ADL model and correlation analysis. The regression results showed that the original values had no significant impact on the estimation of the parameters. Thus, there was made an assumption that emerging economies have a non-linear impact on macroeconomic parameters, including external debt that has a non-linear type of influence on economic growth. The authors established that high level of external debt, in conjunction with macroeconomic instability, impedes economic growth in such countries. The regression model also showed that there is a critical level of debt burden for emerging economies, where the marginal impact of external debt on economic growth becomes negative.
The results of the study highlighted the significance of the problem of effective public debt management strategy implementation in Ukraine. This issue is predetermined by the appropriate organizational support. The study recommends improving a public external debt management model. In this paper, the authors proposed a new structure with the participation of new element – independent agencies. The unified external debt management system should integrate all state institutions and executive power structures in this area.
Arrangements by which politically connected firms receive economic favors are a common feature around the world, but little is known of the form or effects of influence in business-
government relationships. We present a simple model in which influence requires firms to provide goods of political value in exchange for economic privileges. We argue that political influence improves the business environment for selected firms, but restricts their ability to fire workers. Under these conditions, if political influence primarily lowers fixed costs over variable costs, then favored firms will be less likely to invest and their productivity will suffer, even if they earn higher profits than non-influential firms. We rely on the World Bank's Enterprise Surveys of approximately 8,000 firms in 40 developing countries, and control for a number of biases present in the data. We find that influential firms benefit from lower administrative and regulatory barriers (including bribe taxes), greater pricing power, and easier access to credit. But these firms also provide politically valuable benefits to incumbents through bloated payrolls and greater tax payments. Finally, these firms are worse-performing than their non-influential counterparts. Our results highlight a potential channel by which cronyism leads to persistent underdevelopment.
Dictatorships do not survive by repression alone. Rather, dictatorial rule is often explained as an ― authoritarian bargain by which citizens relinquish political rights for economic security. The applicability of the authoritarian bargain to decision-making in non-democratic states, however, has not been thoroughly examined. We conceptualize this bargain as a simple game between a representative citizen and an autocrat who faces the threat of insurrection, and where economic transfers and political influence are simultaneously determined. Our model yields precise implications for the empirical patterns that are expected to exist. Tests of a system of equations with panel data comprising 80 non-democratic states between 1975 and 1999 confirm the predictions of the authoritarian-bargain thesis, with some variation across different categories of dictatorship.
This paper examines whether the long-run relationship between budget and external deficits follows the
tenets of the twin-deficit hypothesis, the Ricardian equivalence hypothesis, the current account targeting
hypothesis, or the feedback linkages. It also evaluates the effects of budget and trade deficits on economic growth.
On a global perspective, these have been in the recent period debated in developed and developing nations. In
contributing to this ongoing debate, the study applied unit root tests, cointegration analysis, a dynamic vector
error correction model and a multivariate Toda-Yamamoto long -run Granger-causality representation using
annual time series data for Kenya from 1980 to 2016. There is evidence of unidirectional causality running from
budget deficit to external deficit in support of the twin-deficit hypothesis. In the long run, budget deficit had
significant positive effects while trade deficit had significant negative effects, on real GDP growth. Overall, the
findings suggest that the authorities should promote policies that upscale fiscal discipline, curb budget deficits for
external stability and long-term economic growth, in Kenya. The evidence underscores the need for more country
specific studies in sub-Saharan Africa.
In these slides you will learn about the role of Strategic Management in public sector its features, objectives, planning and much more about this topic.
Arrangements by which politically connected firms receive economic favors are a common feature around the world, but little is known of the form or effects of influence in business-government relationships. We argue that influence not only brings significant privileges for selected firms, but requires firms to relinquish certain control rights in exchange for subsidies and protection. We show that, under these conditions, political influence can actually harm firm performance. Enterprise surveys from approximately 8,000 firms in 40 developing countries indicate that influential firms benefit from lower administrative and regulatory barriers (including bribe taxes), greater pricing power, and easier access to credit. But these firms also provide politically valuable benefits to incumbents through bloated payrolls and greater tax payments. These firms are also less likely to invest and innovate, and suffer from lower productivity than their non-influential counterparts. Our results highlight a potential channel by which cronyism leads to persistent underdevelopment.
An Investigation of the Effect of Challenges Encounters Female Entrepreneuria...AkashSharma618775
The participation of females in entrepreneurial activities is such a satisfying ideal that has proven to
convey positive contribution towards economic process. To ascertain this; the subject matter has presented herein.
Such presentation has been done by giving detailed analysis of the effects of challenges encounters female
entrepreneurial taking Malaysia, which is one of the transformed economies as the country of context. There is a
promising growth in entrepreneurial activities in the recent years in Malaysia; yet, this growth has seen to have
many male entrepreneurs leaving females with minimal rate of participation. There are challenges identified,
evaluated and analyzed to be the very reasons that leads to this scenario. The study employed three challenges
called economic, resource and cultural extracted from Isa et al., (2018); the challenges which are henceforth
implemented as independent variables (IVs) of the study. The study has found the significant correlation between
each of these IVs (EoC) and its subject matter; that’s female entrepreneurial (FE) in Malaysia the DV with the
significant levels of 0.026 and 0.012 respectively. The extent of effects was regretted to be 62% within the inverse
correlation of 0.89 to mean that the increase of EoC results to the decrease of FE and the decrease of EoC leads to
the increase of FE. The statistical analytics were measured using SPSS and data were secondarily reviewed from
the study of Hossain et al., (2018). For further researches; an expansion to reach other stakeholders like police
makers and officers of financial institutions has been recommended because, this study has been established on the
mere perspectives and opinions of entrepreneurs and not other stakeholders of entreprenerial activities.
Micro, Small, and Medium Sized Enterprises’ (MSMEs) Participation in Peacebui...Dr. Amarjeet Singh
The academic literature has provided substantial
amount of suggestions on broad concepts of business fostering
peace in the community just by doing its operations properly.
However, many could contend if these businesses could be
urged to perform larger roles as agents for peace.
Consequently, the desire to have businesses, particularly the
Micro, Small and Medium Enterprise (MSME), to act as key
players in peacebuilding largely depends on the understanding
of what could motivate them in acting such key role and what
could possibly hinder them in doing the same. Thus, this study
is an exploration of the motivators and challenges of MSMEs
in acting as main agents for peacebuilding. The study utilized
a descriptive research design involving thirty conveniently
sampled MSMEs in Butuan City, Philippines. A researchermade questionnaire was used as data gathering tool. A
multivariate analysis was done to analyse the effect of
participation and perceived risk in the identified motivators
and barriers. The results of the study revealed thatinternal
motivators are the greatest motivators in acting for peace.In
addition, financial and political reasons are strong barriers for
MSMEs to participate in peacebuilding. Finally, the study
found that Level of Perceived Risk and Participation
significantly affects the type of motivators and barriers
MSMEs face in peacebuilding movements.
This research assesses the distributional characteristics of growth in Pakistan by applying statistical techniques suggested in the empirical literature on poverty and income inequality. An attempt is also made to determine the relative contribution of economic growth and distribution of income to changes in poverty.
This paper examine the impact of macroeconomic factors on firm level equity premium. Following
the concept of macro-based risk factor model, we consider macroeconomic variable set of equity premium
determinant. The macroeconomic variables include interest rate, money supply, industrial production, inflation
and foreign direct investment. The macroeconomic variables are not in control of the firm's management. These
are the external factors which affect the company as well as the overall market returns. The Macro-based
Multifactor Model is estimated for the whole sample. It is found that the market premium and the selected five
macroeconomic factors significantly affect the firm level equity premium of non-financial firms. Increase in
market premium, money supply, foreign direct investment and industrial production positively affect the firm
level equity premium while increase in interest rate and inflation negatively affects the firm level equity
premium. These findings are beneficial for the common shareholders, institutional investors and policy makers
to find more specific insight about the relationship between macroeconomic variables and equity premium of
non-financial sectors.
Governance for economic and social development in Africa: A special reference...iosrjce
When we say Africa we say poverty, disease and war. We just have the wrong vision about it. Today,
this big forest continent has changed. We don't have the old disastrous rates about war, floods and corruption.
We have improvement in many sectors starting agriculture, natural resources and higher studies.
Africa’s economic prospects have never been brighter. But realizing this potential depends on governments
understanding the private sector and how to support it. This is an extremely important part of the work that the
Africa Governance Initiative does.
This is big evidence about Africa progress. In fact, most African countries have marked recent years, a
significant turning point. Thanks to the role that governance plays in achieving economic and social
performance. This has been achieved through the establishment of effective and accountable institutions,
whether political, economic or social, plays a key role in achieving social and economic performance especially
in the countries of the continent.
This paper will focus on the study of the relevance or otherwise of the implementation of the governance model
in terms of social and economic performance in Africa. This argument is supported by a governance assessment
carried out according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance.
Globalization and Its Impact on Poverty in Pakistan(A Background Paper for t...idspak
This study looks at Pakistan’s experience in the light of the international experience and suggests key strategic steps that are necessary for Pakistan to maximize its growth and poverty reduction benefits from globalization.
International Conflicts and its Menacing Impact on Global Economy A Suggestiv...ijtsrd
The research is aimed at initially defining conflict and transmitting the idea emanated towards modern day international conflicts. It subsequently uncovered the types of such conflicts and their prevalence across the globe. The qualitative expectation of the conflict mechanism was subsequently represented in quantitative terms when the economic impact of the conflicts is assessed. The research performed a correlation analysis between two key indicators one of the key causes of economic cost which is military expenses and one major impact of the cost the capital formation. While analysing the result, we could reaffirm the fact that such relationship varies from countries of different strata. Hence the desired policy model with all encompassing ideological framework would also vary. Once the economic impacts have been quantified and the causal factors have been pointed out, we have suggested a 5 Dimensional model of policy consideration where the major ideological biases have been embedded for more efficient and conflict free international policy making. Avik Ghosh | Medha Ganguly Ghosh "International Conflicts and its Menacing Impact on Global Economy: A Suggestive Policy Making Model" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-3 | Issue-6 , October 2019, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd29364.pdf Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/political-science/29364/international-conflicts-and-its-menacing-impact-on-global-economy-a-suggestive-policy-making-model/avik-ghosh
Kurdistan has a growing market infused with rapid industrial development and economic growth. Organizations must understand the differences in the legal, political, social and economic environment of the country as these can be difficult to manage and may hinder business development. The main aim of this study is to examine environmental factors effecting business law. The population of the study comprised all finance companies operating in Kurdistan. A sampling frame was used for this study comprising of micro finance companies operating in Erbil. A sample size of 109 respondents was used for the study. This sample was selected through the simple random sampling technique. The results showed that the value of beta for legal factor is .599 with the P-value .000 this means that the legal environment will have positive and significant influence on business law, accordingly hypothesis one is supported, the value of beta for political factor is .613 with the P-value .000 this means that the political environment will have positive and significant influence on business law, accordingly hypothesis two is supported, the value of beta for social factor is .514 with the P-value .000 this means that the social environment will have positive and significant influence on business law, accordingly hypothesis three is supported and finally the value of beta for economic factor is .608 with the P-value .000 this means that the economic environment will have positive and significant influence on business law, accordingly hypothesis four is supported.
The Impact of Cognitive Social Capital on Entrepreneurial OrientationAI Publications
This study examines the impact of cognitive social capital on entrepreneurial orientation among SME business owners in Syria. Drawing on a sample of 381 SMEs, the research employs a linear regression analysis to explore the relationship between various dimensions of cognitive social capital (shared knowledge, shared values, shared beliefs, and shared understanding) and entrepreneurial orientation. The results indicate that each dimension of cognitive social capital has a significant positive relationship with entrepreneurial orientation, accounting for approximately 27% of the variance in entrepreneurial orientation. These findings highlight the importance of fostering shared mental models and understanding among SME business owners in the challenging Syrian environment. The study contributes to the literature on social capital and entrepreneurship by providing empirical evidence of the positive impact of cognitive social capital on entrepreneurial orientation in a unique context. The results have significant implications for entrepreneurs and policymakers in Syria, emphasizing the potential benefits of investing in the development of cognitive social capital to promote entrepreneurship and economic development.
The focus of this research was to establish the effect of entrepreneurship Ecosystem in inculcating
entrepreneurial propensity for community development. Promotion of entrepreneurship in Kenya has existed
ever since independence. The Government has shown tremendous support to entrepreneurship growth. The
Government have channelled financial support through funding such as Women Enterprise fund, Youth
Enterprise Fund and Uwezo Fund
This report sheds light on the significance of digital trade integration for Pakistan and selected
Central Asian countries including Afghanistan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. Digital trade
integration involves regulatory structures/policy designs, digital technologies, and business
processes along the entire global/regional digital value chain. Digital trade
integration requires free cross-border movement of not only digital products, services, and
technologies but also other manufactured goods, data, capital, talent, and ideas along with the
availability of integrated physical and virtual infrastructure. Hence, digital trade integration requires
the removal of digital trade barriers as well as extensive technology, and legal and policy
coordination between member states.
Countries around the world have actively engaged in establishing new and progressive bilateral and
regional trade agreements to boost trade and economic growth. The significance of digital trade has
increased considerably after the COVID-19 pandemic. Improvement in digital connectivity, ease in
regulations, and skilled workers are key factors to facilitate trade integration and promote the
growth of the e-commerce sector. The report examines the regional trade agreements of Pakistan
and selected Central Asian countries and their relevance for digital trade integration. It also
scrutinizes the challenges faced by the public institutions of Pakistan in the implementation of digital
trade policy. Besides this, the report also observes the challenges faced by SMEs dealing with digital
trade-related products.
The findings show that Pakistan and selected Central Asian countries are at different levels of digital
adoption, including mobile connectivity index and download speed of mobile and broadband.
Kazakhstan and Pakistan have a higher export and import volume compared with other countries.
However, neither country has any major trading partner from the countries selected in this study,
which demonstrates the lack of regional cooperation and the need for regional trade agreements to
boost bilateral and regional trade.
The report discusses the e-commerce laws of Pakistan and selected Central Asian countries, whereas
domestic policies and measures to increase digital trade are also reviewed. The countries are at a
different level in terms of implementing digital trade facilitation measures. Lack of effective
enforcement of intellectual property rights, non-tariff measures, foreign investment restrictions in
digital space, data and information costs, cyber security, and tax policy and administration are all key
policy issues that influence digital trade integration.
The study offers a way forward in which action points are provided for governments, the nongovernmental
sector (notably, business associations and networks), academia and think tanks, and
development partners. #DigitalTradeIntegration
#RegionalTradeAgreements
#EconomicGrowth
#DigitalConnectivity
#EcommerceLaws
The policy brief by the Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) outlines the urgent need to address the high consumption of Industrially Produced Trans Fatty Acids (iTFA) in Pakistan, which poses significant health risks, particularly in contributing to cardiovascular diseases. Despite being the second-highest per capita consumer of iTFA in the WHO-Eastern Mediterranean Region, Pakistan lacks comprehensive regulations and enforcement mechanisms to mitigate iTFA consumption effectively. The brief recommends a multi-faceted approach involving uniform standards, transparent enforcement, public awareness campaigns, capacity building for regulatory authorities, and collaboration with the food industry to promote healthier alternatives. It highlights the importance of political commitment, intersectoral collaboration, and public-private dialogue to successfully eliminate iTFA from the food supply chain and improve public health outcomes in Pakistan.
In his comprehensive analysis, Vaqar Ahmed highlights the challenges and impediments faced by Pakistan's trade and industrial policies, particularly concerning macroeconomic stability, energy shortages, rising costs, and regulatory constraints. The recent decline in the value of the Pakistani Rupee has further intensified issues for the manufacturing sector. The adverse macroeconomic conditions, including high inflation and a policy rate exceeding 20 percent, have hampered the sector's ability to secure working capital. Large firms' reluctance to operate in special economic zones due to supply-side gaps, coupled with global economic uncertainties, has delayed the next phase of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Ends with some policy recommendations.
Creating a conducive environment for sustainable economic development, improve living standards for all citizens, and secure a brighter future for the nation.
Highlights the country's large and young labor force, with a 1.94% population growth rate and 65.5 million individuals actively seeking work according to the 2017-18 Labor Force Survey. However, the unemployment rate currently stands at 5.8%, with the highest rate (11.56%) among youth aged 20-24. In response, the government launched the Prime Minister's Kamyab Jawan Programme, allocating Rs 100 billion to support entrepreneurship and create employment opportunities for youth. This program encompasses six key initiatives, including the Youth Entrepreneurship Scheme, Hunermand Pakistan Programme, Green Youth Movement, Startup Pakistan, National Internship, and Jawan Markaz. By focusing on skills development, entrepreneurship, and youth empowerment, the government aims to address unemployment challenges and foster a more vibrant economy.
The Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Urban Policy aims to transform KP's urban centers into engines of social, economic, and cultural growth by promoting vibrant communities, sustainable practices, and economic opportunities. It focuses on inclusive development, infrastructure improvement, efficient governance, environmental protection, and cultural preservation, aiming to make cities globally competitive and provide a high quality of life for all citizens. This policy, reviewed every five years, provides a roadmap for urban development in KP, seeking to create a brighter future for its residents.
This study aims to explain the macroeconomic and welfare impacts of changes in indirect taxes brought about in response to COVID-19. We study whether the tax relief provided for in the federal budget for fiscal year 2020-21 was effective in providing relief to private enterprises and the trade sector. We also study whether production subsidies granted during the first wave of COVID-19 were effectively able to support firms in the agricultural sector. This assessment allows us to draw lessons that may be useful for designing tax benefit policies amid future waves of the pandemic or during other emergency times.
The Government of Pakistan has offered export facilitation schemes
to exporters with the objectives to lower trade costs and expand
output. Currently, nearly one dozen export facilitation schemes are
active. They also include those which are run by the Federal Board
of Revenue (FBR). The question of ‘effectiveness’ of such schemes
in boosting Pakistan’s exports has remained a consistent theme of
interest among policymakers, international development partners
and private sector. This policy brief builds on a firm-level survey,
conducted by the Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI),
and is an attempt to understand the effectiveness, overall gains,
and shortcomings of four major export facilitation schemes offered
by the FBR, including Duty and Tax Remission for Exports (DTRE),
Manufacturing Bond (MB), Export Oriented Unit (EOU) and Export
Facilitation Scheme (EFS). The study aims to provide insights on how
best to improve design of Export Facilitation Scheme 2021, which will
absorb all other schemes by the end of 2023.
The Ministry of Commerce in Pakistan unveiled the National Tariff Policy 2019-24 (NTP 2019-
24) in November 2019. The core aims of the policy were to: i) remove tariff-related
anomalies in the short-term to lower businesses’ cost of inputs and increase their
turnover, ii) increase employment generation in the medium-term, and iii) gain
competitiveness and exports in the long-term.
After its announcement, there remains a need to analyze the effectiveness and
impact of the policy. SDPI team conducted primary research to assess the impact
of tariff policy on Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) with the help of a firm-level
survey.
This specific survey aims to bridge the evidence gap by providing an in-depth
analysis on the NTP-2019-24 impact in terms of its three prime objectives. Besides,
the study also attempts to understand the business community’s challenges and
expectations vis-à-vis tariff-related matters.
Digital trade is increasing rapidly throughout the world whereas digital platforms and Coronavirus have further enhanced the importance of the digital economy and digital trade. Countries are focusing on promoting digital trade and integration through various measures including free trade agreements and bilateral negotiations. This study examined digital trade as defined by WTO E-commerce work and USITC. The study included the items that come under the definition of digital trade and examined the digital trade volume of Pakistan from 2010-2020 through three-step methodology. This includes the identification of digital trade items based on Harmonized System at a six-digit level, examining trade volume for digital goods, and identification of top ten export and import items along with top ten markets for digital trade. Favorable government policies and measures have helped Pakistan in promoting digital trade flows. However, there is a need to develop information and communication technology infrastructure in Pakistan to flourish trading activities. Furthermore, Pakistan has to reduce the fiscal and trade barriers such as rules and regulations for foreign investment in digital space, data and information costs, and ensure online security and data protection to promote digital trade integration.
by Asif Javed & Vaqar Ahmed
This study presents a pathway for fostering regional digital trade integration through
South-South and Triangular cooperation. Our main study goals include answering the
following questions:
» What are the challenges faced in the digital trade sector of Afghanistan, Pakistan
and Sri Lanka? How can these be overcome through various cooperative models?
» How can inclusive regional and free trade agreements help to overcome barriers
and enable digital trade integration?
» What can Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) dealing with digital trade-related
products learn from literature on South-South and Triangular cooperation?
Suggested citation:
Ahmed, V. and Javed, M. Digital Trade Integration: South-South and Triangular
Cooperation in South Asia (unpublished). South-South Idea Paper Series, United Nations
Office for South-South Cooperation (UNOSSC),Washington D.C.New York, 2022.
Pakistan is facing numerous socioeconomic impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic, including on food security. Food insecurity, which is a long-standing issue, has become more visible since the pandemic. Covid-19 Responses for Equity (CORE) partner the Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) – a leading policy research thinktank – has been supporting the Government of Pakistan to maintain essential economic activity and protect workers and small producers during the pandemic. One notable contribution has been the development of a Food Security Portal, which is being used by the government to better manage food security in the country. It is the first track and trace system from farm to fork for essential food items.
URI
https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/handle/20.500.12413/17619
Citation
Suleri, A.Q.; Ahmed, V.; Ahmad, S.M.; Shah, Q.; Zahid, J. and Gatellier, K. (2022) Strengthening Food Security in Pakistan During the Covid-19 Pandemic, Covid-19 Responses for Equity (CORE) Stories of Change, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies, DOI: 10.19088/CORE.2022.008
Political and socio-economic discussions in Pakistan’s popular discourse are often inward-looking and generally focus on the country itself, or on its relationships to its immediate neighbors (Afghanistan, India, and China). We suggest here that Pakistan is part of a global system, as well. It is influenced not just by its direct neighbors, but also by: international events (war in Ukraine is just one example); by global economic factors (e.g. oil prices, changing terms of trade, or the danger of a global recession); and by various other global governance arrangements (e.g. Financial Action Taskforce and its demands from Pakistan). At the same time, Pakistan is not insulated from the global systemic changes. The global pandemic has overwhelmed the policymakers with possibilities of future epidemics also not being ruled out. In the past migration of people, both incoming and outgoing, has impacted the social fabric.
Likewise, the country is suffering from global warming and the resulting patterns of weather and precipitation. Pakistan is also a player at the international arena and is expected to play a responsible and proactive role at various global governance forums. The speech of the former Prime Minister of Pakistan at the UN General Assembly on September 27, 2019 has indicated regarding this responsibility and highlighted Pakistan’s role in the Cold War, or the engagement of Pakistani soldiers abroad, either in the United Nations peace keeping framework, or bilaterally. While many Pakistanis are aware of some of Pakistan’s international roles and dependencies, and of Pakistan’s image abroad, there is limited discussion about the country’s global role – what it should be? Who are the internal and external actors that shape Pakistan’s role, engagement, influence, and perception abroad? What role does the state and citizens play in deciding Pakistan’s global role? These are some of the questions that our chapter authors aimed to touch upon in this book. A conscious effort has been made to reach out to Pakistanis living and working abroad. Chapters have been invited from such resource persons who are not only Pakistanis but also study Pakistan from abroad and often through various lens external to Pakistan.
Web: https://pakistan.fes.de/e/global-pakistan-pakistan%CA%BFs-role-in-the-international-system
The Covid-19 pandemic and related
restrictions have had profound
socioeconomic impacts worldwide.
Governments have been faced with
responding urgently to mitigate such
effects, especially for the most
vulnerable. Covid-19 Responses for
Equity (CORE) partner Partnership for
Economic Policy (PEP) – a Southernled
organisation which believes that
evidence produced from an in-country
perspective, by empowered and
engaged local researchers and
policymakers, results in better policy
choices – has been working closely
with policymakers in Pakistan to
assess the Covid-19 impacts and the
effectiveness of current and potential
policies. As a result, PEP has helped
introduce tax reforms for the hardest
hit, agricultural subsidies for farmers,
and the reduction of trade tariffs for
struggling businesses.
Marginalization of Researchers in the Global
South in Global, Regional, and National
Economic-Development Consulting
Authors Ramos E. Mabugu | Vaqar Ahmed | Margaret R Chitiga-Mabugu
| Kehinde O. Omotoso
Date February 2022
Working Paper 2022-05
PEP Working Paper Series
ISSN 2709-7331
More from Sustainable Development Policy Institute (20)
Marginalization of Researchers in the Global South in Economic-Development Co...
Role of the Private Sector in Conflict Prevention
1. Introduction
Pakistan today seems to be embroiled in a
number of conflicts that have both domestic
as well as international dimensions. Conflicts,
of course, vary, ranging from disputes within
households to increasing crime as a result of
macro-level disparities. However, at an aggre-
gated level, conflicts reflect deep-rooted divi-
sions within a society.
Seen through a macro lens, these con-
flicts undermine the realization of a coun-
try’s potential and inhibit future prosperity.
Khan, S A and Ahmed V 2014 Peaceful Economies: Assessing the Role of
the Private Sector in Conflict Prevention in Pakistan. Stability: International
Journal of Security & Development, 3(1): 24, pp. 1-9, DOI: http://dx.doi.
org/10.5334/sta.dv
PRACTICE NOTE
Peaceful Economies: Assessing the Role of
the Private Sector in Conflict Prevention in
Pakistan
Safwan A. Khan*
and Vaqar Ahmed*
stability
* Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI),
Islamabad, Pakistan
safwan@sdpi.org, vaqar@sdpi.org
Pakistan today seems to be embroiled in a number of conflicts that have both domestic
as well as international dimensions. Conflicts of course vary, ranging from household
disputes to increasing crime resulting from disparities. However, at an aggregated
level, conflicts have a societal connotation that reflects deep-rooted divisions within
a society. On a macro-level, these conflicts suppress a country’s potential and inhibit
future prosperity. Hence, investor confidence has declined in Pakistan as have market
opportunities. The poor law and order situation in Karachi over the last few years, for
example, has significantly affected the income of daily wage earners, while investors
have taken a back seat. Moreover, entrepreneurial activity becomes even more difficult
to pursue for those with less capital or access to financing.
With the rise in conflicts across the country coupled with a bleak economic
situation, communities and businesses have suffered alike. Economic disparities
often breed sustained conflicts. In this context, what is needed in Pakistan is an
economic environment that engenders strategic peace. The two are complementing
factors, and neglecting either can seriously undermine the effectiveness of
measures taken for the other.
This research study, conducted by Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI)
in 2013, undertook an analysis of the private sector’s role in achieving sustainable
peace in Pakistan. It is important to note that as far as sustainable peace is
concerned, the private sector is just one of many actors. In that, Corporate Social
Responsibility (CSR) initiatives by businesses can certainly play an important role.
Their main contribution, however, can be to influence public policy in favor of
strategic peace across the country. While approaches such as dispute resolution
(formal and informal) and CSR are important in terms of conflict mitigation, long-
term peace is contingent upon a just and equitable system of economic governance.
2. Khan and Ahmed: Peaceful EconomiesArt. 24, page 2 of 9
Hence, investor confidence has declined in
the country; so have market opportunities.
The poor law and order situation in Karachi
over the last few years, for example, has sig-
nificantly affected the income of daily wage
earners, while investors have taken a back
seat. Moreover, entrepreneurial activity
becomes even more difficult to pursue for
those with less capital or access to financ-
ing (Hasan 2008). Figure 1 shows recorded
fatalities in terrorist violence in Pakistan for
the period 2003–2014.
As can be seen, with the exception of 2010,
civilian fatalities due to terrorism have been
consistently rising over the last decade. This
period has also been marked by suppressed
levels of real GDP growth in Pakistan.
A research study conducted by Sustainable
Development Policy Institute (SDPI) in 2013
undertook an analysis of the private sec-
tor’s role in achieving sustainable peace in
Pakistan. It is important to note that as far as
sustainable peace is concerned, the private
sector is just one of many actors (SDPI 2012).
Corporate Social Responsibility’s (CSR) main
contribution can be to influence public policy
in favor of strategic peace across the country.
While approaches such as dispute resolution
(formal and informal) and CSR are important
in terms of conflict mitigation, long-term
peace would actually entail a just and equita-
ble system of economic governance.
In this policy paper, we discuss gaps in the
literature, followed by the methodology used
in the aforementioned research. Finally, we
present some of the key findings from the
study and highlight recommendations for
the government, private sector and the civil
society in the context of promoting an envi-
ronment conducive to peace in Pakistan.
Bridging gaps in the literature
A literature review for this study identified
three main areas. These included CSR (CIPE
et al. 2010), businesses and conflict mitiga-
tion (Zandvliet 2005), and the economic
rationale behind conflicts (Collier 1999).
However, one finds that there is dearth of lit-
erature that comprehensively covers all three
of these areas in the context of Pakistan.
The nature of conflict is very different in
the context of Pakistan, and conflicts can
Figure 1: Fatalities in terrorist violence in Pakistan. Source: South Asia Terrorism Portal (2014).
3. Khan and Ahmed: Peaceful Economies Art. 24, page 3 of 9
be looked at with varying perspectives.
However, there are few studies, if any, that
look at the macroeconomic landscape of con-
flict in Pakistan specifically in terms of the
private sector.
We therefore focus on how conflicts may
actually arise from economic pursuits, and
how influence flows across different actors
facilitating these pursuits. We also see how
the private sector in Pakistan can play a
more positive role in converting the macro-
economic landscape of conflict into one of
peace. Specifically, we also explore how CSR
initiatives and responsible business prac-
tices can be a source of peacebuilding in
the country.
Methodology
Our research focused on two main themes:
perceptions of businesses as “agents of
peace” versus economic drivers of conflict.
We employed a mix of qualitative and quan-
titative research tools. A household-level
perception survey was conducted and was
complimented with detailed context and net-
work analyses. The household-level survey
covered 800 households across Balochistan,
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Punjab and Sindh.
Districts in the sample included Quetta (100),
Peshawar (100), Faisalabad (200), Multan
(100), Sukkur (100), and Karachi (200).
We chose these districts partly because they
are major commercial centers in their respec-
tive provinces. In order to have a broader per-
spective, it was also important to maintain
an urban/rural balance, since perceptions
can considerably vary across the two set-
tings. Household selection was random and
did not specifically target any groups, such as
women or minorities (or even differentiation
by income).
The sample covered four provinces. Table 1
shows the structure of the sample.
The context analysis involved detailed key
informant interviews (KIIs) and focus group
discussions (FGDs) with a cross-section of
communities, businesses and government
officials. Three FGDs were conducted (one in
Islamabad and the other in Karachi), while
interviews were held with 11 key inform-
ants. A national level consultative meeting
was also conducted in Islamabad. Our FGDs
along with key informant interviews allowed
us to build network maps reflecting the flow
of influences across different actors in terms
of business and conflict in Pakistan.
Network analysis was undertaken to map
how businesses can contribute to conflicts or
to a conflict-inducing environment. Such an
analysis is helpful for two reasons:
1. Businesses may not be directly con-
tributing to conflicts, but the continu-
ity of their operations may sometimes
necessitate actions that eventually
lead to conflict. For example, large
businesses may not hire local labor
because the latter are not qualified.
Lack of employment opportunities for
local communities, in turn, can divert
many to criminal or illegal activities
such as illicit trade.
2. The network analysis provides a better
understanding of conflict at a macro-
level. It shows the imbalances in influ-
ence among different actors, and how
S.No. Level of Estimate Households Size Districts (No. of Households)
1. Punjab 300 Faisalabad (200) and Multan (200)
2. Sindh 300 Karachi (200) and Sukkur (200)
3. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa 100 Peshawar (100)
4. Balochistan 100 Quetta (100)
Total Sample Size 800 800
Table 1: Sample structure.
4. Khan and Ahmed: Peaceful EconomiesArt. 24, page 4 of 9
these imbalances prevent sustainable
peace.
Conversely, the network analysis can help
identify areas that need reform so as to
achieve a stable macroeconomic environ-
ment that is conducive to strategic peace
within the country.
Marin and Wellman (2009) describe two
types of data for network analysis:
• Whole Networks, which take an over-
arching view of the social structure, and
• Ego-centric Networks, which focus on
the networks existing around one spe-
cific node
Since our analysis is aggregated, we follow
the Whole Network approach. We use Key
Informant Interviews (KIIs) and Focused
Group Discussions (FGDs) to collect data for
our analysis. Qualitative methods for data
collection such as these are often used by
social network analysts (Marin and Wellman
2009). The network we build can be split into
components, with nodes sometimes directly
and at other times indirectly related to other
nodes (Marin and Wellman 2009).
Key results
Resultsfromthestudysuggest that businesses
in Pakistan need to play a more proactive role
in influencing public policy for inclusive eco-
nomic reforms in Pakistan. This was reiterated
in all three of the consultative meetings con-
ducted under the scope of this study.
While the key informant interviews reveal
that businesses do sometimes contrib-
ute—directly or indirectly—to conflict, the
consultative meetings brought forward rec-
ommendations from relevant stakeholders
for a peace-conducive environment whereby
businesses and communities mutually bene-
fit. The consultative meetings also brought to
light a few cases where businesses, through
their CSR measures, have prevented the like-
lihood of conflict by contributing to com-
munity development in conflict-sensitive
underprivileged areas in Pakistan.
The survey reveals community awareness
with regards to economic factors leading to
conflicts. It also reflects how forthcoming
communities can be when it comes to busi-
ness involvement in local issues. Community-
business partnerships can therefore play an
important role in quelling local conflicts.
Figure 2 shows responses to issues confront-
ing Pakistani society. These are areas where
businesses can serve communities by filling
gaps in public service delivery.
As Figure 2 exhibits, lack of social services,
unemployment, and high cost of living rank
significantly higher than other responses.
While unemployment and high cost of living
are issues of macroeconomic governance,
businesses can contribute in social service
delivery. Responses to business involvement
in local area development are shown in
Figure 3.
Most respondents agree with the notion
that the private sector should be involved in
local area development. This suggests that
communities might not necessarily be look-
ing up to the government alone for their
needs. In fact, most households welcome
private sector involvement in local area
development.
Figure 4 shows survey responses about
issues where businesses can help.
Lack of employment and lack of social ser-
vices, along with lack of energy and utilities,
stand out as highly cited issues where busi-
nesses can help. Note that the former two
also rank high on the list of issues confront-
ing Pakistani society (see Figure 2). This reit-
erates not just the role businesses can play as
far as community benefit is concerned, but
also the need for private sector’s involvement
in influencing public policy in that regard.
The key informant interviews conducted
revealed that there is a very strong politico-
economiccontextoflocalconflictsinPakistan,
whereby businesses partner with local influ-
ence groups to pursue activities that may
have negative implications for the commu-
nity at large but maximize their own profits.
However, business expansion is still generally
considered to be beneficial for communities,
5. Khan and Ahmed: Peaceful Economies Art. 24, page 5 of 9
as long as it is pursued in a manner that is
more inclusive of communities and does not
disregard communal and environmental fac-
tors. Even the household level survey suggests
the same, with a significant percentage agree-
ing (63 per cent ‘agree’; 24 per cent ‘somewhat
agree’) with the notion that business expan-
sion will be beneficial for their communities.
Recommendations
The research findings provide an empirical
entry-point into the discussion on peace-
conducive economic governance reforms at
national, provincial and regional levels, and
form the basis for subsequent private sector
advocacy. We list below some of the study’s
key findings and recommendations.
Private Sector
• Business expansion is largely perceived
as beneficial for communities, but only if
pursued in a manner that is more inclu-
sive of communities (e.g. generates local
jobs) and does not disregard communal
and environmental factors.
• Businesses need to go beyond philan-
thropy and charity in their CSR initia-
tives. While charity fulfils a moral obli-
gation, it is no substitute for businesses
playing a more proactive role in address-
ing community issues.
Figure 2: Issues confronting Pakistani society.
Figure 3: Business involvement in local area
development.
6. Khan and Ahmed: Peaceful EconomiesArt. 24, page 6 of 9
• Small-scale businesses are closer to com-
munities and can play an important role
in resolving local conflicts in partnership
with the government.
• Tax evasion is a business malpractice
that hurts the economy and depletes
funds available for social service delivery
for communities. The government needs
to restore the trust of the private sector
in order to boost the currently low tax-
to-GDP ratio in Pakistan.
• Rising levels of inequality in Pakistani so-
ciety may contribute to future conflicts.
Corporations should mainstream youth
and women from underprivileged ar-
eas into their workforce by providing for
their education and training needs.
• Businesses should invest in skill devel-
opment programmes for a younger gen-
eration rapidly reaching working age in
Pakistan. Businesses should also work on
building the capacity of local commu-
nities so that they can benefit from the
employment opportunities that busi-
nesses create.
• Lack of employment and essential ser-
vices coupled with a supply-side crisis in
energy sector stand out as highly cited is-
sues where businesses can help. This re-
iterates not just the role that businesses
can play as far as benefit to communities
is concerned, but also the need for pri-
vate sector’s involvement in influencing
public policy in this area.
• Businesses need to interact more with
local communities. This would ensure
that businesses’ involvement at the
community level actually strengthens
communities, instead of concentrating
influence with rent-seekers and those
who hold power at the local level. This
would require a more strategic approach
to CSR. Hence, community engagement
should be incorporated within the busi-
ness model.
• There is also a lack of shared vision with
in the business community, which pre-
vents optimal interaction with public
sector and society. The inequality of scale
and size has resulted in the elite business
community forming their own associa-
tions and often not participating in the
meetings of the Chamber of Commerce.
• There is an opportunity for the private
sector to promote the informal innova-
tions segment. While the public sector is
Figure 4: Issues where businesses can help.
7. Khan and Ahmed: Peaceful Economies Art. 24, page 7 of 9
mainly responsible for fostering the for-
mal innovations that contribute to eco-
nomic growth, it is often the informal
and social innovations that have a more
positive impact on the poor.
• Social service delivery may not necessar-
ily be a solo flight on part of the govern-
ment. Businesses have the resources to
fund social service projects. Government
can partner with private sector actors to
deliver social services for communities.
Such partnerships can also help increase
efficiency of these projects and can be
beneficial for companies in terms of gen-
erating goodwill.
Government
• There should be a legal provision requir-
ing that a certain percentage of business
profits to be invested for community
welfare. This percentage can vary with
the scale and local supply-chain foot-
print of each business operating in any
area. This can ensure better sharing of
profits generated by local resources.
• It is important that conflict resolution
is undertaken with a participatory ap-
proach, whereby all stakeholders are not
only evenly represented but also have
properly defined roles. Without such a
participatory approach, there may be
confusion over responsibilities, and con-
flicts are likely to remain unresolved.
• Labor laws should be strengthened
and properly implemented, e.g. the tri-
partite mechanism of the International
Labor Organization. Proper implementa-
tion of the tri-partite labor policy down
to the district level can help prevent
conflicts between labor unions and busi-
nesses.
• The Employers Federation of Pakistan
(EFP) has established Skill Development
Councils (SDC) across the country with-
out any support from the public sector.
The SDC has now outnumbered all train-
ing institutes in terms of trained person-
nel. Moreover, the EFP has also formed
employers’ bilateral councils as a meas-
ure for Alternate Dispute Resolution.
• There are examples in Pakistan whereby
businesses have established low-cost
business models for delivering alternate
energy and clean water to communities.
The scalability of such initiatives should
be explored with a view to replication.
• Environmental protection should be on
the agenda of businesses and govern-
ment alike. The local civil society organi-
zations should play a role in demanding
respect for natural resources.
• Local administrations’ market-distorting
powers also need to be checked in the
interests of consumers. The price-setting
and -monitoring powers entrusted with
the local administration distort produc-
tion and consumption preferences, lead-
ing to inflated rent prices.
• Ensuring competition through strong
regulatory oversight can help formalize
those in the informal sector. This would
also entail enhancement of outreach,
particularly for rural communities, and
would make underprivileged commu-
nities and groups active players in the
economy.
• There is a strong need for social entre-
preneurship opportunities that empow-
er communities at the grassroots level.
Entrepreneurship opportunities also
represent a diversion from undesirable
activities that perpetuate conflicts.
• The influence of regulatory bodies needs
to be enhanced. While regulations are
important in maintaining favorable mar-
ket structures that are equally inclusive,
it is also important that regulatory bod-
ies have the necessary capacity and influ-
ence to ensure due diligence on part of
market players. Regulators also need to
keep a strict check on business malprac-
tices at the same time as they promote a
competitive business environment.
• While speaking of the role of regulators,
one should not forget the heavy foot-
print of government in every productive
sector which is stifling private sector’s
8. Khan and Ahmed: Peaceful EconomiesArt. 24, page 8 of 9
competitiveness. For example, having
public sector autonomous and semi-
autonomous enterprises compete with
the private sector (in construction, trans-
port, retail, banking and several other
large sectors) implies that government
will limit the space available for more ef-
ficient entrepreneurship and innovation
in various sectors.
• It is also important to carry out a detailed
appraisal of the current regulatory burden
on business operations. There are arcane
regulatory processes that result in harass-
ment of genuine entrepreneurs in turn
forcing them to keep their operations
limited to the informal economy. The
transition of such businesses from infor-
mal economy into formal economy will
require repositioning of regulatory bodies
as facilitators rather than monitors.
• While all regulatory bodies now require
a strong appraisal, we did notice that the
Competition Commission of Pakistan
has, at the macro-level, tried to check
negative practices and some private sec-
tor entities were fined. However micro-
level practices often go unchecked.
Civil Society Organizations
• There is a strong need to build local-level
partnerships between peace-promoting
groups. The work of Aga Khan Rural Sup-
port Program in Gilgit-Baltistan region is
one such example that can be replicated
elsewhere.
• The local civil society organizations
should play a role in demanding respect
for natural resources.
• Community-business cooperation needs
to be enhanced. While elected represent-
atives are usually popular in their elec-
toral constituencies, communities often
have to seek the support of civil society
to make their voices heard. The local lev-
el civil society organizations should be
trained in social accountability models
so that they can partner with the busi-
ness community in demanding public
policy reforms.
• Dispute resolution mechanisms need
to be strengthened. The judicial system
in Pakistan has grown so overstretched
that even businesses are now actively en-
gaged in Alternative Dispute Resolution
mechanisms.
• The traditional institutions of Jirga and
Pinchayats need capacity building in or-
der to become more inclusive (in terms
of women and minority participation).
This role of providing capacity can be
better performed by local civil society or-
ganizations and local business interests
(who face lengthy litigation on frequent
basis).
Author Information
The authors are at the Sustainable
Development Policy Institute, Pakistan (SDPI).
They acknowledge the financial support
from European Union and International
Alert, London.
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