Zimbabwe’s recent history has been shaped by battles about who speaks for the nation, one fought out in struggles for control of political institutions, the media, and civil society. Sara Rich Dorman will examine the interactions of social groups — churches, NGOs, and political parties — from the liberation struggle, through the independence decades, as they engaged the state and ruling party and track how the relationship between Mugabe’s ruling party and activists was determined by the liberation struggle. She will discuss how both structural and direct violence were deployed by the regime, but also how ad-hoc and unplanned many of their interventions really were.
In this presentation Dale Whittington and Kerry Smith explore the history of the ex-ante economic analysis of large dams through the discussion of six key developments that have occurred since the 1950s:
- adding systems analysis
- incorporating multiple objectives
- incorporating environment and social losses
- incorporating economy-wide linkages
- modelling non-cooperative behaviour
- dealing with uncertainty.
Current best practice in the application of ex ante economic analysis tries to address a subset of these developments, but there are no case studies or guidelines that an analyst can reference to learn how best to incorporate all six developments in the ex-ante appraisal of a new dam. We conclude that current professional practice in the ex-ante assessment of large dams has not yet caught up with the scholarly literature on these six developments and highlight the need for a new era of engagement by scholars and practitioners on this “old” challenging problem.
Related Research:
FutureDAMS working paper 'The ex-ante economic analysis of investments in large dams: a brief history' available at FutureDAMS.org/publications
Professor Aung Ze Ya’s presentation gives an introduction to FutureDAMS, the project’s work in Myanmar and the challenges of the region. HIC training January 2020.
In this presentation Dale Whittington and Kerry Smith explore the history of the ex-ante economic analysis of large dams through the discussion of six key developments that have occurred since the 1950s:
- adding systems analysis
- incorporating multiple objectives
- incorporating environment and social losses
- incorporating economy-wide linkages
- modelling non-cooperative behaviour
- dealing with uncertainty.
Current best practice in the application of ex ante economic analysis tries to address a subset of these developments, but there are no case studies or guidelines that an analyst can reference to learn how best to incorporate all six developments in the ex-ante appraisal of a new dam. We conclude that current professional practice in the ex-ante assessment of large dams has not yet caught up with the scholarly literature on these six developments and highlight the need for a new era of engagement by scholars and practitioners on this “old” challenging problem.
Related Research:
FutureDAMS working paper 'The ex-ante economic analysis of investments in large dams: a brief history' available at FutureDAMS.org/publications
Professor Aung Ze Ya’s presentation gives an introduction to FutureDAMS, the project’s work in Myanmar and the challenges of the region. HIC training January 2020.
The Global Development Institute Lecture Series is pleased to present Dr Emma Mawdsley, Reader in Human Geography and Fellow of Newnham College to discuss "The Southernisation of Development? Who has 'socialised' who in the new millennium?"
A more polycentric global development landscape has emerged over the past decade or so, rupturing the formerly dominant North-South axis of power and knowledge. This can be traced through more diversified development norms, institutions, imaginaries and actors. This paper looks at one trend within this turbulent field: namely, the ways in which ‘Northern’ donors appear to be increasingly adopting some of the narratives and practices associated with ‘Southern’ development partners. This direction of travel stands in sharp contrast to expectations in the early new millennium that the (so-called) ‘traditional’ donors would ‘socialise’ the ‘rising powers’ to become ‘responsible donors’. After outlining important caveats about using such cardinal terms, the paper explores three aspects of this ‘North’ to ‘South’ movement. These are (a) the stronger and more explicit claim to ‘win-win’ development ethics and outcomes; (b) the (re)turn from ‘poverty reduction’ to ‘economic growth’ growth as the central analytic of development; and related to both, the explicit and deepening blurring and blending of development finances and agendas with trade and investment.
The Future Dams Research Consortium (originally known as DAMS 2.0) hosted a public lecture by Prof Michael Hanemann of Arizona State University on the economics of water.
The lecture discussed ‘why the economics of water is so hard’ providing a historical and contemporary US overview of the issues that make water challenging to price.
As part of the Global Development Institute Lecture Series and in collaboration with the Post-Crash Economics Society Dr Ha-Joon Chang, University of Cambridge, delivered a lecture entitled: Are some countries destined for under-development?
As part of the Global Development Institute Lecture Series Dr Irene Guijt, Head of Research at Oxfam GB, delivered a lecture entitled: Evidence for Influencing: Balancing research integrity and campaign strategy in Oxfam
When using evidence to influence, what compromises have to be made in different contexts due to practical, political and strategic reasons?
Dr Guijt presents on challenges and successes, using examples of Oxfam research and campaign strategies from across the world.
As part of the Global Development Institute Lecture Series Prof AbdouMaliq Simone discusses collective operations in urban settings.
Despite a flood of knowledge, urban residents increasingly do not know where they are. It’s not a matter of geographical illiteracy or social confusion. Rather, the complexities of urban environments mean that a kind of darkness prevails, with residents unable to come up with a coherent working narrative for their feelings and situations.
Prof Simone will explore the ways in which residents, particularly in Jakarta and Hyderabad, deal with this darkness, where countervailing realities all seem to be equally possible; where the haphazard and brazenly opportunistic expansions of built environments reaffirm or cultivate interiors of care, of people looking out for each other.
Addressing shelter inequalities: Lessons from urban India
"Housing in the Global South faces a number of challenges, including poor construction quality, citizen exclusion, and (in)appropriate standards, leading to significant inequalities.
What lessons emerge for tackling urban shelter inequalities from experiences in the Global South? Prof Mitlin will share findings from research in India where civil society organisations have been working with municipal and state governments to address housing needs through innovation."
The Global Development Lecture Series brings experts involved in global development to The University of Manchester. It aims to facilitate dialogue and discussion, providing a space for leading development thinkers to share their latest research and ideas.
A central aspect of institutional development in less developed economies is building tax systems capable of raising revenues from broad tax bases, i.e., fiscal capacity. While it is recognised that fiscal capacity is pivotal for state building
and economic development, it is less clear what its origins are and what explains its cross-country differences. We focus on political institutions, seen as stronger systems of checks and balances on the executive. Exploiting a recent database on
public sector performance in developing economies and an IV strategy, we identify their long-run impact and we ‘unpack’ the concept of fiscal capacity, distinguishing between the accountability and transparency of fiscal institutions (impartiality) and their effectiveness in extracting revenues. We find that stronger constraints on the executive foster the impartiality of tax systems. However, there is no robust evidence that they also improve its effectiveness. The impact of political institutions on the impartiality dimension works through the rule of law and the performance of the
bureaucracy.
In developing countries like Bangladesh, Digital Financial Services (DFS) usually refers to transactions made over the mobile phone, using variants of the system pioneered in Kenya by m-Pesa. There is much optimism that DFS can revolutionise financial inclusion, though some people are far more cautious, pointing out that just having a mobile money account doesn't mean someone is 'financially included'. In this context, we looked at what the Hrishipara Daily Diaries show us about DFS use in central Bangladesh.
How to Split Bills in the Odoo 17 POS ModuleCeline George
Bills have a main role in point of sale procedure. It will help to track sales, handling payments and giving receipts to customers. Bill splitting also has an important role in POS. For example, If some friends come together for dinner and if they want to divide the bill then it is possible by POS bill splitting. This slide will show how to split bills in odoo 17 POS.
The Global Development Institute Lecture Series is pleased to present Dr Emma Mawdsley, Reader in Human Geography and Fellow of Newnham College to discuss "The Southernisation of Development? Who has 'socialised' who in the new millennium?"
A more polycentric global development landscape has emerged over the past decade or so, rupturing the formerly dominant North-South axis of power and knowledge. This can be traced through more diversified development norms, institutions, imaginaries and actors. This paper looks at one trend within this turbulent field: namely, the ways in which ‘Northern’ donors appear to be increasingly adopting some of the narratives and practices associated with ‘Southern’ development partners. This direction of travel stands in sharp contrast to expectations in the early new millennium that the (so-called) ‘traditional’ donors would ‘socialise’ the ‘rising powers’ to become ‘responsible donors’. After outlining important caveats about using such cardinal terms, the paper explores three aspects of this ‘North’ to ‘South’ movement. These are (a) the stronger and more explicit claim to ‘win-win’ development ethics and outcomes; (b) the (re)turn from ‘poverty reduction’ to ‘economic growth’ growth as the central analytic of development; and related to both, the explicit and deepening blurring and blending of development finances and agendas with trade and investment.
The Future Dams Research Consortium (originally known as DAMS 2.0) hosted a public lecture by Prof Michael Hanemann of Arizona State University on the economics of water.
The lecture discussed ‘why the economics of water is so hard’ providing a historical and contemporary US overview of the issues that make water challenging to price.
As part of the Global Development Institute Lecture Series and in collaboration with the Post-Crash Economics Society Dr Ha-Joon Chang, University of Cambridge, delivered a lecture entitled: Are some countries destined for under-development?
As part of the Global Development Institute Lecture Series Dr Irene Guijt, Head of Research at Oxfam GB, delivered a lecture entitled: Evidence for Influencing: Balancing research integrity and campaign strategy in Oxfam
When using evidence to influence, what compromises have to be made in different contexts due to practical, political and strategic reasons?
Dr Guijt presents on challenges and successes, using examples of Oxfam research and campaign strategies from across the world.
As part of the Global Development Institute Lecture Series Prof AbdouMaliq Simone discusses collective operations in urban settings.
Despite a flood of knowledge, urban residents increasingly do not know where they are. It’s not a matter of geographical illiteracy or social confusion. Rather, the complexities of urban environments mean that a kind of darkness prevails, with residents unable to come up with a coherent working narrative for their feelings and situations.
Prof Simone will explore the ways in which residents, particularly in Jakarta and Hyderabad, deal with this darkness, where countervailing realities all seem to be equally possible; where the haphazard and brazenly opportunistic expansions of built environments reaffirm or cultivate interiors of care, of people looking out for each other.
Addressing shelter inequalities: Lessons from urban India
"Housing in the Global South faces a number of challenges, including poor construction quality, citizen exclusion, and (in)appropriate standards, leading to significant inequalities.
What lessons emerge for tackling urban shelter inequalities from experiences in the Global South? Prof Mitlin will share findings from research in India where civil society organisations have been working with municipal and state governments to address housing needs through innovation."
The Global Development Lecture Series brings experts involved in global development to The University of Manchester. It aims to facilitate dialogue and discussion, providing a space for leading development thinkers to share their latest research and ideas.
A central aspect of institutional development in less developed economies is building tax systems capable of raising revenues from broad tax bases, i.e., fiscal capacity. While it is recognised that fiscal capacity is pivotal for state building
and economic development, it is less clear what its origins are and what explains its cross-country differences. We focus on political institutions, seen as stronger systems of checks and balances on the executive. Exploiting a recent database on
public sector performance in developing economies and an IV strategy, we identify their long-run impact and we ‘unpack’ the concept of fiscal capacity, distinguishing between the accountability and transparency of fiscal institutions (impartiality) and their effectiveness in extracting revenues. We find that stronger constraints on the executive foster the impartiality of tax systems. However, there is no robust evidence that they also improve its effectiveness. The impact of political institutions on the impartiality dimension works through the rule of law and the performance of the
bureaucracy.
In developing countries like Bangladesh, Digital Financial Services (DFS) usually refers to transactions made over the mobile phone, using variants of the system pioneered in Kenya by m-Pesa. There is much optimism that DFS can revolutionise financial inclusion, though some people are far more cautious, pointing out that just having a mobile money account doesn't mean someone is 'financially included'. In this context, we looked at what the Hrishipara Daily Diaries show us about DFS use in central Bangladesh.
How to Split Bills in the Odoo 17 POS ModuleCeline George
Bills have a main role in point of sale procedure. It will help to track sales, handling payments and giving receipts to customers. Bill splitting also has an important role in POS. For example, If some friends come together for dinner and if they want to divide the bill then it is possible by POS bill splitting. This slide will show how to split bills in odoo 17 POS.
Operation “Blue Star” is the only event in the history of Independent India where the state went into war with its own people. Even after about 40 years it is not clear if it was culmination of states anger over people of the region, a political game of power or start of dictatorial chapter in the democratic setup.
The people of Punjab felt alienated from main stream due to denial of their just demands during a long democratic struggle since independence. As it happen all over the word, it led to militant struggle with great loss of lives of military, police and civilian personnel. Killing of Indira Gandhi and massacre of innocent Sikhs in Delhi and other India cities was also associated with this movement.
Palestine last event orientationfvgnh .pptxRaedMohamed3
An EFL lesson about the current events in Palestine. It is intended to be for intermediate students who wish to increase their listening skills through a short lesson in power point.
The Art Pastor's Guide to Sabbath | Steve ThomasonSteve Thomason
What is the purpose of the Sabbath Law in the Torah. It is interesting to compare how the context of the law shifts from Exodus to Deuteronomy. Who gets to rest, and why?
The French Revolution, which began in 1789, was a period of radical social and political upheaval in France. It marked the decline of absolute monarchies, the rise of secular and democratic republics, and the eventual rise of Napoleon Bonaparte. This revolutionary period is crucial in understanding the transition from feudalism to modernity in Europe.
For more information, visit-www.vavaclasses.com
Unit 8 - Information and Communication Technology (Paper I).pdfThiyagu K
This slides describes the basic concepts of ICT, basics of Email, Emerging Technology and Digital Initiatives in Education. This presentations aligns with the UGC Paper I syllabus.
How to Create Map Views in the Odoo 17 ERPCeline George
The map views are useful for providing a geographical representation of data. They allow users to visualize and analyze the data in a more intuitive manner.
This is a presentation by Dada Robert in a Your Skill Boost masterclass organised by the Excellence Foundation for South Sudan (EFSS) on Saturday, the 25th and Sunday, the 26th of May 2024.
He discussed the concept of quality improvement, emphasizing its applicability to various aspects of life, including personal, project, and program improvements. He defined quality as doing the right thing at the right time in the right way to achieve the best possible results and discussed the concept of the "gap" between what we know and what we do, and how this gap represents the areas we need to improve. He explained the scientific approach to quality improvement, which involves systematic performance analysis, testing and learning, and implementing change ideas. He also highlighted the importance of client focus and a team approach to quality improvement.
Instructions for Submissions thorugh G- Classroom.pptxJheel Barad
This presentation provides a briefing on how to upload submissions and documents in Google Classroom. It was prepared as part of an orientation for new Sainik School in-service teacher trainees. As a training officer, my goal is to ensure that you are comfortable and proficient with this essential tool for managing assignments and fostering student engagement.
Intro:
In this paper I suggest that despite Zimbabwe’s current noteriety for ‘patriotic history’ ZANU ’s post-1980 legitimation strategy focussed not on ‘liberationist’ discourses but instead focussed on societal demobilization. It argues that the politics of post-liberation societies are shaped by the experience of warfare, by the transformation of relations between guerrillas and civilians, and by the organization and power relations within the movement. Post-liberation politics is thus about how politics is organised, as much as the discourses that the regime uses.
The story I tell in the book is not just about violence, ethnicity, political instrumentality, hard state, failing state, racial reconciliation, or racial enmity…we need a broader set of debates that incorporate cultural and normative politics of citizenship, voice and nation-building, as well as the more obvious material drivers and power politics.
A larger goal is to respond to claims of ‘exceptionality’ – writing zimbabwe back in, but also – I hope – speaking to how we write african politics.
In Zimbabwe, as in other African states which underwent negotiated transitions rather than victories through ‘the barrel of the gun’, the pressures on nationalist movements generated forms of coalition-building that translated into demobilized and quiescent political cultures after independence. The limited form of pluralism which typifies these political systems helps explain the particularity of the durable authoritarian—but not totalitarian—rule that follows. Nationalist movements generate particular kinds of discourses and norms of political behaviour. It is these norms which valorise unity and challenge democratic movements outside the liberation movement, which shape political understandings and expectations in the post-independence period, enabling and legitimizing the Mugabe regime’s dominance. Nevertheless, the historical evidence shows that movements did not always conform to these expectations, being instead heterogeneous and complex, which is also reflected in the post-independence political trajectory.
I will argue that even November’s coup, which reshaped Zimbabwe’s politics, is also an indication of the power of liberation politics, although the material demands of that aging generation – seeing their last chances of seizing power and benefitting from access to the state – should not be discounted.
Chapter2: the Politics of Nationalism (pictures from my own collection – except one later from Zoe).
At independence, the Mugabe regime consolidated its electoral victory, taking control of state institutions, appealing to people’s desire for peace and development, and ensuring its monopoly on the use of violence through control of the coercive mechanisms of state.
In those first years its willingness to deploy force against civilians was clearly signaled. In doing so, it shaped both the new state and the nation of Zimbabwe, constructing a set of understandings, norms and expectations that enabled its party to retain political control for over thirty five years.
But to make sense out of this, we need to make sense out of ‘Nationalism’ – not a period but a reconceptualization of power relations.
The political struggle in Zimbabwe has been over control of the state, but this is inescapably welded to the right to represent the nation – and that carries on through to the current period.
We need to remember Independence as a result of armed revolution is very much the exception in Africa, but it shapes the countries which experience it. Generates a particular form of Limited pluralism (Linz).
Nationalism – fundamentally heterogenous movements, bounded together (sometimes by choice, sometimes not) long trajectory of political movements – the two most important for our purposes are ZAPU and ZANU – which split from ZAPU in 1963; Mugabe became its leader in 1976 (only four years before independence).
Peasant mobilization – hugely diverse experiences across the country. Eg maxwell/lan v alexander/mcgregor ; Kriger
Flag ZANU/ZANU geographic divides internal parties
Urban mobilization – workers, important legacy shapes post-colonial politicsn Churches / missionaries/ whites - also hugely divided
Zolberg – ‘parties unifies’ not ‘parties uniques’.
1980 – independence / ZANU wins the most seats; creates a ‘unity government’ with some posts in cabinet for its old rivals ZAPU.
Independence marked by this remarkably apolitical set of first day covers – setting the stage for discursive depoliticization -- contra to many assumptions, zimbabwe’s discourses in these years eschewed ‘liberation’ and instead focused on ‘development’.
Pertinently for our discussion – KGV barracks only renamed Tongogara in 2015? (proposed in 2012) – decades after becoming a republic and years after leaving the Commonwealth. Why? Risked opening up debates that ZANU did not want to have and could not afford to have. Competing claims about contributions to the struggle; old rivalries.
Ferguson speaks of how international bodies use development discourse to depoliticise, but Zimbabwe shows us how states – and local NGOs caught up in their discursive sphere do so as well. (Scott, Gaventa, Gramsci).
Chaper 3: the politics of inclusion –
In attempting to deal with this legacy – and a negotiated transition – NOT one at the ‘barrel of the gun’, we see the creation of a new ‘coalition’ – bringing in new groups – white farmers, donors, business interests – legal practices and institution building. Paradoxically the regime’s fetish for legal mechanisms provides openings for resistance later on…
Zimbabwe’s politics shaped by strategies – discursive claims to foster national ‘unity’ – delegitimized autonomous action outside the ruling party – the most prominent NGOs were those linked to the liberation movements – either institutionally or through personal connections, those that were not – such as churches linked to Muzorewa or the trades unions – were very firmly to get in line. And they did so. Academics - suspect, but incorporated into the state. Women’s groups that existed were tightly link to the party/state. Etc Paul Nyathi ‘we laid down our advocacy’. NGOs weren’t shut down, but they did consciously ‘re-orient’ themselves to maintain good relations with the state. , The liberationist ethos and nationalist pattern of organizing meant that even groups like NGOs and churches, which were not necessarily reliant on the state financially, felt bound up with it and tied to the state project. (gatekeeper state).
Societal demobilization – in rural areas and urban areas, the state moved against any organised groups/movements – eg attempts to claim land; urban informal areas ’cleared; women ‘rounded up’ on thestreets, ; even the war vets were not allowed to form their own representative organisation. Calls for national service, etc were dropped/ignored.
Land reform – limited to abandoned farms,. Technocratic, NO RESTITUTION. All about production.
Chapter 3:. This set of stamps, with its liberation iconography is actually notable for its unusualness – very exceptional.
But what it also reveals is the subtle promotion of ZANU the party. This period was a period of prosperity and growth for many but not for all
In Matabeleland, where ZAPU had been the dominant force during the liberation war, the government unleashed a genocide in which at least 20 000 civilians were killed. Human rights abuses – remarkably similar to those of the rhodesian regime all ’justified’ in terms of security – ZAPU’s leaders were accused of treason, as would be the leaders of all of Zimbabwe’s opposition parties.
Securitised – let’s not forget there was a very real security issue – south africa was actively trying to destabilize zimbabwe and mozambique.
And mugabe’s rhetoirc and claims were effective - Students at UZ marched – demanded to be sent to Matabeleland to fight ZAPU
But we know that the claims against ZAPU were mostly trumped up, and it is best understood as an attack on ZAPU’s political base, a tension which continues to rumble on.
In 1987 ZAPU was absorbed by ZANU … unity accord the second of three ‘unity’ governments - all of which merely enhanced ZANU’s position.
Chapter 4 the politics of durability – coming back to Linz’s insight here about ‘limited pluralism’ – creates durable authoritarianism. Puzzle – political scientists at the time spoke of zimbabwe ‘democratizing’ (perhaps because of apparent liberalization’ and opening of some political space) but in fact, it became more authoritarian, with the introduction of laws that prevented protest… and the arrest of political party leaders like Ndabaningi Sithole in 1995
it’s also now that we first see ‘liberationist’ discourse re-emerging with tactical moves made around land and indigenization.
Despite the unity accord which seemed to remove opposition to ZANU, the regime actually experiences more contestion as political space opened up
‘one party state debate’. – new ‘3rd generation’ Ngos – without ties to either the colonial regime or the liberation movements formed ; students and labour unions became vocal opponents –More independent newspapers start publishing
Emergence of human rights groups, churches being more vocal, ‘liberalization’ of universities, unions etc actually served to ‘divide and rule’ – students union, academic voices, union voices all quieted. eg unions – one sector, one union rules revoked via labour relations act – enabled ZANU to create splinter unions. Likewise, student and academic voice weakened as ‘private’ universities opened.
War vets scandal – Margaret Dongo able to use parliament and media to reveal misappropriation of funds. War vets march with impunity – first remobilization of this period -- payoff to them sparks financial crisis.
New political parties formed 1990, 1995 – make ground in urban areas, especially effective in using the courts to challenge the Electoral Act and the Political Parties Finance act – also revealing the disorder of the electoral roll, but tied to old ‘white’ parties; little mass appeal. Margaret Dongo – deselected from her seat by ZANU becomes a key figure in ’independents’ movement – breathing new life into electoral politics.
NGO coalitions , sectoral strikes, emerge and we see how when resources are reduced the coalition’s stability is threatened and coercion is used against a broader set of social groups,– when we see journalists arrested, NGOs threatened etc
Chapter 5 1998-2000 – in this pivotal 2 year period, we see how the mobilization and privileging of certain members of the coalition weakens the regime’s hold over others. It also opens spaces for alternative accounts of nationalism or other ideologies to flourish. This resulted in a dramatic polarization of society between 1997 and 2000, as social groups formed networks and an electorally successful political party.
The NCA was a coalition of churches and NGOs which successfully reframed debates and took control of the discursive stage getting people talking about presidential term limits and the role of the judiciary vis a vis the legislature.
The regime tried to recapture the debate by launching their own ‘constitutional commission’ - another classic divide and rule move – appointing people from the NCA to the CC, and trying to capture their momentum. The CC used the media, and broadcast hearings from all around the country. It was unprecedented, but they were ‘hoist by their own petard’ because when the draft constitution came out, people realised that it did not accord with the hearings that they had watched, and which had been reported in the newspapers. The government lost constitutional referendum on 14 February, and the next day, the war vets issued a statement laying the blame at the foot of ZANU, and started occupying land.
Faced with an election in June, which would be contested by the Movement for Democratic Change, whose membership closely paralleled that of the NCA, ZANU panicked, and accepted the war veterans critique and their challenge. Which is what led to the fast track land reform programme and the contested political scene post 2000…
Chapter 6 The politics of exclusion we see that after 2000 exclusion was no longer unthinkable because the ever-increasing ranks of the excluded developed their own justificatory rhetoric and resources, but continued to be challenged by the regime’s hold on state institutions and its appeal for some social groups.
Competition for control of the state is based on competing ideologies and interests, which manifest themselves in electoral and physical conflict after the 2000 election.
Recreating the nationalist coalition – jingles, national dress, national heroes, national; service – remobilization.
New, restrictive, citizenship laws – a newly exclusionary framing of what it means to be Zimbabwean – but also a transformation of the political and economic landscape – quite literally in some cases – the countryside was transformed with new homesteads and different cropping strategies, while prosperity and poverty alike transformed urban areas, marked also by infrastructural collapse – decline of health services, water treatment and more contributing to 2008’s cholera epidemic.
MDC unable to access radio, indigenous language media. New legislation brought in that restricted the private press, extended political control over all aspects of the media.
Electoral violence ; Public Order and Security Act was used to ban opposition party meetings. Politicization of the judiciary, traditional leaders
ZANU captured and divided Churches, Trades Unions
Given Zimbabwe’s straitened circumstances – rampant inflation- all of this would have been impossible without investments/line of credit from China and the windfall discovery of diamonds in Eastern Zimbabwe, which the government was able to ‘grab’.
Chapter 7 2008 – ZANU experiences its first defeat at the polls – loses control of parliament ; almost certainly would have lost the presidential vote if the election had gone ahead – Morgan Tsvangirai withdrew from the run-off election because of intense violence. Backed by his generals, Mugabe refused to concede, and under pressure from south africa, yet another ‘unity government’ /power-sharing agreement was implemented.
The MDC came into government – tightly curtailed, but with control of the Finance Ministry, which enabled it to stabilize the economy.
Civil society sidelined as politics becomes remobilized factionalized. (NB: new younger generation, without the ties that bound together the earlier generatiuon)
ZANU – new strategies – not just recycling old narratives but a powerful interaction of indigenization, traditional leaders, housing co-ops and more. The 2013 election provided a moment of surprising coherence for ZANU as they focused on the prize – regaining full control of the state (Kriger).
This is classic Winner takes all politics because there is nothing to lose from political mobilization and potentially everything to gain – Spoils politics, as Chris Allen called it.
How to conclude? As the years wore on, the ZANU project struggled amidst economic and political uncertainty, and appeared to be wavering. The state institutions became weakened, as politicization and graft overwhelmed professionalism. Rumours and confusion spread over what was legal, and what illegal. Citizens uprooted from their homes no longer knew what to expect from their elected representatives or security forces.
Norms and expectations relating to state action and service provision had been shattered. Few activists or opposition politicians in Zimbabwe have not been detained by police at least once, many have suffered far more. And those convicted were treated as criminals, denied the legitimacy of acting on political principle, or moral cause (Alexander). The painful legacies of abuse of authority, torture and loss, intensified by the continued refusal of perpetrators and their apologists to acknowledge these, permeate victims’ consciousness and weaken the foundations of the polity.
By the end of the period covered in this book, it seemed inconceivable that the ageing generation of nationalist politicians could hold on any longer. But attempts by church people, NGOs, labour and community activists to imagine and articulate an alternative set of norms have been stymied. This failure to articulate fully a convincing alternative account of Zimbabwean citizenship and nationhood led Tendi to speak of Zimbabwe’s intellectual space having been ‘ceded’ to the nationalist public intellectuals – and here ‘nationlist’ means ZANU.
The resurgence of the ZANU project, its conceptualization of Zimbabwe’s nationhood and its willingness to marshal violence in its interests reveal its continuing potency, even – perhaps especially? -- at times of great instability.
What we have seen since I finished this book is the intense factionalization as the party searched for a successor to its president, and grappled with new economic challenges. Leading to mnangagwa’s ouster, then the coup….
We have also seen dramatic new re-articulations from citizens of the state they aspire to belong to – a reclaiming of nationalist idiom – and that should give us much hope.
How much the coup overwhelms that…. Is to be seen in the next few months. Can ZANU reinvent itself again?