THI JOURNAI OF ABNORMAL AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGYVol. 48, No. I,

THI JOURNAI OF ABNORMAL AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
Vol. 48, No. I, 1053
CASE REPORT
A CASE STUDY OF FETISHISM
VERNON W. GRANT
Hatvthornden State Hospital
Macedonia, Ohio
T
HE literature on pathological fetishism
is not rich in first-hand accounts by
affected persons capable of describing
their experiences in an articulate and insight-
ful way. The case to be presented is that of
an individual of considerable intelligence and
of above-average expressive capacity. Certain
features of the case are distinctive. The
subject of the study is fully capable of appar-
ently altogether normal sex-emotional attrac-
tion and attachment, and is thus in position
to compare the affects associated with this
experience with those of fetishism. Further,
a possible practical solution of the problem
for one type of fetishism, perhaps for only
certain representatives of this type, is offered.
The subject achieved, in relatively simple
fashion, a successful method of satisfying his
needs, altogether free of the ordeals and

hazards to which victims of these abnormali-
ties are so often exposed.
An attempt at comprehensive descriptive
definition of sexual fetishism would probably
make a cumbersome statement and would be
of no particular relevance to this study.
Within the context of the case history to be
presented, we may use the term with refer-
ence to those deviant forms of erotic behavior
in which, most frequently, a limited portion
of the body, or an article of clothing, of a
sexually attractive individual constitutes the
more or less exclusive focus of interest; this
interest being manifested in unusual fascina-
tion with the object or body part and in a
desire to possess, caress, or fondle it, typically
accompanied by some degree of genital ex-
citement. There are admittedly many and
various instances of the rarer forms of
fetishistic behavior (e.g., involving certain
specialized visual, tactual, olfactory, or situ-
ational experiences) to which so simple a
formulation would not apply (3, 5). In some
cases, according to the accounts, the fetish
object or stimulus may exercise its effect in
complete dissociation, not only from the
primary sexual stimuli but from the very
existence of the bearer of the fetish. Thus
there is the hair fetishist who can say, "For
me the girl herself is nothing; her hair, every-
thing that I desire."
There has been a tendency in studies of the
fetishist to stress his relative indifference to

primary sexual stimuli, in sharp contract with
his intense attraction to features commonly
rated as incidental. In our subject the only
deficit in this respect is his indifference to the
feminine breast. More striking is his capacity
for complete sex-emotional experience of the
"romantic" type on the basis of nonfetish
traits. In this case fetishism appears simply
and mainly as an exaggerated susceptibility
to one feature of sexual attractiveness within
a setting of normal responsiveness to such
familiar kinds of "charm" as facial beauty,
voice, grace, and other personal qualities.
During normal love attachment the subject
reports a temporary abeyance of fetish inter-
est. On analysis, this was disclosed to be the
effect of repression: when "in love" he found
his fetish interest so far in conflict with the
exalted emotions awakened by his attachment
that he was able, with very little effort, to
banish such inclinations from consciousness.
Apart from its bearing on the problem of
the place of this form of erotic abnormality
within the general theoretical framework of
sexual psychology, the case offers some evi-
dence of the need of effort directed toward
public enlightenment concerning the nature
of these disorders. There are doubtless many
who still view them as perversities rather
than as maladies, as delinquency rather than
as disease.
Contact with the subject, who is not and
has never been a psychiatric hospital resident,
was made independently of the writer's pro-

fessional functions.
THE SUBJECT
The subject is a 35-year-old male, American born,
of American-born parents. He is white and unmar-
ried. He has engaged in several different relatively
unskilled occupations. He is largely self-educated,
142
in good physical condition, and without history of
serious somatic ailments. He was enuretic until
about 12 years of age. He suffered chronically from
nightmares, "all my life, as far back as I can
remember. For years it seemed like almost every
night." These occurred, typically, immediately after
falling asleep. He reports also much talking in
sleep. A paternal aunt is psychotic; a younger
brother is described as rather neurotic, subject to
depressions in early life. His mother is of life-long
"nervous and anxious" disposition. He first became
aware of his peculiarity as a recognized sexual devi-
ation through reading Krafft-Ebing; he was amazed
and deeply disturbed, felt he was a misfit. He
finally came to accept the abnormality—intellec-
tually, at least—without guilt feelings, realizing he
was in no way responsible. His peculiar sex needs
have involved him, through the years, in a variety
of experiences, some rather stressful in character,
owing to the risks to which he was forced in pur-
suit of his objectives. His account follows.

THE SUBJECT'S ACCOUNT
At the age of 35 I can look back over many
years of experience with sex fetishism. I can
remember an interest in women's shoes as
early as my fourth year, and that this interest
continued during my grade-school days. I
remember fantasies of women wearing high-
heeled slippers of dainty design. There were
also secret periods of play with my sister's
and mother's shoes in the clothes closets.
Shoes had no sexual meaning at diis time.
I don't know why I felt that secrecy was
necessary. If I was ever observed I was never
punished. I recall clearly that when I was
four years old, just before Christmas, an aunt
visited. I know it was my fourth birthday
because I received a set of toy soldiers, and
because it was before I started kindergarten.
She wore high-heeled shoes. I remember
watching, and I know that my attention was
centered on her shoes, that I was specifically
interested in her shoes to the complete exclu-
sion of everytyhing else about her.
I masturbated at age nine, and I am posi-
tive that I thought of women's shoes during
the act. I remember too when I first dis-
covered the type of shoes, in an illustration
in a book, that excited me most. At age ten
or thereabouts I recall staying with my aunt.
I was allowed to sleep with her because I was
troubled with nightmares. I once went
through her dresser drawers looking for
hidden Christmas presents when I found a

pair of high-heeled shoes. I got very excited,
as if I had found a treasure. That night
when she came home I persuaded her to put
them on by saying I thought they must be
too small for her. She did so and then I tried
to get her to take a few steps, but she refused,
saying it was silly. I was very excited during
all this, though I do not recall that it was
sexual. However, I do remember having an
erection when I once saw her putting her
hose on one morning. Also that one day
when I asked about the shoes she said she
had given them away and that she did not
want to discuss it. I was given a bed of my
own and never permitted to sleep with her
again. I am sure she felt there was some-
thing strange about my interest in the shoes.
When I was 12 years old I was attracted
to my sister's shoes. I used to wait for her
to sit at the table. I had a strong urge to
get under the table. I would pretend to drop
something to get under it. I was interested
only in her shoes. I'm sure I had no other
interest, as her legs were thin and uninterest-
ing. I used to dream about this too. In the
dreams she would put on pumps and then
touch my genitals with them. Even in later
years I had dreams in which I followed her
to the bedroom and asked her to put on the
patent leather pumps. I was never conscious,
in the dream, of arousing her suspicions of a
sex motive in asking her to put the shoes on,
but it always happened that when she did so
she would extend her foot forward to press

against my genitals and then the dream
would end.
There were other examples during my
teens when I became excited over a girl's
shoes, especially when she had shapely legs.
In my seventeenth year I met a girl who
attracted me strongly at once. Although I
was conscious of her figure, neither her shoes
nor her legs aroused more than a slight
interest. My passion was essentially mental
and free from any conscious sex disturbance.
Demonstrations of affection were limited to
good-night kisses infinitely tender. I loved
her with intense emotion entirely devoid of
any lustful thoughts or desires. The romance
ended when she went away to college, and I
suffered painfully intense heartbreak over it.
Soon after this I secured employment and
managed to recover from my depression by
heavy physical labor. For several years I had
little interest in women and rarely mastur-
144 VERNON W. GRANT
bated. I put all my energies into work.
Sometime around my twenty-fifth year my
interest in shoes regained its strength. I
began to frequent the waiting rooms of rail-
road stations. Sitting opposite a woman I
would concentrate on her shoes and legs.
In the earlier stages of this practice I would
masturbate through my pocket, concealing

this by holding a newspaper over my crossed
legs. At a later stage I obtained satisfaction
without mechanical means, the effect of look-
ing at the shoes and wgs being enough in
itself to produce orgasm. What excited me
most was patent leather pumps with French
heels, of simple design and free of decora-
tions like straps and bows. At times the
nervous tension became so great as to cause
visible trembling in a kind of ecstasy. Shoes
alone were not enough, however. In addi-
tion I needed shapely ankles and sheer hose,
preferably the darker shades. The effect was
much increased by movements of the foot.
No part of the leg above the knee held any
interest for me.
I have never experienced the intense nerv-
ous excitation, in anticipating normal sexual
intercourse, comparable with the effect of an
opportunity to see legs I consider especially
beautiful, and provided circumstances are
such that I am free of feelings of anxiety.
I have noticed that, in watching a woman's
legs in a public place, if there is a chance I
may lose sight of her I become overeager
and anxious, and this sometimes makes me
impotent. If I can manage to relax and con-
centrate on the sheer enjoyment without
thinking of an interruption, I then experience
rising excitement and climax much more
quickly. At the period when my fetish pas-
sion is most active, the effect of shapely legs,
even when glimpsed for only a moment, is
enough to set me on fire. The effect is not
localized in my genitals, but seems spread

over my entire body. There is a heat sen-
sation, as if my blood has been warmed.
I have suffered a great deal of anxiety dur-
ing my visits to public places where it is easy
to watch women's shoes and legs. In addi-
tion to the feeling of guilt which I still feel
at times, there is the danger of detection.
Plainclothesmen have haunted me, and more
than once I have been questioned on sus-
picion of loitering. I have tried to be casual
in my behavior at waiting rooms, but the
length of time I spent there, the constant
moving about for a vantage point, and my
fixed scrutiny when I found one would
attract attention and I would be warned to
"shove off or else." It was not easy to, find
what. I was looking for, since in addition
to the proper type of shoe and the well-
shaped ankles and legs, I needed a certain
amount of movement, for example the slight
swinging of the leg when one rests across the
other. If the foot is motionless there is no
increase in stimulation, no "build up." In
order to get this there must be movement.
The more gyrations of the foot and leg, the
more the stimulation. If I know a woman
is conscious of my watching her legs it
increases the excitement. Another thing is
that similar shoes and legs have different
effects if in one case the woman is distin-
guished-looking and refined, and in another
case she is coarse-looking and "vulgar."
My sexual condition is important, too.

After several weeks without satisfaction the
urge reaches a strength where just prolonged
staring at the legs and shoes of a mannequin
in a store window will be enough to give me
an orgasm. This has happened a dozen
times, at least. Once I tried to buy a man-
nequin. However, I have to be in a highly
excitable condition for this kind of satisfac-
tion. If I buy the kind of shoes I prefer and
ask a woman I know to wear them for me,
it doesn't have the same appeal as if they
were her own shoes. I guess this is because
they don't seem to be as much a part of her.
Certain types of hands excite me too, but
only if I am already aroused. Once I had an
orgasm watching a woman's hand, but I had
already been strongly aroused. Otherwise,
I am completely indifferent. It is harder to
find the right type of hand than the proper
kind of shoe and leg. It must be long and
slender, and preferably with painted nails.
Sometimes the hand arouses excitement, but
there is no build-up. It's the same way with
a woman's buttocks. Four or five times I've
reached orgasm through watching a woman's
buttock movements in walking, but only
when I'm already excited. I can't start cold
that way. As to prostitutes, I always take
the proper shoes and hose with me when I
go to them. I'd say that die sight of the
A CASE STUD? OP FETISHISM

genitals is normally stimulating to me. In
having intercourse I sometimes have the
woman take a position so I can see her geni-
tals during the act.
My techniques in pursuit of my fetish
were a product of experience and involved a
certain amount of skill and manoeuvering.
For example, I spent much time in public
libraries because there was less danger of
being watched. By walking past a woman
who was seated with a book and stopping
for a moment directly in front of her to stare
at her foot, I would gain her attention and
she would watch me until I had taken a seat.
Then I would continue to look, but in a
covert manner, as though conscious that I
was acting at variance with popular ethics.
Usually the woman would conceal as much
of her ankles as possible, sometimes even
taking her shoes off and sifting on her feet.
When this occurred I would smile in a smug,
amused way to give her the impression she
was being laughed at, with the result that
she would often resume her position and per-
haps even expose more of her legs to indi-
cate her contempt for my opinion. I would
religiously avoid catching the woman's eye,
concentrating entirely on her shoe and ankle
to convince her that my interest was imper-
sonel and confined to the shoe. If she moved
her foot experimentally I would exaggerate
my pleasure by facial animation, sometimes
parting my lips to convey passionate interest.
My whole bearing would suggest intensity
of sensation. Sometimes this defeated my

purpose, the woman becoming alarmed, but
these instances were rare. It was also rare
for a woman to change her seat or leave the
premises as a result of my interest. Usually
my model would continue to move her foot
experimentally, sometimes even getting up to
walk back and forth along the bookshelves
near my seat and taking poses to reveal her
underpinning to the greatest advantage. She
Would sometimes walk in a teasing manner,
rotating on the balls of her toes with each
step. I learned to catalogue various types:
the essentially vain, the purely experimental,
the naive who only partially understood and
were indignant, and the stupid, who sat on
their feet and were very uncomfortable as a
result; also the frustrated, who opened a con-
versation for the purpose of arranging a date
and subsequently a bit of sex for recreation.
On several occasions a woman either ap-
proached me directly to make my acquaint-
ance, or dropped a note on the table as she
strolled by. I seldom responded to these
notes. It was risky. On one occasion I fol-
lowed such a request and the party turned
out to be a policewoman who would have
run me in had I not bought her a pair of
nylons.
In a few instances in which contacts made in
public places led further , the subject reports he
required the shoe to be worn during coitus and
describes the fetishistic sex experience with em-
phasis on positions permitting the shoes and legs
to be visible during intercourse. It is noted that

he persuaded one partner to stand upon his bare
stomach, and in one other case refers to a "masoch-
istic thrill." He repeatedly stresses the importance
of movement, and states that even well-shaped legs
and the preferred type of shoes, without movement,
arouse him very slowly. Foot pressure was also a
stimulus, and he tells of excitement aroused by the
accidental pressure of a woman's foot, as when
standing in a crowd, if exerted with sufficient force.
On one occasion he became sexually stimulated by
the sound of the heel taps of a woman walking by,
and not at the moment visible to him.
During a period of unemployment I be-
came completely devoted to pursuit of the
fetish. For over a year I did not have an
adequate income, frequently sleeping in parks
and boxcars and often not getting enough to
eat. At this time my fetish became like a
disease. I was a sick man and I knew it, but
any resolutions I made to defeat the impulse
vanished once I sighted the fetish. The
fascination made me simply helpless. I
finally reached the stage where nothing else
mattered. I stopped caring where I slept
and went for days with little food. It seemed
that the urge became more difficult to satisfy
as my vitality waned. For three or four days
at a time I would experience interrupted
orgasms without ejaculations, walking about
town in constant search. I visited bus sta-
tions, hotel lobbies, hospital waiting rooms,
and even churches—any place where a
woman wearing my fetish needs might be
found seated long enough to make an ejacu-
lation possible. I could not reach orgasm by

mechanical means now. Attempts to mastur-
bate curbed the sensation. The orgasm had
to be spontaneous. Desire to urinate helped.
There were times when I was ready to burst
146
from restraint. Under prolonged stress I
suffered not only from the maddening frus-
tration but also from excruciating headaches
which affected my vision and paralyzed my
neck muscles. When finally I succeeded in
breaking this extreme nervous tension the
orgasm would be so feeble as to lower my
spirits, robbing me of any satisfaction. After
experiences of this kind I would make new
efforts to rehabilitate myself.
Often I have boarded trains in pursuit of
a woman wearing my fetish. Sometimes the
starting whistle of the engine would induce
ejaculation. But if I had not been able to see
the legs or the shoes of the woman after she
boarded the train because of luggage cutting
off the view, or failure to get a seat opposite
her, I would return to the platform and look
through the window. This was possible only
when the tracks were lower than the plat-
form level. Sometimes my excitement would
be so intense as to cause me to run beside the
moving car. I have had ejaculations while
running at almost top speed. On one occa-
sion my absorption was so great that I fell
off the end of the platform and was knocked

unconscious. My peculiar behavior in rail-
road stations was sometimes checked by the
police, but after questioning I was released.
I never gave my true motive for chasing
trains. Twice I was jailed under charge of
disorderly conduct, being given 15 days of
imprisonment altogether.
My fetishism has much influence on my
tendency to develop interest in a girl. The
discovery that a girl I have just met has well-
shaped legs has a strongly quickening effect
on my interest in her as an individual. A
girl might appeal to me very much in features
and personality, but if I discovered her legs
were ugly I am certain I would lose interest.
On the other hand I am equally certain that
once I have fallen in love, apart from any
effect of the legs, the discovery that the latter
were unattractive would alter my feeling very
little.
Twice I have been very much in love. On
the second occasion it was with a much
younger girl. She was very fond of me and
permitted very ardent kissing. I can truth-
fully say that I was completely happy just
confining my affection to kisses and embraces.
I never touched her breasts or any part of her
VERNON W. GRANT
body that was sexually vulnerable. Even
though I got an erection at these times I had
no real desire to go further. I was content
just to kiss her again and again and to hold

her close. The thrill was not progressive.
My passion did not increase by the long
.embraces. I simply felt immeasurable bliss
and happiness while holding her. When
separated from her I was miserable. I never
thought of her as a bed companion. Despite
her unusually shapely legs I had an actual
slight aversion toward looking at her shoes.
In explaining this I would say that because
my love for her was essentially spiritual I felt
it would be a kind of sacrilege to look at her
shoes or legs. I suppose this was a throw-
back to my old prudish inhibitions.
The subject's capacity for apparently quite normal
"amorous" love attachment makes possible a com-
parison of this with fetishistic attraction. He states
that the effect upon his sensibilities of a woman
whose shoes, legs, and person meet the requirements
of his taste includes much more than genital sex
excitement. The "charm" of gracefully designed
shoes, well-formed ankles and legs imparts itself to
the entire person. The emotion he then experi-
ences, he states, is very similar to that of being "in
love," or at any rate to the early stages of this
emotion. He stresses, however, that the emotion
itself tends to focus upon the initially alluring mem-
bers, and he tells us that he has experienced a
stronger desire to kiss and to caress the attractive
woman's ankles, legs,«or shoes, than to kiss her lips,
"unless she is exceptionally beautiful." Without her
shoes, such a person immediately loses much of her
charm; he reports such loss of interest as a striking
experience in several instances, He refers to an
attraction in which he felt "quite normally in love"
with a girl whose shapely legs attracted him

strongly, yet he feels "quite certain" that, but for
the fetish, he would have been indifferent, and that
the amorous state would not have developed.
It seems significant that the effect of the fetish
here occasionally exhibits a definite parallel with
the traditional "love affair." Contacts with the
fetish object are described as having a quality of
"sweetness, of loving caress" which he recognizes
as different from that of genital sex arousal. This
recalls Binet's observation that "for fetishists, the
sense perception of the loved object is a source of
pleasure superior even to sexual sensation" (i).
Apart from providing a stimulus to sexual arousal
and gratification the fetish object is sought, he
believed, as an end in itself. There are "two orders
of sentiment" in these experiences, and one of them
is a kind of adoration; it is aesthetic, "purely cere-
bral." The writer has elsewhere cited illustrations
of this distinction (4).
In the course of five arrests the subject had con-
tacts with police authorities which registered rather
vividly upon his memory. Some excerpts from his
account of these experiences follow.
On one occasion I was sitting in the shoe
department of a large store. A house detec-
tive spotted me and pointed me out to a city
policeman who watched me for a while, then
recognized die signs of my interest in legs.
(I learned all this later, of course.) He ap-
proached and asked me what I was doing

there. I said I was waiting for my wife.
He said, "The hell you are, you God-damned
pervert." He ordered me to the office of the
store, pushing me ahead of him, using vile
language like "degenerate bastard, son of a
bitch," etc. The manager said he would
press no charges in die matter so long as I
kept out of his store. Nevertheless, the offi-
cer took me to the precinct station in the
patrol wagon. At the station the arresting
officer called the rest of the policemen around
and told them I was a degenerate. They
jeered me and made some nasty jokes. One
of them offered me a cigarette, then asked
me if it tasted like a penis. The police chief
came in and asked my name. Then he took
me into his office, gave me a seat, offered me
a cigar. He was friendly, said he wanted my
story, that he wanted to help me, not crucify
me. Later he said I'd be held for three days,
then would go to a psychiatrist, then to court.
On the third day he sent me to the magis-
trate, along with the probation officer. We
went to his private office. There was a news-
paper man there who wanted a story on the
case. The officer refused and said he would
never divulge die information I gave him.
The probation officer was pretty decent.
Then I was sent from the county jail to
another precinct where I was held for psy-
chiatric examination. After several days I
saw the chief psychiatrist. After a short
interview he decided I was not a public
menace. He was very skeptical of my sin-
cerity when I said I wanted to be cured. I
was released and told I must appear before

the magistrate I had seen previously. When
I appeared for final judgment the magistrate
reviewed the psychiatric report and sent me
to a mental hygiene clinic. There a young
psychiatrist gave me about 20 minutes. He
was very decent to me, and took some notes.
He advised me to be as careful as possible,
but said that I was incurable. On a second
visit I was interviewed by another psychia-
trist, also sympadietic.
At another time I was following a couple
of girls down a city street, hoping for a good
view of their shoes and legs. They noticed
it, became alarmed and spoke to a policeman.
He called to me and blew his whistle. I got
frightened and ran. He followed, caught me
and arrested me. I could easily have gotten
away but was paralyzed with fright. He
collared me and pushed me ahead of him.
At the station I was finger-printed and put
in the municipal jail. Later this officer came
to my cell with a man called the public
defender. At first he appeared to be very
friendly, and asked me questions like "You
like to masturbate, don't you?" "You like
to lay with men?" "You like to dream about
women, don't you?" Then he said, "You
have dementia praecox." He mispronounced
the words so badly that if I had not known
what he was trying to say I would not have
understood him. He suggested various sex
practices regarded as degenerate, then be-

came incensed with me when I denied any
such impulses. Finally he became angry
with me and left. The next morning I went
before the judge. I gave him a letter I had
written the night before, explaining truth-
fully what my motive had been in following
the girls and giving him some of the facts
about my abnormality. After reading it and
weighing the evidence he was inclined to
let me go. The arresting officer, who had
earlier treated me with great contempt and
indignation—told me I wasn't human—pro-
tested against letting me go. The assistant
district attorney advised the judge that he
thought I should be held for ten days'
observation.
A flash picture was taken of me in court
and published in the paper the next day. It
finished me in that city. I lost my friends
there. I served my ten days and was dis-
charged. I received no psychiatric interview
of any kind.
A practical solution of the problem, through the
discovery that living models were not essential to
gratification of the fetish urge, was discovered by
accident.
A few years ago I saw a motion picture
called "The Golden Calf," based on a plot
to find the most beautiful legs in Hollywood.
148

There were about 20 minutes of film devoted
entirely to leg exhibitions. During these
scenes I experienced two ejaculations the first
time it was shown, and I followed it out to
small neighborhood theatres with gratifica-
tion each time. This inspired me to get my
own camera and projection machine, and to
develop my own films. I have taken many
hundreds of feet of film and always enjoy
complete satisfaction regardless of how many
times I look at the same pictures. I have
employed girls in brothels for this purpose,
but the best pictures I have taken were non-
professional girls who were under the im-
pression that I was interested in photography
solely for sales promotion of hosiery. I
advertised for hosiery models in a daily paper.
I had cards printed representing me as a
publicity agent for an American hosiery com-
pany and had forms made up for the appli-
cants to fill out. I rented a large hotel room
with a reception annex for the purpose of
interviewing, and while the applicants filled
out the forms I revelled in watching their
legs. When a model met with my complete
approval I took motion pictures of her walk-
ing and seated which displayed her legs to
best advantage. For this purpose I used the
shade and texture of hose which were most
alluring, along with patent leather opera
pumps. I kept the three most common sizes
of shoes on hand at all times. I prefer a long
slender-shaped foot and long legs. The
majority of my models were 5-8 or 5-9 in
height. I arranged lamps before mirrors for
lighting purposes when taking picture's and

got satisfactory results. The models were
never suspicious of unnatural interest in their
legs, even when I boldly used a tape measure
to get exact measurements of calf in relation
to knee and ankle. During these procedures
I frequently had orgasms and was always
at a high tension of anticipation.
By instructing them to sit, walk and gyrate
their ankles and shoes in a manner especially
exciting to me I have obtained the maximum
enjoyment possible by no other method.
The absence of risk and the sense of com-
plete security is important. It is necessary to
run the film no more than 15 minutes at the
most to be completely satisfied, though I
sometimes practice interruption for the sake
of prolonging the pleasure. I never mastur-
VERNON W. GRANT
bate while watching these pictures. The
build-up is rapid and the climax more intense
than it would be in actual association with
living models. I have used these pictures
without ever losing interest dirough famil-
iarity. They continue to excite me with
maximum pleasure. In no single instance are
the pictures suggestive or lascivious; they
are confined to leg displays not higher than
the garter.
I have had no intercourse in over three
years and rely entirely on my camera as an
outlet for sexual desires, which have dimin-
ished from about twice a week to three or

four times a month. Occasionally I see a
woman on the street who fires my imagina-
tion as a bed companion, but the urge is
never very strong. I have experienced pleas-
ure in normal intercourse comparable with
that of the shoe fetishism, but this was only
when I was infatuated or exceptionally fond
of the girl. However, I have had only one
experience with a girl when the shoe was
not needed to make intercourse satisfactory.
On a few occasions I have asked prostitutes
about their experiences with fetishists. While
I learned of three or four cases that resembled
my own, none of them knew of a case of the
use of motion pictures for this purpose.
COMMENT
Concerning the intensity of the urge:
"Nothing else in my life can compare with
it—it's so absorbing." When free of attach-
ments, and when resources and circumstances
made possible the regular satisfaction of his
needs without risk or anxiety, he acknowl-
edges that he would not wish to be rid of his
peculiar desire because of the intensity of
the fascination, excitement, and profound
satisfaction it offers.
Among the founders of the scientific study
of fetishism was Alfred Binet (i). He
stressed the significance of forms representing
an intermediate position between highly
specialized and exclusive susceptibilities, com-
monly regarded as unquestionably patho-
logical, and those thoroughly familiar pref-

erences which comprise the phenomenon
of normal sexual choice. The latter he
regarded as "minor" fetishisms. In some
degree everyone, he suggested, is a fetishist
hi sexual interest in so far as he finds himself
from time to time especially attracted by this
or that feature or trait. While the near-
normal varieties of fetishism do not lead to
such extravagances as the theft of hair-locks,
or the compulsive effect of a voice of dis-
tinctive timbre, or of a peculiarly intriguing
grace of movement in walking, they may
yet be the basis, Binet suggests, of certain
liaisons or marriages which astonish everyone
by the absence, in one member of the pair,
of any generally recognized or commonly
valued traits of attraction. Similar observa-
tions on intermediate forms have been re-
corded by Kahn (6, p. 152) and by Ellis
(2, p. in).
The commonest of "erotic symbolisms,"
according to Ellis, are those which involve the
foot and shoe; he suggests that the frequency
of foot fetishism may seem more comprehen-
sible when it is considered that in some parts
of the world, as among the southern Chinese,
the foot is "generally recognized as a form of
sexual attraction" (2, p. 21). He cites evi-
dence of emphasis on the sexual value of the
foot in oriental pornography and other data

from which a parallel might be drawn be-
tween the sexual value of the foot, in
Chinese culture, and that of the breast, for
example, in our own. The writer recently
noted an American magazine advertisement
of a i6-mm. motion-picture featuring nu-
merous close-ups of walking and dancing
movements by girls wearing "stilt high"
shoes of patent leather, with a six-inch heel.
While other items of appeal were specified,
the accent fell beyond question upon the
movements of the feet and the character of
the shoes. If demand for material of this
kind is such that its production is com-
mercially profitable, the possibility is sug-
gested that interest in this direction, of var-
ious degrees, may be more than a rarity.
REFERENCES
1. BINET, A, Lc fetichisme dans 1'amour. In ttudes
de psychologic experimental* Paris; Octave Doin;
1891.
2. ELLIS, H. Studies in the psychology of sex. New
York: Random House, 1936. Vol. II, Pt. I.
3. FERE, C. Sexual degeneration in mankind and in
animals. New York: Anthropological Press, 1932.
4. GRANT, V. W. A fetishistic theory of amorous fix-
ation. /. soc. Psychol., 1949, 30, 17-37.
5. HIRSCHFELD, M. Sexual pathology. Newark: Julian
Press, 1932.

6. KAHN, E. Psychopathic personalities. New Haven:
Yale Univer. Press, 1931.
Received March 14, 1952.
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PAGE 11
Results
The table below breaks down the main topics that were
addressed in each article and their relationship to the topic to be
investigated. The chosen criteria were IBS affecting quality of
women’s life, age, and the signs and symptoms of stress.
Criterium 1: IBS Affecting Quality of Women’s Life
Ballou (2017) states that IBS decreases the quality of
women life and increases the difficulty of engaging in daily
activities affecting mental and physical functioning.
Choghakhori (2017) refers to abdominal rumbling, flatulence,
and dissatisfaction with bowel habits. For his part, Pletikosić
(2017) exposes the disparity between the women self-
expectations and their actual performance.
Furthermore, Shahabi (2016) discusses abdominal pain severity
and visceral sensitivity. Stawik (2019) sustains that IBS
decreases in body image and sexual activity.
Criterium 2: Women’s Age
On one side, Ballou (2017), Choghakhori
(2017), Pletikosić (2017), and Shahabi (2016) chose for their
research women aged between 35 to 45 years. On the other side,
Stawik (2019) researched women between 19 and 50 years old.
Criterium 3: Sign and Symptoms
Sign and symptoms of stress, depression, anxiety, and
panic disorder were common terms for the five articles.
Relationship Between Irritable Bowel Syndrome (IBS) and
Stress in Women Between 35-45 Years.
Criterium 1
Criterium 2
Criterium 3

IBS affecting Quality of Women Life
Women age
Sign and Symptoms of Stress
Art. 1 Ballou (2017)
. Low quality of life.
. Difficulty engaging in daily activities affecting
mental and physical functioning.
. Avoidance of activities like household chores, socializing, and
sexual intercourse due to abdominal pain.
. Mean age 35.54 years old.
. Depression.
. Anxiety.
. Panic disorder.
Art. 2 Choghakhori (2017)
. Greater of abdominal distention, rumbling, flatulence, and
dissatisfaction with bowel habits.
. Impaired quality of life.
. Mean age 38.08 years old
. Depression moods.
. High levels of anxiety.
. Fatigue.
. Interference with body image.
. Avoidance sexual relationships.
Art. 3 Pletikosić (2017)
. Disparity between their self-expectations and their actual
performance.
. Higher levels of suffering.
. Mean age 45.33 years old
. Increased levels of anxiety.
. Psychiatric comorbidities.
Art. 4 Shahabi (2016)

. Abdominal pain severity.
. Visceral sensitivity.
. Negative affect.
. Mean age 36 years old
. Depressed mood.
. Anxiety.
. Persistent fatigue.
Art. 5 Stawik (2019)
. Decreased quality of life.
. Significant decrease in body image, health worry, social
relations, sexual and relationship.
. Pain accompanying sexual activity.
. Women age between 19-50 years old.
. Anxiety disorder
. Clinical depression
Table 1: Relationship Between Irritable Bowel Syndrome (IBS)
and Stress in Women Between 35-45 Years.
1
2
Title of the Paper
Author/Student’s Name
Miami Regional University
ENC2201: Report Writing and Research Methods

Dr. Uliana Gancea
April 15, 2022
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Pergamon
S0005-7967(96)00047-2
Behav. Res. Ther. Vol. 34, No. 9, pp. 687-694, 1996
Copyright © 1996 Elsevier Science Ltd
Printed in Great Britain. All rights reserved
0005-7967/96 $15.00 + 0.00
T W O T Y P E S O F F E T I S H I S M
K U R T F R E U N D * , M I C H A E L C. SETO and M I C
H A E L K U B A N
Forensic Division, Clarke Institute of Psychiatry, 250 College
Street, Toronto, Ontario,
Canada K7L 3N6
(Received 24 May 1996)
Summary--This study attempted to differentiate two clinical
types of fetishism--fetishism proper and

tranvestism--and to determine if tranvestites are truly
fetishistic. The transvestites were further divided
into gender-conforming and gender-noncomforming groups
according to their score on a gender identity
scale. These groups were compared using a self-report scale
measuring fetishistic interests, and a set of
questionnaire items regarding their childhood history, parental
characteristics, and their emotional
closeness with their parents. In addition, the penile responses of
a subset of fetishists and tranvestites were
recorded while they were presented with visual depictions of
female and male pubic regions and potentially
fetishistic objects (nylon stockings, female and male shoes,
panties, male underwear, female and male feet).
The fetishists proper and the transvestite subgroups did not
differ from each other in terms of self-reported
fetishistic interest or childhood and family histories. Moreover,
there were no differences between these
groups in their penile response to the potentially fetishistic
stimulus they were most aroused by, relative
to the depictions of the pubic region of their preferred gender.
These results suggest that transvestites are
in fact fetishistic, and that they are difficult to distinguish from
fetishists proper. Copyright © 1996
Elsevier Science Ltd
I N T R O D U C T I O N
The paraphilias can be broadly divided into two categories,
pathologic target preferences and
pathologic activity preferences. In the former, the targets of
erotic cognition and/or activities are
not primarily other physically mature persons, and in the latter,
erotic preferences are for sexual
activities which are highly atypical for individuals who
erotically prefer physically mature persons.

Fetishism is a paraphilic target preference.
The great French psychologist Alfred Binet (1887) was the first
to direct the interest o f
psychologists and psychiatrists to an erotic peculiarity that he
called fetishism. This peculiarity was
an unusually strong erotic interest in certain physical
characteristics o f potential sexual
partners. Krafft-Ebing (1886/1978), the foremost expert on the
paraphilias among the 19th century
sexologists, confirmed Binet's observations, including his
differentiation between a nearly normal
and a clearly pathologic mode. The Diagnostic and Statistical
Manual of Mental Disorders
(DSM-IV: American Psychiatric Association, 1994) briefly
defines and characterizes the pathologic,
paraphilic mode which is the topic of the present study.
There are two clinical types of fetishism: fetishism proper and
transvestism (see DSM-IV, pp.
526, 530-531). According to Binet, fetishism is caused by
certain experiences in early childhood,
where the later fetish has an unusual emotional impact. The
etiological role of the early event
appears to be supported by the variety of possible fetishes.
Binet viewed fetishism as the result of
pathological imprinting. However, both Binet and Krafft-Ebing
believed that a certain
predisposition is also necessary for such an event to result in
fetishism with Epstein's (1975, 1987)
demonstration of a relatively frequent co-occurrence o f
fetishism with epileptogenic brain foci
points at the possibility that this predisposition may be a
neurological anomaly. The only
publication about the possible innateness of fetishism we could
locate was by Gorman (1964), who

described a pair o f identical male twins who were concordant
for rubber fetishism.
Transvestism appears to be a very different kind of fetishism. It
has a complex target structure
that usually includes three components. The main component
appears to be "autogynephilia"
(Blanchard, 1991--gynephilia is an erotic preference for
physically mature women), in which the
patient is erotically interested in himself with fantasized female
genitalia and breasts. Then there
*Author for correspondence.
687
688 Kurt Freund et al,
is a fetishistic component represented by an array of objects,
almost always female attire. Finally,
there is, for some time at least, women as the third kind o f
erotic target. One could imagine this
target structure as a spectrum.
Transvestism and heterosexual transsexualism appear to be
closely related. Therefore, the finding
o f Z h o u , Hofman, Goorem and Swaab (1995), if valid, may
be etiologically relevant to
transvestism. Zhou e t al. reported that the central part o f the
bed nucleus o f the stria terminalis,
which is smaller in females than in males, is not different
between females and either heterosexual
or homosexual transsexuals. Zhou e t al. further argue that
(according to experiments in rodents)

this finding is not due to medication. However, their study
examined only six brains.
The present study investigated whether transvestites are truly
fetishistic, and not only
autogynephilic (which may be misinterpreted as fetishism), and,
if so, whether these two (according
to the autogynephilia theory) etiologically different types of
fetishism can be differentiated in
any way. The study consisted of three parts. Part One compared
fetishists proper and
transvestites in regard to their self-reported fetishistic
tendencies. Part Two compared the two
groups in regard to self-reports about their parents, their family
situation in childhood, and their
early physical development. Part Three investigated the
possibility o f comparing these two groups
in regard to the erotic impact of potential fetishes by means of a
phallometric test (see Freund &
Watson, 1991).
M E T H O D
P r o b a n d s . The probands in the study were patients seen at
the sexological department o f a
metropolitan psychiatric hospital. A group o f gynephilic
controls was recruited from community
colleges. A group o f sex offenders against women, also seen at
the department, were used as a
second control group. As in earlier studies (Freund e t a l . ,
1991; Freund & Watson, 1991), patients
who only put on panties or their equivalents were not diagnosed
as transvestites, but as fetishists
proper.
The selection o f transvestites posed particular problems.

Heterosexual transsexuals and markedly
gender dysphoric transvestites, two groups whose members
could be expected to dissimulate
fetishism in a clinical setting, were excluded from the study
(gender dysphoria is discomfort
with the gender o f one's body). The reason was that markedly
gender-dysphoric biological males
try to impress the professional observer as being
psychologically female and not having other
reasons for donning female attire. Their exclusion was by means
of the following question: " H a v e
you ever wished to have a female body rather than a male one?"
(yes/no/unsure). This question,
as well as all questionnaire items used in the study, are
contained in an erotic preferences evaluation
scheme (EPES: Freund, 1965). Only transvestites who answered
" n o " were included in the
study.
To ensure that only unequivocally gynephilic transvestites were
included, an " A n d r o - G y n e
index" was used. This index is derived from two scales, an
"Andro" scale containing 13 items
(~ = 0.93) measuring an erotic inclination toward men, and a "
G y n e " scale containing 9 items
(a = 0.85) measuring an erotic inclination toward women
(Freund, Seto & Kuban, 1996; Freund
& Blanchard, 1988). For a transvestic patient to be included in
the study, his Andro-Gyne index
had to be < - 2 . Values smaller than zero indicate gynephilia.
P a r t O n e
Part One o f the study compared 30 fetishists proper, 74
transvestites, 78 sex offenders against
women and 43 gynephilic volunteering paid controls on the

Fetishism scale (Freund & Blanchard,
1988; Freund e t a l . , 1982). Group means for age and
education are presented in Table 1.
Two scales were used: an 8-item scale for the measurement o f
fetishism (~ = 0.91) and a modified
version o f Part A o f the Feminine Gender Identity Scale
FGIS (Freund, Langevin, Satterberg
& Steiner, 1977; Freund & Blanchard, 1988). The items o f the
FGIS (Part A) elicit self-reports
about gender conforming vs gender non-conforming cognition
and behavior in the probands'
childhood. The higher the score, the more gender non-
conformity in childhood is reported.
However, several items (6, 11, 12, and 13) o f the FGIS(A) do
not pertain directly to childhood
T w o t y p e s o f f e t i s h i s m
Table 1. Age a n d e d u c a t i o n f o r the subject samples in
Parts One a n d T w o ( s t a n d a r d deviations in
parentheses)'
6 8 9
C o n t r o l s
Fetishists F G I S - tranvestites F G I S + transvestites
Offenders Students
Part One
Age (yr)*
Education*

Part Two
Age (yr)**
Education**
n = 30 n = 35 n = 39 n = 78 n = 43
30.7 34.3 34.1 28.9 29.3
(9.8) (9.7) (11.1) (7.7) (7.1)
n = 30 n = 34 n = 39 n = 78 n = 43
3.2 3.2 3.1 2.6 3.0
(1.26) (1.00) (1.07) (0.92) (1.17)
n = 3 4 n = 4 2 n = 4 2 n = 5 0 0 n = 1 5 6
31. I 34.4 34.2 27.6 30.0
(10.6) (9.4) (11.1) (8.2) (7.3)
n = 3 4 n = 4 1 n = 4 2 n = 5 0 0 n = 1 5 6
3.1 3.1 3.1 2.5 3.1
(I.18) (1.01) (1.05) (0.89) (I.13)
' E d u c a t i o n is c o d e d as follows: 1 = u p to grade 8; 2
= some high school; 3 = high school g r a d u a t e ; 4 = some
college or university; 5 = college
o r university g r a d u a t e .
* P < 0.01; **P < 0.0001.
and were therefore excluded. The modified version FGIS(Ch)
contains 15 items (a = 0.65). A
similar modification of the FGIS was applied by Blanchard
(1988).

In contrast to fetishists proper, a considerable proportion of
transvestites report that in their
childhood their cognition and behavior was in various ways
already conforming_to the opposite
gender. This could be perceived as a childhood precursor of
transvestic fetishism. However,
transvestites' apparent gender non-conformity in childhood
could be attributed to retrospective
report bias.
To avoid this uncertainty, the transvestites were divided into
two groups, one indicating cognitive
and behavioral gender conformity in childhood, the other
indicating gender non-conformity. This
was achieved by ordering the selected transvestites according to
their FGIS(Ch) scores and then
dividing them using a median split. In the following, the group
of transvestites with the lower
FGIS(Ch) scores will be denoted " F G I S - " and the group of
transvestites with the higher scores
will be denoted " F G I S + "
Part Two
Part Two compared the retrospective self-reports of 34
gynephilic fetishists proper, 84
transvestites, 500 non-fetishistic sex offenders against women,
and 156 gynephilic paid volunteers
acting as controls. Group means for age and education are also
presented in Table 1. The
comparisons were in regard to 18 EPES questions about
potential deficiencies of the family
environment, about father age and mother age at the proband's
birth, and in regard to the patient's
physical health in childhood (see Table 2). Additionally, two
scales, of 4 items each, were used:

A "Father-son distance" scale (a = 0.89) and a "Mother-son
distance" scale (~ = 0.85) which
measure deficiencies in father-son and mother-son relationships
(Freund & Blanchard, 1983).
Table 2. Eighteen developmental a n d family history items for
P a r t T w o
1. Subject's formal e d u c a t i o n ended before grade 8
(yes/no)
2. Lived with b o t h biological p a r e n t s a t least until age
o f 12 (yes/no)
3. Lived in institution (reform school, o r p h a n a g e , b o a r
d i n g school, etc.) before a g e o f 15 (yes/no)
4. E d u c a t i o n o f father was less t h a n grade 8 (yes/no)
5. E d u c a t i o n o f m o t h e r was less t h a n grade 8
(yes/no)
6. F a t h e r was heavy d r i n k e r or alcoholic (yes/no)
7. M o t h e r w a s heavy d r i n k e r o r alcoholic (yes/no)
8. Parents were m a r r i e d a t time o f subject's birth
(yes/no)
9. H a d male caregiver (biological father o r o t h e r a d u l t
male) before age o f 12 (yes/no)
10. H a d female caregiver (biological m o t h e r o r other
adult female) before age o f 12 (yes/no)
I I. Biological f a t h e r h a d psychiatric t r e a t m e n t
(yes/no)
12. Biological m o t h e r h a d psychiatric t r e a t m e n t
(yes/no)
13. Subject was p r e m a t u r e b a b y o r h a d birth
complications (yes/no)
14. Subject h a d accident which resulted in being unconscious
for at least h a l f a n hour, before the age o f six (yes/no)
15. Subject h a d accident which resulted in being unconscious
for at least h a l f a n hour, between ages o f 6 a n d 12
(yes/no)

16. Period o f unexplained, frequent " b l a c k i n g o u t "
before age o f 6 (yes/no)
17. P e r i o d o f unexplained, frequent " b l a c k i n g o u t "
between ages o f 6 a n d 12 (yes/no)
18. Subject did n o t stop wetting his bed (enuresis) until at
least the age o f 12 (yes/no)
690 K u r t F r e u n d e t al.
Table 3. Age a n d e d u c a t i o n f o r subject sample in P a r
t Three ( s t a n d a r d deviations in brackets)"
C o n t r o l s
Fetishists F G I S - tranvestites F G I S + tranvestites
Gynephilic Androphilic
Part Three
A g e (yr)**
Education**
n = 1 6 n = 1 0 n = . l l n = 16 n = 8
29.1 52.1 35.1 26.5 28.2
(6.3) (10.7) (11.0) (6.1) (4.7)
n = 13 n = 10 n = I1 n = 19 n = 8
2.9 4.1 3.5 4.5 4.1
(0.95) (0.85) (0.90) (0.51) (0.84)
' E d u c a t i o n is c o d e d as follows: 1 = u p to g r a d e 8;
2 = some high school; 3 = high school g r a d u a t e ; 4 = some
college or university; 5 = college

o r university g r a d u a t e .
**P < 0.0001.
Part Three
Probands. There were 16 fetishists proper, of whom 3 had a
concomitant diagnosis of masochism
and 5 had a concomitant diagnosis of courtship disorder (i.e.
voyeurism, exhibitionism,
frotteurism-toucheurism, the preferential rape pattern, or one of
the variants of these main
expressions--see Freund et al., 1996). Also included were 21
transvestites, 19 gynephilic controls,
and 9 androphilic controls.
The gynephilic controls were paid volunteers, recruited among
university students, and the
androphilic controls were paid volunteers, recruited at a gay-
oriented bookstore. An additional 3
fetishists proper and 1 control had to be excluded because their
responses in the test did not reach
the minimum level (see below). Group means for age and
education are provided in Table 3. Short
case vignettes of the fetishists proper who underwent the
phallometric test for fetishism, together
with their age when first seen are provided in the Appendix.
Procedure. The phallometric method (Freund & Watson, 1991)
was used. The stimuli were
photographs on slides presented on a screen. There were 10
stimulus categories, each represented
by 3 different photographs presented once in each of 3 blocks in
a fixed, pseudo-random order.
Each stimulus was presented for 15 sec. The stimulus categories
were: nylons, panties, female feet

with parts of the lower legs, female shoes, the female pubic
region showing the external genitalia,
male underwear, male feet, male shoes, the male pubic region
showing the penis, and sexually
neutral slides (landscapes). The phallometric method has been
used before in the context of
fetishism. This was in a conditioning study (Rachman, 1966;
Rachman & Hodgson, 1968).
The phallometric responses were expressed in standard scores,
calculated for each participant
separately. In addition an output index (O.I.--the mean of the 6
highest responses in raw scores)
was calculated. Only participants with an O.I. larger than 1.00
cc were included in the study. Prior
to testing every participant was shown the phallometric device
and signed a consent form indicating
that he could discontinue testing at any point, and that he
consented to the use of his test results
in research publications. After testing all participants were
debriefed.
RESULTS
Part One
There was a significant difference in age between groups,
F(4,220) = 3.92, P < 0.005. The two
transvestic groups were older than the offenders. There was also
a difference in educational level,
F(4,219) = 3.70, P < 0.1. The FGIS - transvestites were older
than the offenders (see Table 1).
(a) The groups were compared on the FGIS(Ch) scale: F(4,755)
= 19.63, P < 0.0001. According
to the Tukey HSD test, the FGIS + transvestites had a

significantly higher FGIS(Ch) score than
the remaining groups and the FGIS - transvestites had a
significantly lower FGIS(Ch) score than
the remaining groups. There were no other significant
differences. The result did not change when
age or education were used as covariates.
(b) The groups significantly differed in their scores on the
fetishism scale: F(4,220)= 25.97,
P < 0.0001. The Tukey HSD test showed that the gynephilic
fetishists proper, as well as the
FGIS - transvestites and the FGIS + transvestites, differed
significantly from the sex offenders
against women and the gynephilic controls, in the expected
direction. There were no other
Two types of fetishism 691
significant differences. These results did n o t change if age or
education was covaried. There was
no significant correlation between the F G I S ( C h ) scale and
the fetishism scale [r(223) = 0.06, NS]
However, when the relevant options o f items 3 and 6 o f the
fetishism scale were compared they
indicated a difference between transvestites and fetishists: more
transvestites t h a n fetishists
indicated they were more aroused when they wore the fetish
objects t h a n when otherwise in contact
with them, X2 [1] = 8.42, P < 0.005, a n d that they had n o t
just one but a multiplicity o f fetish
objects (X 2 [1] = 5.22, P < 0.025). These two differences were
expected and are trivial, but point
towards some further, less trivial difference (see S u m m a r y

and Discussion).
Part Two
There was a significant difference across groups for age,
F(4,769) = 12.91, P < 0.0001. According
to a T u k e y H S D test, the two transvestic groups were
significantly older than the gynephilic
offenders or controls, and the gynephilic offenders were
significantly younger than the gynephilic
controls. There was also a significant difference between groups
in terms o f their educational level,
F(4,768) = 16.08, P < 0.0001. Offenders reported less education
than the other groups according
to a T u k e y H S D test (see Table 2).
N o n e o f the items in Table 2 distinguished groups at the
0.01 level (controlling for the number
o f statistical comparisons). There were also no differences
between groups in terms o f mother age,
F(4,600) = 1.56, NS, or father age, F(4,577) < 1.00, NS, at the
time o f the proband's birth, or in
terms o f f a t h e r - s o n or m o t h e r - s o n distance,
F(4,622) = 1.54, NS, and F(4,647) = 1.22, NS.
Part Three
In regard to age, there was a significant difference between the
groups o f probands with
phallometric data, F(4,56) = 7.29, P < 0.0005. The Tukey H S D
test showed that the mean age o f
the F G I S - transvestites was higher than that o f both control
groups and the fetishists proper;
there were no other significant differences. There were
differences between the groups in educational
level, F ( 4 , 5 6 ) = 16.67, P < 0.0001, but education was not a

significant covariate in subsequent
analyses (see Table 3).
There was no difference between the groups in regard to O.I.
A comparison o f phallometric responses o f fetishists proper,
transvestites, and controls was
carried out. Figure 1 depicts these responses o f the fetishists
proper, transvestites, and control
groups to the pubic region a n d external genitalia o f the
erotically preferred gender as well as the
mean responses to the most responded to fetish stimuli.
The groups differed in their responses to the external genitalia o
f their erotically preferred gender
relative to their responses to their most arousing fetish stimulus,
F(4,60) --- 11.05, P < 0.0001; the
T u k e y H S D test showed t h a t the group o f fetishists
proper and the F G I S - transvestites differed
from b o t h control groups. The controls responded relatively
more to the pictures o f the genital
region. The fetishists proper a n d the transvestites were n o t
different from each other (the F G I S +
transvestites differed only from the homosexual controls). There
were no other significant
differences.
S U M M A R Y A N D D I S C U S S I O N
The study compared the Binet type o f fetishism proper and
fetishistic transvestism. The latter
type was represented by a group selected in a way that
minimizes as much as possible the intrusion
o f gender dysphoria, because gender dysphorics tend to
dissimulate fetishism. After this selection,
the remaining transvestites were divided into two groups, one

reporting gender conformity o f
cognition a n d behavior in childhood ( F G I S - ), the other
reporting their behavior and cognition
in childhood as c o n f o r m i n g with the opposite sex ( F G I
S + ).
There were two main comparisons, one in regard to self-
reported degree o f fetishism by means
o f a fetishism scale, the other in regard to penile responses to
depicted fetish objects. The result
supported the model o f transvestism, in which there is (in
addition to the autogynephilic
component) a c o m p o n e n t o f fetishism proper (and in the
majority o f cases an erotic attraction to
692 K u r t F r e u n d e t al.
women). Further, the study suggested the family situation or the
physical development in childhood
was unlikely to be involved in the etiology of fetishism proper
or transvestism.
The demonstrated usefulness o f the phallometric method for
the assessment o f fetishism makes
it likely that it will be possible to test a model o f the
disposition toward imprinting of fetishes as
hypothesized by Binet. At present such a predisposition for
fetishism cannot easily be imagined
in any other way than as an anomaly o f a probably innate
neural template o f erotic partner
recognition. Such templates can be imagined as parts o f
Lorenz's (1942) " s c h e m a t a " - - a term
borrowed from Kant. The existence o f such schemata for
objects o f important species-specific

activities has been established by ethologists for many species o
f animals. The anomaly underlying
fetishism proper could easily be envisaged as being either a
pathologically loose description or a
pathologic degree o f sensitivity o f parts o f such a template.
In contrast to fetishism proper, among non-fetishistic men who
erotically prefer adult partners
or children there is no such gross variation of targets. This
implies that in these latter modes of
erotic target preferences any imprinting, if at all necessary, is
likely to be an event akin to instant
recognition. This is in agreement with the observation o f
cross-cultural invariance (Witam &
Mathy, 1986) and the detection of strong biological factors in
sexual orientation (Blanchard &
Bogaert, 1996; Hamer, Hu, Magnusson, Hu & Pattatucci, 1993;
LeVay, 1991). These findings
support the notion o f a very strong biological factor
underlying erotic gender-age preferences in
a wide variety o f social conditions from birth to puberty.
The hypothesis of fetishism proper being based on an imbalance
o f the various parts o f a brain
template for erotic partner recognition could be
phaIlometrically tested with fetishists for objects
other than parts o f the body, using stimuli depicting parts o f
the body. According to the model
¢t'J
"2
¢0
10
¢:

O0
¢:
_ ~
- 1 -
- 2 I I I I I
IbUshi~s FGIS- FGIS+ g~ne cm~rols andre controls
G r o u p s
Fig. 1. Penile reponses to the m o s t a r o u s i n g fetish
stimulus relative to preferred genitalia.
Two types of fetishism 693
presented here, fetishists proper should respond to some body
parts other than genitalia
significantly more than transvestites and controls. This kind of
result would also clearly show, as
already indicated in Part One of the study, that fetishism proper
and transvestism do not have a
totally common end-path.
Note: For technical reasons the authors will not be able to carry
out the proposed test themselves.
It is hoped that readers of this report will have the interest and
the opportunity to carry out this
test.
A P P E N D I X
Short vignettes o f the fet&hists proper who had the

phallometric test
S.X. age 23, was charged for touching the legs of two 16-yr-old
girls who were unknown to him. He complained about
fetishism for pantyhose. C.E. age 27, borderline intelligence
and living with his parents on an isolated farm. He had been
charged many times for stealing female underwear. N.W. age
29, was charged for threatening a 16-yr-old boy in order
to lick his shoes and at another time threatening a 17-yr-old boy
to have him present his shoes. G.I. age 34, would walk
the street urinating into diapers he was wearing, and then
showing the soiled diapers to female passersby. X.I. age 17, of
borderline intelligence, made anonymous telephone calls to men
and women and conversed with them about jeans, while
masturbating. In early childhood he often clung to his mother's
leg while she was wearing jeans. When she stopped wearing
jeans, he started clinging to his father's jeans. N.C. age 29, a
constable, would stop cars driven by young women in order
to "search" them, would order them to take off their bras and
then inspect and touch their breasts. U.T. age 24, was referred
because of getting highly aroused by female and male feet. He
would suck his girlfriends" toes. X.H. age 37, looked up
the skirts of women, sometimes even lifting them and inspecting
the panties. This aroused him. He also used his wife's
panties for masturbatory purposes. B.C. age 36, was erotically
aroused by walking into malls, and defecating into his
underpants, while wearing thin pants So that women could see
it. B.M. age 30, complained about masturbation fantasies
of licking women's feet, being ordered around by such women
and urinated upon. H.Y. age 31, was aroused by licking
the high heeled boots of his " a m a z o n " mistress, who also
urinated and defecated into his mouth. QN. age 27, complained
about being fetishistic for women smoking. He made anonymous
telephone calls to females, asking them whether they
smoked, and masturbated at these occasions. He also got
aroused by pictures of women on cigarette boxes. He, as well

as the following patients, also had a courtship disorder. He was
voyeuristic and had a preference for prostitutes. K.N. age
28, was referred because of voyeurism, toucheurism, and panty
fetishism. He once broke into a home and stole panties.
S.B. age 42, was charged for sexually molesting his
stepdaughter, and complained about exhibitionism and
voyeurism,
including triolism. F r o m age 38 to 40 he had been put on
female underwear and shoes for the purpose of masturbation.
S.S. age 29, complained about exposing. Since age 12 he had
put on panties or held them to his penis while masturbating.
U.I. age 30, was referred because of voyeurism and toucheurism
and indicated that he put on female underwear for
masturbation.
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al 176 (2008) 187–195
Forensic Science Internation
The relationship between serial sexual murder and autoerotic
asphyxiation
Wade C. Myers
a,*, Alexandr Bukhanovskiy
b
, Elle Justen
c
, Robert J. Morton
d
,
John Tilley
e
, Kenneth Adams
f
, Virgil L. Vandagriff
g,1

, Robert R. Hazelwood
h,2
a
Forensic Psychiatry Program, Department of Psychiatry and
Behavioral Medicine, University of South Florida College of
Medicine,
12901 Bruce B. Downs Blvd., MDC 102, Tampa, FL 33612,
United States
b
Psychiatry Department, Rostov State Medical University,
Nahicevanskij Pereulok 29, Rostov 344700, Russia
c
Department of Psychiatry, UMDNJ-Robert Wood Johnson
Medical School, 125 Paterson Street, New Brunswick, NJ
08903-0019, United States
d
National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime, Behavioral
Analysis Unit, FBI Academy, Quantico, VA 22135, United
States
e
State Attorney’s Office, 5th Judicial Circuit, 19 N.W. Pine
Avenue, Ocala, FL 34475, United States
f
Major Crimes Unit, Lake County Sheriff’s Office, 360 West
Ruby Street Tavares, FL 32778, United States
g
Vandagriff & Associates, Inc. and Employee Management
Systems, 2338 S. Lynhurst Dr., Indianapolis, IN 46241, United

States
h
The Academy Group, Inc., 7542 Diplomat Drive, Manassass,
VA 20109, United States
Received 20 April 2007; received in revised form 9 July 2007;
accepted 11 September 2007
Available online 5 November 2007
Abstract
This case series documents and examines the association
between autoerotic asphyxiation, sadomasochism, and serial
sexual murderers.
Autoerotic asphyxiation, along with other paraphilias found in
this population, is reviewed. Five cases of serial sexual killers
who engaged in
autoerotic asphyxiation were identified worldwide: four from
the United States and one from Russia. Case reports for each are
provided. All
(100%) were found to have sexual sadism in addition to
autoerotic asphyxiation. Furthermore, two (40%) had bondage
fetishism, and two (40%)
had transvestic fetishism, consistent with these paraphilias co-
occurring in those with autoerotic asphyxiation. Overall the
group averaged 4.0
lifetime paraphilias. Some possible relationships were observed
between the offenders’ paraphilic orientation and their modus
operandi, e.g., all of
these serial killers strangled victims—suggesting an association

between their sadistic and asphyxiative paraphilic interests. The
overlap of
seemingly polar opposite paraphilias in this sample – sexual
sadism and autoerotic asphyxiation – is explored from a
historical and clinical
perspective. Multiple commonalities shared between these five
offenders and serial sexual murderers in general are addressed.
A primary limitation
of this study is its small sample size and empirical basis; the
results may not be generalizable beyond the sample. The
findings from this study
support the supposition that crime scene behaviors often reflect
paraphilic disturbances in those who commit serial sexual
homicides.
# 2007 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Forensic science; Serial murder; Autoerotic
asphyxiation; Paraphilia; Sexual sadism; Sexual masochism
1. Introduction
‘‘It is well to remember that every sadist is a masochist, and
every masochist is sadist.’’ J. Paul de River, in The Sexual
Criminal, 1950 [1]
The paraphilias are sexual disorders involving recurrent,
deviant fantasies, urges, and behaviors. They are considered
* Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 813 974 0311; fax: +1 813 974
1130.

E-mail address: [email protected] (W.C. Myers).
1
Author is the Founder of Vandagriff & Associates, Inc. and
Employee
Management Systems. He retired from the Marion County,
Indiana Sheriffs’
Office as a First Class Detective Sergeant.
2
Author retired from the FBI as a Supervisory Agent.
0379-0738/$ – see front matter # 2007 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All
rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.forsciint.2007.09.005
deviant according to societal norms, falling at the outer limits
of
the sexual behavior continuum, and lead to stigmatization of the
exposed practitioner. Hundreds of paraphilias have been
described [2]. Autoerotic asphyxiation is one type of paraphilia.
Although not specifically listed in the American Psychiatric
Association’s DSM-IV-TR [3], it can be classified as a
Paraphilia Not Otherwise Specified within this system. Most
persons who engage in autoerotic asphyxiation are young adult

males, although this practice also has been reported in
adolescents, the elderly, and women [4–9].
The person engaging in autoerotic asphyxiation induces
cerebral hypoxia (decreased oxygen supply to the brain) in him
or herself, typically by strangulation or suffocatio n, and may
masturbate concurrently. Practitioners use a variety of methods
mailto:[email protected]
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.forsciint.2007.09.005
W.C. Myers et al. / Forensic Science International 176 (2008)
187–195188
to deprive themselves of oxygen, e.g., hanging, neck ligatures,
plastic bags placed over the head, suffocating masks, chest
compression, and oxygen replacement with gas or chemicals
[4,6]. The creation of a hypoxic state is believed to heighten
sexual pleasure and orgasm [10]. Unfortunately there is a thin
line separating hypoxic euphoria from unconsciousness and
death; a slight miscalculation can prove fatal. Not surprisingly,
autoerotic asphyxiation is considered the most dangerous of
paraphilias for the practitioner [11]. Death usually results from

unintended failure of escape pathways or release mechanisms
involving the asphyxiating devices [12].
Research findings show that a person afflicted with a
paraphilia commonly will have one or more additional
paraphilias during his or her lifetime [3,13]. Autoerotic
asphyxiation is no exception, as it regularly co-occurs with
other sexually deviant interests. Masochism and transvestic
fetishism, or cross-dressing, are some of the more commonly
associated paraphilias [4,5,7]. In fact, 20–25% of autoerotic
asphyxiation death scenes demonstrate evidence of transvestic
fetishism [6,9,14]. Bondage fetishism is another paraphilia
frequently associated with autoerotic asphyxiation [15].
Sexual sadism is believed to be the paraphilia most
frequently associated with the serial sexual murderer (16,
18). Some authors have proposed that a significant proportion
of serial sexual killers have a subtype of sexual sadism, the
‘‘Homicidal Type’’ [16]. Numerous other paraphilias also have
been reported in serial sexual killers. For instance, in a sample

of 25 serial murderers, Prentky et al. [17] found that voyeurism
was present in 75%, fetishism in 71%, cross-dressing in 25%,
and indecent exposure in 25%. Likewise, in a study by Dietz
et al. [18] on sadistic murderers, many of whom were serial
offenders, there was an average of 2.7 paraphilias per offender.
Given what is known about the overlapping nature of
paraphilias, this panoply of comorbidity is not unexpected,
and further examples of this comorbidity are listed below
[1,16,17,19–23]. This list is meant for illustrative purposes only
and not meant to be inclusive of all paraphilias ever reported in
serial sexual killers:
� b
estiality;
� c
annibalism;
� e
xhibitionism;
� f

etishism;
� f
etish burglary;
� g
erontophilia;
� n
ecrophilia;
� p
edophilia;
� p
iquerism;
� s
exual masochism;
� s

exual sadism;
� te
lephone scatologia;
� tr
ansvestic fetishism;
� v
oyeurism.
The purpose of this work at hand is two-fold: (1) to
document the co-occurrence between autoerotic asphyxiation
and serial sexual murder, and (2) to explore what relationships
might exist between autoerotic asphyxiation, sadomasochism,
and modus operandi in this case series of serial sexual killers.
For example, would paraphilic themes from their autoerotic
asphyxiation practices be reflected in their sexual homicide
behaviors and crime scenes?
2. Method
A survey of the literature on these topics was performed usi ng

the search
engines PubMed and Psycinfo. Additionally, the authors
consulted historic and
recent crime books, and queried colleagues with relevant
forensic and law
enforcement backgrounds, to locate additional cases of serial
sexual murderers
with concomitant autoerotic asphyxiation. A total of five cases
were identified,
and data were gathered from all available sources. In four of
five cases crime
data was verified and augmented by law enforcement personnel
who were
involved in the investigations . In the fifth case, from Russia,
the data was
provided by a criminal psychiatrist who regularly consults with
law enforce-
ment and who had evaluated the offender in depth. Case
histories for each of
these individuals are presented in the next section. Following
that, offender,
victim, modus operandi, and paraphilic characteristics are
summarized
in Table 1. The possible significance of these findings is

examined in the
Section 4.
3. Case histories
3.1. Harvey Glatman
Glatman was born in New York in 1927. He had signs of a
personality disturbance from the time he was a young boy. He
experienced mood swings, sulked, was a loner, and had an
inappropriate affect (e.g., laughing without reason). Neighbors
described him as shy. Although his attentio n span was
reportedly poor, he did well in school, excelling in some
subjects. His IQ score was 130, placing him the very superior
range. Schoolmates called him names and teased him about his
buckteeth and large ears.
When Glatman was 3 or 4 years old his mother discovered
him leaning backward with a string tied around his penis; the
other end was closed in a drawer. At the age of 12 his parents
noticed he had a red, swollen neck. His mother reported that he
described being in a bathtub and placing a rope around his neck,

running it through the tub drain, and pulling it tight against his
neck. He told her that he achieved ‘‘some sexual pleasure from
this act.’’ She took him to the family physician and was told he
would ‘‘grow out of it.’’
In early adolescence, Glatman’s father caught him
masturbating and told him that he would go ‘‘insane’’ from
the activity. He developed a great bitterness toward his father,
and called his mother ‘‘soft’’ for what he described as being
‘‘too maternal’’ toward him.
He began breaking into homes and stealing items as a
teenager. This progressed to him following women home and
sexually assaulting them. He would break into their homes,
force them into the bedroom, bind them with a cord, and gag
them. Then he would partially undress them, fondle them, and
masturbate. He carried a pilfered pistol to ensure their
cooperation.
He was first arrested at the age of 17 for breaking into a
woman’s apartment. He had a pistol and piece of rope on his

Table 1
Descriptive characteristics of sample
Name Birth date Killing career age Length of
killing
career
Known murder
victims
(and suspected)
Victim ages and sex Modus operandi Murder souvenirs History
of
paraphilia
diagnoses
AA
a
paraphilia reflected
in modus operandi?
Harvey Glatman 12/10/1927 29–30 11 months 3 Adult females
Posed as professional
photographer; bound,

raped, and strangled
victims; photographed
crime activities
Photographs of victims posed
before death
Sexual sadism:
autoerotic
asphyxiation;
bondage
fetishism;
voyeurism
Yes: victims bound
and strangled with rope
Dennis Rader 3/9/1945 29–46 17 years 10 Adult females (7),
one adult
male, one girl,
one boy
Studied victim’s life

habits, then attacked
them in their residences.
Victims bound,
repeatedly strangled.
Masturbated after they
died
Photographs of at least
one victim after death
Sexual sadism;
autoerotic
asphyxiation;
transvestism;
necrophilia;
voyeurism;
bondage
fetishism
Yes: victims bound,
hung and strangled

Gerard Schaefer 4/25/46 16/19/20 (?)–26 6–7 years 2 (41) Adult
and teenage
females
Some victims procured
while on duty as police
officer; others duped
into thinking he wanted
relationship with them
Teeth, jewelry, clothing,
diaries, written accounts
of crimes
Sexual sadism:
autoerotic
asphyxiation;
transvestism;
bestiality;
necrophilia;
cannibalism

Yes: victims bound,
hung, and strangled
Herb Baumeister 4/7/1947 38–47 (?) �9 years 17 (suspected
in others)
Adult males Victims procured from
gay bars; strangled
Evidence he videotaped
homicides—tapes never
recovered
Sexual sadism;
autoerotic
asphyxiation
‘‘by proxy’’
b
Yes: he and one or
more victims engaged
in mutual erotic
asphyxiation
Khomiakov

Victor Yu
12/21/62 20s � several
years?
3 Adult males Fellow prisoners chosen;
some naively
participated in AA
with him
None known Sexual sadism;
autoerotic
asphyxiation
Yes: victims strangled,
and one or more bound
a
Autoerotic asphyxiation.
b
Baumeister had at least one victim strangle him first.
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187–195190
person. While awaiting trial he was arrested for kidnapping and
sexually assaulting a woman. Glatman confessed to burglary

but not sexual assault, and was sentenced to 1 year in prison.
Following his release from prison at 18, Glatman promptly
resumed his previous activities. He used toy guns for a while.
On one occasion, he captured a male and female using a toy
gun, and tied up both of them. The male got loose and Glatman
‘‘impulsively’’ stabbed him with a knife. He was again arrested,
sentenced, and returned to prison. He was diagnosed as having a
‘‘psychopathic personality—schizophrenic type,’’ and ‘‘sexu-
ally perverted impulses.’’ He was released after less than 2
years
for good behavior. (As is also true for the later Baumeister case,
this diagnosis of ‘‘schizophrenia’’ in Glatman, according to the
contemporary definition, is not supported by his psychosis-free
adjustment in adulthood. ‘‘Schizophrenia’’ in the 1940s and
1960s encompassed a broader range of psychopathology than
currently.)
Glatman moved to Los Angeles when he was 29. His
sexually deviant behavior escalated, and he began using
photography to memorialize his crimes. To the best of the

authors’ knowledge, Glatman was the first serial killer to
photograph his murder victims. His modus operandi had
evolved to him posing as a photographer and using an alias to
procure victims for photo assignments; he used this ruse with
two of his three murder victims. Over the ensuing year, he raped
and killed three women, strangling each with a segment of rope.
In one instance he hired and convinced a female model to pose
bound and gagged, telling her it was part of the shoot’s script
for
a detective magazine. On another occasion he used his handgun
to take control of a model he had hired. Photographs
documented the unfolding of events. A fourth victim narrowly
escaped when a law enforcement officer observed Glatman
struggling with a woman on a roadside—here his crime career
ended.
Glatman was executed on September 18, 1959 in the San
Quentin gas chamber. His last words: ‘‘I knew this is the way it
would be.’’

3.2. Dennis Rader
Rader was born in Wichita, Kansas in 1945. He was the
eldest of four brothers, and seemingly had an uneventful
childhood. Nonetheless, by the time he was in grade school he
had experienced the onset of fantasies about bondage, control
and torture. He also recalled that when he was a boy he watched
his grandparents strangle chickens on their farm. Soon
afterward he began killing animals; for instance, he hanged
cats and dogs. Peers described him as quiet, polite, preferring to
stay by himself, and lacking a sense of humor. He graduated
from high school in 1963, and briefly attended Wichita State
University.
Rader joined the Air Force in 1966 where he worked as a
mechanic. His first sexual experience was with a prostitute
overseas, and he engaged in bondage with her. He continued to
patronize prostitutes and practice bondage during his time in
the service. He was honorably discharged from the service in
1970. Rader married in 1971, and he and his wife had
reportedly had ‘‘normal’’ sexual relations. They produced two

children.
In 1974 Rader committed the first of his murders, killing
four members of a family. He suffocated and/or strangled the
father, mother, and their 9-year-old son before taking their 11-
year-old daughter to the basement where he elaborately bound
her and hung her from an overhead pipe. Prior to killing her, he
asked the young girl where to find a camera, but she did not
know. He partially undressed the girl and masturbated, finally
ejaculating onto the victim.
The police arrested three men for the murders, and this
caused Rader to write to the newspaper, explaining that he had
killed the family. He described the crime scene in detail,
including the type of bindings he used. He then arrogantly titled
himself Bind, Torture and Kill (BTK), and bragged that there
would be more murders to follow.
Over the next 17 years, Rader committed six more murders.
He used what he termed a ‘‘hit kit’’ for the homicides. The ‘‘hit
kit’’ was a bowling bag or briefcase which contained his tools,

e.g., tape, rope, handcuffs, and guns. During his crimes he
elaborately bound the victims. He then repeated the cycle of
strangling the victims, allowing them to recover, and finally
killing them. He would then pose them postmortem and
masturbate onto an article of their clothing. One of his victims
was a neighbor who lived only six doors away. After entering
her residence and killing her, he transported her to the vestibule
of his church. There he costumed her in lingerie, posed her, and
then photographed her in a variety of bound positions.
Throughout his murder career, Dennis Rader documented
his autoerotic involvement through photographs. That involve-
ment included sexual bondage and transvestic fetishism. After
the last murder in 1991, Rader increased his autoerotic
practices, explaining they were a substitute for the murders. He
engaged in these activities in the woods, hotel rooms, and even
in his mother’s basement. He posed himself in positions
strikingly similar to his murder victims, and photographed
himself in a variety of poses. He sometimes wore masks, and

noted that such posing and wearing of the masks allowed him
feel the fear his victim’s felt. His practice of transvestic
fetishism was intricate—he possessed and wore numerous pairs
of panty hose, underwear, and bras. The bindings he utilized
were likewise complicated. He described these activities and
the murders as ‘‘fantasy out of control.’’
3.3. John Gerard Shaefer
Schaefer was born in Wisconsin in 1946. While there are no
reports of problems in his family, one of his girlfriends
allegedly witnessed violent fights between Schaefer and his
father. In high school he was viewed as a loner and odd.
Schaefer expressed a range of paraphilias as a teenager. He
peeped into windows, and sometimes snuck into the house of a
neighborhood girl to masturbate while watching her undress
(she is believed to have become one of his murder victims years
later). He was attracted to women’s panties, and he sometimes
dressed in women’s underwear and masturbated. He also sought
out sexual excitement by tying himself to trees in the woods and

187–195 191
then struggling to get free. Additionally, he alleged that he
beheaded livestock with a machete and raped their carcasses.
Also when he was a teenager, he played out bondage rape
scenes with his girlfriend.
His anger toward women was first evidenced when he was
16 years of age. After having sex with his 15-year-old girlfriend
(his first sexual partner), he looked out his bedroom window,
observed his female neighbor sunbathing and began saying,
‘‘That bitch, look at that bitch.’’ His girlfriend walked to the
window, looked down, and saw a bikini clad woman sunbathing
in her yard which was surrounded by a stockade fence. She
asked Schaefer what he was talking about. He replied, ‘‘She
knows I’m looking. She’s taunting me.’’ This same girlfriend
advised that she saw Schaefer change from a normal mood into
a morose, depressed one, and related how he would take her to a
swamp area and begin to cry. When asked what was wrong, he

told her that he was having terrible fantasies about capturing
and hanging women.
He married his first wife in 1968. Two years later she
divorced him due to ‘‘extreme cruelty.’’ Schaefer attended
college on a golf scholarship and obtained a Bachelor of Arts
degree in Social Science. After graduating, he enrolled in a
community college criminal justice program and earned an
Associate of Science degree. He completed of 600 h of training
in a police academy course as part of this additional education.
He remarried in 1971 and went to work as a police officer the
same year. While on duty he arrested two female teenagers who
had been hitchhiking. He took them into a wooded area, bound
them to trees, and put ropes around their necks. Fortunately for
the young women, Schaefer had to leave to respond to a police
call. The girls were able to escape and he was arrested. He
provided the rationale that he had stopped these girls to explain
the dangers of hitchhiking to them, but they did not take him
seriously, so he took them to the woods to convince them. He

was sentenced to a year of imprisonment for these crimes.
Schaefer claimed he first killed at 16. Two girls in their early
20s who disappeared from a picnic in 1966 were among his
earlier victims. He was 20 at the time. Their bodies were never
found, but it is assumed they were hidden in a surrounding
national forest. He confessed in a roundabout way to these
killings in a letter to his girlfriend. Many other women
suspected of being his victims disappeared between 1966 and
1972. He bragged of killing women by hanging them,
repeatedly returning to sexually assault them, and even
engaging in cannibalism. His youngest victims were believed
to have been two girls, ages 8 and 9. In a letter to one of the
authors (RRH), Schaefer wrote, ‘‘Killing and sadism. That’s
what you want to talk about, right? How one has to watch while
the other one is killed, knowing she is next.’’
Schaefer’s downfall came when he abducted two teenage
girls in 1972—one of the girls’ mothers copied most of his
license plate number down, but the numbers were incorrectly

entered into the system. This error was eventually discovered
and he was arrested, but not before he probably killed two other
teenage girls.
While incarcerated he wrote stories of torturing, raping, and
killing women, and he read these stories to other detainees. He
destroyed these stories upon learning that the decomposed
bodies of the two women he had captured, bound to trees,
killed, and buried had been discovered in 1973, 6 months after
their deaths. The house he shared with his wife and mother was
searched, and extensive evidence (hundreds of souvenirs from
victims) connecting him to at least eight missing females was
discovered. Also among the items found were his sexually
sadistic stories of torturing and killing women, and photos he
took of himself wearing women’s underwear and bound with
rope. Additionally, the photographic evidence revealed he
positioned a mirror to watch his self-directed masochistic
behavior. He was convicted of murdering the two girls and
given two life sentences.

A high school girlfriend, Sandra London, reinitiated contact
with him when he was in prison. His letters to her indicated he
first killed at the age of 19 and had a total of 34 victims (he is
now suspected in 41 murders). Together they published his
sadistic stories under the title Killer Fiction [24] (see
Appendix A for a sample of Schaefer’s writings from this
book). It is now believed these supposed fiction tales are in
actuality a recounting of his murders based on findings from
ongoing investigative efforts.
While in prison Schaefer became a ‘‘jailhouse lawyer.’’ He
was murdered in 1995, either for being an informant or by a
disgruntled prison client.
3.4. Herb Baumeister
Baumeister was born in Indianapolis in 1947. His parents
were allegedly domineering; the mother’s domination con-
tinued when he was an adult. His father, an anesthesiologist,
was demanding of him and took verbal and physical action
when he did not meet expectations. In adolescence Baumeister

THI JOURNAI OF ABNORMAL AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGYVol. 48, No. I,

THI JOURNAI OF ABNORMAL AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGYVol. 48, No. I,

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