This document summarizes a research paper about language and culture changes in Sweden from 1860 to 1918. During this period, Sweden transitioned from a monarchy to a democracy and underwent significant social reforms. The author analyzes how cultural shifts during this era affected the Swedish language. Specifically, the addition of the gender-neutral pronoun "hen" in recent years reflects Sweden's emphasis on progressive gender values. The document will discuss the political debates and social reforms during this period, and how women in trade unions both pushed for and were excluded from reforms. Understanding how language evolves with culture brings insights for improving cross-cultural communication.

1. Language and Culture:
Discourses in Sweden from 1860-1918
By Ashley Vomund
Spring 2016
Advisor: Kate Watts
English Department
College of Arts and Sciences

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Precis
Recent studies have linked language structures to our thought processes, directly creating
our world-views through the issues and actions emphasized in the language. Most of these
studies focus on small tribes or some of the less familiar cultures to the Western world, but what
about languages and cultures that are incredibly familiar to us?
My interest in Swedish began through my studies at the University of Helsinki during my
semester abroad. As I studied Swedish and visited Stockholm I noticed a few oddities in the
language that seemed to counteract or support the Swedish social system. Most notably was the
addition of “hen” to the language. “Hen” joins “han” and “hon” to make up the Swedish
pronouns. The Swedish Language Council determined that with the expansion of genders as
more than black and white, an additional pronoun had to be added to the language that did not
hold any of the negative implications like “it” does in English. “Hen” is used anytime the
speaker does not know the gender of their subject or does not feel it is important to mention. As I
researched the history of the Swedish language I discovered that Sweden had overhauled its
entire system in the space of just 58 years. This incredible time of upheaval was also greatly
intertwined with the creation of official dictionaries and increased social rights. My research then
became: how did Sweden’s changing culture affect the language?
Unfortunately no research was available in English into the language shifts, but there was
research into the cultural shifts during this period. Sweden was constantly debating the future of
the country, and these debates ultimately led to action on the part of the parties and the people.
Sweden did not undergo a violent revolution like France or America, but instead found change
and strength in the developing democratic system. The closest instance Sweden came to a violent
revolution was the Great Strike of 1909, but the strike could not be sustained long enough to

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make it effective. The failure of the Great Strike led to Sweden’s pursuit of change through
politics. In this charge the Social Democrats pushed for the greatest social reforms, ultimately
passing universal suffrage in 1918.
The trade unions drove much of the conversation for reform, but these unions were very
exclusive in who could participate. Women were often left on their own, or dismissed as an
important part of the workforce. The interesting irony between gaining suffrage yet continuously
being silenced in the organizations pushing for change is a theme throughout women’s careers.
In conclusion I discovered that Sweden wrestled with deep questions of social reform
throughout the Industrial Age, and the conclusions drawn still echo today. A study of this sort,
connecting history with language, is very rare in the academic community, but I believe it is vital
to the future of cross-cultural communication. Understanding where a culture comes from and
how the language builds assumptions and thought processes is information that will bring our
world into the new communication age. As the internet brings foreign cultures into our homes,
we must move beyond just communicating with translating software. Academics in every genre
must make their work accessible to both foreign and domestic researchers, as well as an audience
who is unfamiliar with their jargon. In the future I see a world of communication where the
“Renaissance Man” is composed of all of academia contributing their work to decrease the
separation of culture and distance, and studies of language can lead to such an evolution.

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Table of Contents
Introduction………………………... 5
Methodology………………………. 10
Politics……………………………... 10
Women in Trade Unions…………... 17
Conclusion………………………… 20
References…………………………. 22

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Introduction
Sweden is a country of ideal myth in many American minds. Visions of Vikings
plundering distant shores mix with the difficulties of Ikea furniture to create a country that seems
almost too good to be true. Scandinavia has always held a place of high esteem in the Western
eye, and has often acted as key players in Europe’s largest wars. The idea of the tall, stoic blond
family living in a rustic wood is understandably wonderful to imagine, but the country itself is
far more complicated. Swedish politics have not always seemed quite so kind.
During the years of its empire, Sweden’s tight grip extended throughout the Baltic. Those
that were fortunate enough to be born into the upper classes lived a life of absolute pleasure
while the rest of the population scraped just above minimal living standards. Sweden, influenced
by movements in England and France, was ready for a revolution by the 1860’s. Those at the
bottom wanted to become the leaders of tomorrow while the lords and earls focused on
maintaining the status quo even as the population exceeded the strain of the agrarian economy.
Over time, Sweden evolved beyond recognition. The 58 years between 1860 and 1918 saw an
end to a monarchical system and the beginning of democracy. These years brought great change
that can still be seen in modern Sweden.
Edward Sapir and Benjamin Lee Whorf created a hypothesis in 1956. Their three-part
hypothesis focuses on the effects of language to an individual’s thoughts. As stated in their
paper, “The ‘real world’ is to a large extent unconsciously built upon the language habits of the
group” (Kay 86). This theory is still being tested across many disciplines. An article in the Wall
Street Journal, titled “Lost in Translation: new cognitive research suggests that language
profoundly influences the way people see the world; a different sense of blame in Japanese and
Spanish”, demonstrates the continuing debate on the hypothesis. The best example of language

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shaping thoughts and actions of the speaker is the Pormpuraaw in Australia. The language of
this small tribe is entirely based on the cardinal directions, with no references to “left” or
“rights”, so to say hello on must ask “Where are you going?” and the response could be “A long
way to the south-southwest. How about you?” (AFP in Stockholm 10). This also applies to how
time progresses. The author traveled to Australia and presented Pormpuraaw subjects with
pictures demonstrating a change in time, ex: a man at different ages. The subjects would then
arrange them in the order they though was correct. English speakers would arrange the time
progression from left to right, but the Pormpuraaw instead arrange east to west. If they are facing
east they place the cards in order down a line, if they face north they place them right to left. The
Pormpuraawans were not told which direction was which, instead they did this automatically.
Languages like that of the tribe that lean on cardinal directions ensure that the speakers have an
incredibly acute sense of direction (AFP in Stockholm 12). Beyond the individual, the language
demonstrates the priorities of a culture. If languages affect how individuals think and act, then
the culture itself is formed and forms these thoughts and actions. The specific structures of the
Swedish language were nailed into place in the 1800’s when universal education was made a
priority.
Swedes are well aware of the power of language. In 1944 Sweden formed a language
council, Nämnden för Svensk Språkvård (The Committee for Swedish Language Cultivation),
Språkvård for short, which was created solely to guide and control the Swedish language to
promote their ideals (Språkvård 1). In 1998 the Council set a precedent to move their work into
the digital age. The “Draft Action Programme for the Promotion of the Swedish Language”
emphasizes the promotion of Swedish throughout all layers of society to ensure that the language
remains the majority. As they promote Swedish they must also make sure to keep the other five

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official minority languages, Finnish, Meänkieli, Sami, Romani and Yiddish, fully integrated in
society (Språkvård 3). In March 2014 Språkvård continued to demonstrate their complete
understanding of the importance of the language promoting progressive values when they added
a new pronoun to the language. “Han” (he) and “hon” (she) were insufficient to the Swedes for
describing someone’s gender. The word “hen” joined these pronouns to fill in the gap. “The
pronoun Is used to refer to a person without revealing their gender – either because it is
unknown, because the person is transgender, or the speaker or writer deems the gender to be
superfluous information” (AFP in Stockholm 2). The word continues to be integrated into
Sweden’s gender-neutral policy, and thereby an important part of society.
Discourses and the changing culture priorities have a direct effect on the language. The
changes in laws is a direct reflection of what a society deems important, and the discussion
around those laws demonstrates the tug-of-war that lies just behind the words. As Sweden
evolved from a powerful monarchy into a democracy, the 58 years between 1860 and 1918
defined Sweden’s future. I will first discuss the laws and general societal changes through the
politics of the Riksdag, then I will set those politics into a smaller scale as I focus on the women
in the trade unions most actively engaged with the political shifts.
Methodology
Rhetoricians in the 19th and 20th centuries were very interested in language and its
physical presence. The majority of the linguists and rhetoricians viewed language as an
individual trait instead of a function of society. Mikhail Bakhtin, a popular rhetorician from
Moscow, published a paper relating the conversations around Marxism to the Russian language.
Titled Marxism and the Philosophy of Language, this work went against the grain and argued

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that language is ruled by discourses. In Part II of Marxism and the Philosophy of Language
Bakhtin discusses the verbal interaction and dialogue that forms language.
Language, as a reality, exists only in conversation: “There can be no such thing as an
abstract addressee, a man unto himself, so to speak. With such a person, we would indeed have
no language in common, literally and figuratively” (Bizzell 1215). Even in soliloquies the person
is in dialogue with the world in abstract form. How the communication is sent and processed
fully depends on the communities that the individual is a part of (Bizzell 1215). A greeting in a
strict formal situation in Western culture would not involve a lot of yelling and hugging, and
were an individual to greet another in such a fashion they would be seen as odd and not a part of
the community. Now, this understanding does not mean that the individual is just a cog in the
machine, speaking through the voice of the society. Each person brings their own flair, style,
motives, and desires that form their language. Personal experiences with other cultures and
languages can also affect the discourse form for each individual. The most pertinent point
Bakhtin makes is that social interactions over time, and the discourse that forms through them,
create the language. He uses the example of a hungry person approaching another for food:
Which way the intoning of the inner sensation of hunger will go depends upon the hungry
person’s general social standing as well as upon the immediate circumstances of the
experience. These are, after all, the circumstances that determine in what evaluative
context, within what social purview, the experience of hunger will be apprehended. The
immediate social contest will determine possible addresses, friends or foes, towards
whom the consciousness and the experience of hunger will be oriented: whether it will
involve dissatisfaction with cruel Nature, with oneself, with society, with a specific group
within society, with a specific person, and so on. (Bizzell 1216)
In simpler words, Bakhtin is stating that how a person asks for food is determined by
every social aspect imaginable. A hungry rich man will demand for food while a poor man may
beg. These two utterances are extraordinarily different, and the exact phrasing will be determined
by the discourses surrounding hunger, social class, the human body, and so on. A modern

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example could be the beggars who write ‘God Bless You’ on their cardboard signs. Religious
people have a reputation of giving and also of leading a clean life; therefore, the beggars gain
from this discourse by not only appealing to those more likely to give, but they also may benefit
if they are seen leading clean lives as well. Language only exists between two souls in
conversation: a bridge between the communities that create and influence each individual. The
physical language is determined by discourse.
The discussion Bahktin began is still prominent in rhetoric today. James Gee is a
professor at the University of Wisconsin and his new take on linguistic studies moves far past the
words. He suggests that language is not just the grammar that rules it, but language also matters
in its use. “It is not just what you say, but how you say it” (Gee 5). The specifics of “how” it is
said forms the term he coined: Discourse. Discourses are manners and social habits we gain as
we grow. These Discourses are never taught to us. Throughout our childhood we learn through
experience how to behave and speak in a society. Certain actions and ideas separate us from
each other. Dinner rituals demonstrate our part in our family, shaking hands and introducing
ourselves presents another group we are in (Gee 5). These groups differ across culture,
geography, and language. Dominant Discourses are acquired from birth and cannot be learned.
They inherently put us in a certain culture and environment that we will always be a part of (Gee,
5). Though a seemingly simple concept, the idea of belonging is central to every society. Though
Gee focuses on the effects of Discourse in education, his theories are applicable on a larger scale.
After reading James Gee, my next question pertained to the relationship between Discourse and
the actual physical language.
If Discourses are the formation of language, and language forms society, then what is the
importance of the Discourses that are chosen to be ignored? Michel Foucault, a member of the

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College de France and chair of the History of Systems and Thought until his death, sought to
address the question of why societies choose to silence certain Discourses. His book, The Order
of Discourse, focused on the process of obtaining and passing on knowledge within societies. As
he states, “…in every society the production of discourse is at once controlled, selected,
organized, and redistributed by a certain number of procedures whose role is to ward off its
powers and dangers, to gain mastery over its chance events, to evade its ponderous, formidable
materiality” (Bizzell 1461). Though this specific quote makes it seem like some organization
within each society determines what is okay to discuss and what is not, he believes that the
society as a whole builds their moral centers together. Taboo is built through the Discourses
determined to be most repulsive by a society. Just as society changes, so do the taboos. The
movement to include “Hen” in the language as a new pronoun demonstrates a movement against
a past taboo. The idea of a third gender had been a silenced Discourse until Sweden came to an
agreement that multiple genders are acceptable. At the turn of the twentieth century, many
Discourses were in flux due to the breakdown of the agricultural class system. Which
communities and Discourses were silenced through this change?
Politics and Economics
The clearest and best source to understanding how Sweden evolved is Kurt Samuelsson’s
Från Stormakt till Välfärdsstat (From Great Power To Welfare State: 300 years of Swedish
social development). Written in 1968, the book was written at the request of the National Bank of
Sweden (Sveriges Riksbank) for its 300th anniversary. Samuelsson weaves the factors of
economics, social conditions, and political change into an easy read for all academic audiences.
The information that follows is mostly from this book.

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In 1860, Sweden’s parliament ruled the country, far exceeding the power of the King.
Known as the Riksdag, this parliament system was comprised of the nobles who controlled large
estates of land throughout Sweden and its subsidiary countries. At this time Sweden had lost both
Finland and its territories on mainland Europe, but it still controlled Norway remotely.
Agriculture was the main source of income and livelihood, creating a strict class structure. On
the very bottom were the statare, or migrant workers, who traveled around Sweden every year in
search of a better lord (Samuelsson 80). Above them were the more stable peasants and crofters
who only moved every few years, the landowning farmers, the lords, and finally the King. The
King’s power had been severely weakened by the Riksdag, but he still held some sway over the
more conservative lords.
As long as the system had lasted, the winds of change were blowing in from England.
The Industrial Revolution had crept its way over to Sweden’s waters, coming into full swing by
1880. Already a new class was emerging in Sweden’s largest cities. Factories offered a new
chance at growing a fortune for those who had no luck with agriculture. Trade increased as
standardized goods flowed into the market, replacing the old sloyd system. This old system was a
mix of black market and heavily regulated crafting work, which functioned well on a local scale
but could not hold up to the factory products. The growing “neuveau riche” class was quickly
taking control of the market and thereby earning seats in the Riksdag. Sensing the threat of
replacement the lords decided to reform the parliamentary system.
The goal of the reform was to maintain power while also offering a spot for the up-and-
coming members. To achieve a balance they enacted the Organic Law of 1866. Splitting the
Riksdag into two chambers, they offered a place for voters to control and a section for the lords
to maintain. The Lower Chamber was decided upon by direct elections. Anyone could run for

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these positions so long as they were able to vote. Unfortunately only 25% of the male population
qualified to vote (Samuelsson 138). The Upper Chamber was elected by local parliaments, which
allowed the lords to maintain power through their vast political connections. This system seemed
to favor the new industrialists and lords, but the move backfired and gave the landowning
farmers more power. The fight for seats weakened the power of the employers and the workers
as the landowning farmers held their seats without dispute.
The importance of this referendum cannot be understated. This was Sweden’s first
attempt at a true democracy and it missed the mark vitally. Leading up to this moment the
government had been exceedingly progressive in granting its people rights and power. Once this
passed the progression slowed until the turn of the century. The old order fought on, and would
continue to haunt Sweden until the mid-1930’s when another set of government reforms
transformed the country into the welfare state it is today.
By 1900 the industrial revolution was in control and growing at a rate few would have
believed. Factories and cities had taken in most of the statare and extremely poor farmers. A
middle class was well-established both economically and politically. Those that felt down on
their luck were able to emigrate to America to take advantage of the Homestead Act
(Samuelsson 165). Sweden’s population was on the move and ready for change.
The main players for these next 18 years were the Social Democrats, the Conservatives,
and the Liberals. Each had their own specific sets of goals, and would be broken down into
smaller bits through the two decades. Social Democrats and Liberals often saw eye-to-eye, but
the Social Democrats wanted to go further and create a completely equal society. The
Conservatives wanted to maintain parts of the status quo because of the fear of rebellion by the
lower classes.

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The first huge shift was Sweden conceding power over Norway. Their neighbor was the
last remnant of an empire that dominated the Baltics through military might. In 1905, Sweden
abandoned the dying idea to become a land-based empire (Samuelsson 186). Moving focus to the
interior, the government moved forward to create a safer environment for their constitutes. In
1907 the Riksdag implemented laws to regulate negotiations between tenants and building
owners (Samuelsson 203). Two years later the trade unions and the Social Democrats organized
a general strike for all factory workers. The strike united those in the worst poverty, but was
ultimately a failure. The implications of this movement will be addressed later in this piece.
Despite the large gains through the legislature, there was a constant battle between
pessimism and optimism. Though some tenants felt more protected from their building owners,
disease and fire were a constant threat in every city, and an economic crisis in 1907 did nothing
to help (Samuelsson 220). A large percentage of the population discovered that they had traded
one form of awful labor for another, and were brutally aware of how dangerous factory work
was. Those still working in agriculture discovered that even though there was less competition
for their jobs, the lords were reluctant to increase their pay. To add insult to injury, the strict
class system of the agriculture economy hovered over many in the form of classism. Lords and
factory owners often believed that the “worker” was another form of human being made only to
serve and die (Samuelsson 205). The propensity for disease, rampant illiteracy, and violent
behavior was seen by the more conservative leaders as a by-product of being from a worker
family, not by the miserable conditions they were surviving in. This made it difficult for any
movement to create actual change on the grand scale. To gain the attention necessary, the unions
called for the largest strike seen in Sweden.

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The General Strike of 1909 determined the course of action for both the trade unions and
the progressive political parties, even to this day (Samuelsson 219). Tensions between the
employers and the workers had been boiling since the very beginning of the industrial revolution,
and many had had enough. Even in the Riksdag arguments were tearing the parties apart. The
workers formed a small political group called Landorganisationen (LO) in order to increase their
presence in the government (Samuelsson 207). To counter this movement, the employers formed
their own party, quite unnecessarily because “your employers are your legislators” (Samuelsson
208), specifically to combat the growing power of the workers. Brawls broke out all over
Stockholm. The General Strike was put together by the LO to demonstrate the necessity of
workers by removing them from the factories. Thousands of workers sat off their jobs despite
threats of replacement by employers. Though the movement was a dramatic gesture, the unions
did not have enough resources to continue the strike long enough to make a difference. Workers
had to go back to their jobs in order to feed their families and the threats from employers quickly
wore down the resolve of the most stubborn. The strike ended in a short fizzle, but because of
that the unions and the Social Democrats decided to abandon their ideas of rebellion. Though the
tension between the employers and the workers was far from resolved, the best course of action
would be through the Riksdag (Samuelsson 220). This decision to move away from huge strikes
and general rebellion has been the tactics of the Social Democrats even to this day. Developing
laws to protect workers without them having to sacrifice their livelihood became extremely
important. This change from lawlessness to solely political change may have even saved Sweden
from a violent revolution.
After the strike, the Social Democrats struggled to continue the change they had
promised. Male suffrage was extremely important, and passed in 1909 just after the General

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Strike. Unfortunately this increased voter base did not quite have the effect the Social Democrats
were hoping for. Many workers did not vote in elections or for local budget changes because
they either did not have the time or did not feel as though their small vote would change anything
(Samuelsson 220). This latter idea was accentuated by the ‘plural votes’ system in which the
organizations or people highest in the class system received more than one vote. As with other
countries in the midst of the Industrial Revolution, the workers were alienated from their
supervisors. In the agrarian age the workers knew exactly who held the power and could place a
physical connection to them by seeing them regularly or by being connected to their estate.
Factories, on the other hand, relied on a much more distant form of domination, “behind the
foremen, engineers and executives in the new factories, there loomed the ‘company’ and
‘company bosses’: they represented something anonymous and institutional, hence inhuman,
strange and often menacing” (Samuelsson 212). Banks and public spaces grew larger and more
grand, separating themselves from the meager existence of the workers. In addition, the ideas of
the old world order still reigned. As previously mentioned, workers were not seen as human but
as a strange race where rampant violence and death were normal affairs.
The Social Democrats fought this idea of the world order, and continuously sought to
change it with varying results. The party itself was fiercely nationalistic, made up mostly of
business and market entrepreneurs who were able to climb the ladder. These folks were very
rarely from statare or other low workers, but they still wanted to create an ideal Swedish society
for all. In 1911 the Social Democrats were able to take over the Riksdag, creating the Social
Democrat Ricksdagsmen (Samuelsson 216). Now, it is important to point out that even as this
liberal-focused party took control, it was still incredibly difficult for anyone to rise on the social
ladder. This party was made up of the small percentage that was able to, whether through

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entrepreneurship or by making the right connections. In 1911 the Riksdag was led by the Social
Democrats, with the Liberals and Conservatives right behind them. It was an awkward balance,
but one that seemed to work for the time.
World War I created political upheaval so quickly that the incident was named the
Courtyard Crisis of 1914. The King, Gustav V, had always views the Riksdag as more of an
advisory board than the governing body of the country. He let them deal with the manners of
state until an internal crisis erupted. World War I placed the King back in charge temporarily to
deal with the oncoming upheaval. The Liberal government fell apart as the King spoke in the
Courtyard. Karl Staaff, leader of the Liberal party, was accused of high treason and his entire
party was swiftly taken out of power (Samuelsson 219). Though the Social Democrat party was
strong, they had always used the conflict between Liberals and Conservatives to pass their own
accords. Without the Liberals they found themselves face-to-face with Sweden’s most powerful
party. The Conservatives took power under the Hammarskjöld-Wallenberg Government
(Samuelsson 218) and set in stone Sweden’s economic and political fate for the war.
All socio-political efforts were put on pause for the first few years of the war. Gustav V
and Hammarskjöld enforced a strict policy of neutrality in every facet of Swedish society. Trade
was essentially cut off both by the U-Boats and by Hammarskjöld policy. Though the
government had been working on creating a self-sustaining Sweden, the war had come too
quickly for their policies to be complete. Ending trade with Europe destroyed every facet of
production in Sweden for well into the 1930’s. Famine and livestock shortages created disease
that swept through the country, and still Sweden maintained neutrality (Samuelsson 220). As the
war began to draw to a close, Sweden was able to pull back together and continue with the
evolving social change. The election in 1917 placed Social Democrats and Liberals back on top,

17. 17
allowing for the passage of the 1918 universal suffrage act and the demolition of plural votes
(Samuelsson 221). Now every citizen in Sweden had an equal voice. At the end of World War I
Sweden became a true democracy. In the following years, Sweden would struggle to shrug off
the cobwebs of the class system as the economy faltered. The political system of the Riksdag
would evolve slowly, with many false steps, into a strong democracy and eventually into the
economic powerhouse Sweden is today.
Women in Trade Unions
Trade unions were the backbone of the vast societal change because they gave voice and
power to the workers even in the worst of conditions. Women in these unions were held in a
strange paradox of being perceived as the ‘other sex’ while also working in the same conditions
as the men. For this next section I will be examining the language and Discourses around women
in this environment. The political backdrop as explained in the previous section is a good guide
to how the changes evolved, and this section will reinforced the effects of those changes by
demonstrating the shifts in language and attitude towards women.
Throughout the trade union’s rise to power, women’s place in the unions was always
tenuous. Carolina Uppenberg, in her article “Female Workers but not Women: paradoxes in
women’s conditions and strategies in Swedish trade unions, 1900-1925”, studied the minutes of
three trade unions to assess any similar trends when discussing women in the workplace.
Uppenberg assesses the Swedish Tailoring Workers’ Union (Skrädderiarbetareförbundet), the
Swedish Textile Workers’ Union (Textilarbetareförbundet) and the Swedish Women’s Trade
Union (Kvinnornas fackförbund). Each of these struggled to join the national conversation

18. 18
through the Landorganisationen (LO), as well as wrestled with the place of women in advancing
social issues.
It is important to note that the Riksdag’s general approach to women until 1917 was one
of silencing. In an 1864 Penal Code the Riksdag enforced a strict privacy to domestic violence
(Liliequist 20). The Code prevented any audience member to an act of violence from reporting it
unless the act was in a highly public place. Before such a policy, neighbors and judges were able
to bring the couple to court in an attempt to separate them. Now with this law it was up to the
abused to report their spouse’s actions. After the turn of the century, the narrative surrounding
domestic violence shifted into the temperance movement. Plays and pamphlets displayed
domestic violence as a drunken poor man beating his wife and children. The focus was on the
alcohol and not the abused, “The central message in illustrated brochures like The Murder Angel
(‘Mord¨angeln’, 1858) and The Drunkard and his Children (‘Drinkaren och hans barn’,
1859) is to warn of the seductive power of alcohol – just one glass in the company of
false friends could cause a most respectable young husband and father to fall, resulting
in misery, wife beating and murder as the logical and ultimate consequences” (Liliequist 20).
Any attempts to provide a solution to the women most often involved patience and prayer. Even
those at the front lines of persecuting abuse hid behind the Penal Code. Carl Johan Schlyter, a
man of considerable power and influence, publically disavowed men who abused their wives but
privately, “spent his Saturdays beating the sin out of his wife, children and servants” (Liliequist
20). Because of this constant silencing, the conversation between the trade unions and women is
far from surprising.
Trade unions often fell into two categories: industry-based and role-based. Industry-based
unions united workers across all jobs involved in the creation of a certain project, like the Textile

19. 19
Workers’ Union. Role-based focused on an individual job, as is seen in the Tailoring Workers’
Union. In both cases, the number of women involved with the unions was low until about 1920
even in female-dominated fields. As unions organized events like the General Strike, the debate
about women members often repeated itself. The Textile Union assumed they were made up of
male tailors and the refined jobs of women’s tailoring despite the membership base being mostly
women and men in the lower positions at the factories (Uppenberg 65). Such talk comes to a
head when there are debates among the union councils on why their protests failed:
One reason why organization among textile workers is weak and that a great loss of
membership took place when adversity arose, in the speaker’s opinion, is that the largest
number of workers in this industry consists of women and underage workers, who, along
with some male comrades, became absolutely terrified when the full weight of the
employers’ lockout came down upon them. (Uppenberg 65)
The LO enforced such alienating debates by not allowing women to serve on its highest
committee. Uppenberg demonstrates how women were continuously silenced in both policy and
in conversation. Women had always been paid less than men, even if completing the same form
of work. The LO, when determining its dues, decided to make the fee the same for all members.
Though they praised their equality policies, they solidified themselves as a male-dominated
organization. Women were unable to pay the dues to join the LO, thereby excluding them from
the national conversation. This lack of voice led to policies focusing on the problems facing male
workers while creating an ambivalence towards female issues. The Women’s Trade Union
sought to actively change this trend, but often found itself fighting for the very right to exist.
Seen as competition for workers, the Women’s Trade Union was constantly pointing out that
they unite workers where women are either not offered a part in the union or such a union has yet
to exist (Uppenberg 71). In all three unions women were considered weak, difficult to organize,
and only a small part of the labor market. The Women’s Trade Union constantly balanced

20. 20
between asserting their existence and challenging the male-dominated trade unions. Until 1918
and the passage of universal suffrage women were unable to voice their opinions. The policies
and shifts discussed in the Politics and Economics section were very much driven by men, but
they were also influenced by the actions of women despite their lack of power. Unions were
constantly arguing over who should be a part of their community as they produced bills that
protected workers. Who they protected and who they placed as important was ultimately
determined by membership. Women’s policies were not fully pursued until women gained the
voice to enter in these conversations. The very lack of Discourse within the unions to create a
space for women to hold power over their lives demonstrates a dismissal of the female sex as a
whole, an action that Sweden would have to fight bitterly against to gain the reputation of
equality it has today.
Conclusion
Sweden from this point on in history would struggle to form the Scandinavian force that
it is today. These 58 years of intense reform and evolution determined the stance that the country
would work off of to create equality. Discourses in the labor community chose to view women
only as important when they were put purely in the “worker” category. Any time they identified
as women, they became a threat to the movement: the weakest link. Through the right to vote
and protest, women would struggle against these barriers to have their voice heard. The efforts of
these brave women have created a country that is completely focused on the equality of the
sexes. Legislation is pouring in to enforce equal pay, opportunity, and parental leave across the
workforce.

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Unfortunately, despite a forward movement by the government, Sweden is not the safe-
haven of equality the country would like to be. Within the last five years Sweden has been on the
news for the increased rates of violence and rape. In 1995 there were 1,707 cases of rape
reported, but in 2014 there were 6,697 (Brown 5). Xenophobic groups blame the refugees, using
terms like “Islamized Sweden” to declare a state of war against the immigrants and refugees
entering the conversation (10news.dk). Though I do not recommend clicking on these sites or
reading the articles to limit the amount of curious traffic that ends up boosting their cause, the
terms and Discourse they use are extremely important. The Discourse around native Swedish
women is one of protection. They purport a desire to protect the women from these invaders.
This rallying cry leaves no room for the women themselves to step in with their own voice. Such
a repression of voice is typical of xenophobic movements, but interestingly there is little voice
within the national conversation as well. The largest platform for feminists and anti-racists to
speak is through Feminist Initiative (Feministiskt initiative): a political party vying for seats in
the Riksdag. They seek reform on all fronts, including mandatory paternal leave. The first point
on their election platform is, “Freedom from violence and discrimination, and everyone’s right to
welfare and culture are cornerstones in a democratic society” (Election Platform 1). The party
seeks more than just legislative reform in order to change society as a whole. Though the
information in English does not go into great detail, the party proposes training within the justice
system to create tolerance for victims of violence as well as improved sex education.
Unfortunately this party has been unable to gain the 5% voter support necessary to gain a seat in
the Riksdag since 2005. Sweden has the image of being the perfect country for such a group, yet
the feminists are struggling to gain 5% support while the Swedish Democrats, an anti-migrant

22. 22
group, currently holds 20% of the Riksdag (Gray 7). Is this silence within the Riksdag on the
alarming rape statistics the new tabooed Discourse?
A quick overview of the research available in English shows that only outside sources are
covering the increased rape statistics. All sources focused on the authority response, general
media silence, and the available statistics. For example, in 2012 BBC News wrote a piece on the
reliability of comparing one country’s rape statists to another. Titled, “Sweden’s Rape Rate
Under the Spotlight” the article pointed out that statistics do not give us an accurate picture of
rape cases because of the many that go unreported. This trend in media could be due to several
factors, including the fact that the statistics do not show a trend of violence due to immigration or
a lack thereof. Xenophobic groups can claim that only those of Muslim descent are the cause of
this violence, but there is absolutely no support. Unfortunately, none of these outside sources
address the feminist communities in Sweden and their ideas. In large productions like The
Guardian and The BBC there was no mention of the national conversation other than the fact that
xenophobic groups are using the statistics for their cause. A search for feminist groups in
Sweden brought just as few results. The majority of groups were focused on legislation for the
workforce. Though this is important, why is there no counter-voice asking for clearer statistics
and increased conversation? When Sweden underwent the labor transformation in the early
twentieth century the groups chose to protect and also exclude women. This silence extended
onto the women themselves: dismissing their own power and place in the labor market. The
recent lack of conversation around rape suggests that a similar experience is happening.
Movements for words like “Hen” demonstrate that great progress has been made since the
1920’s, yet there is the contradiction in Discourse on rape and violence. Ideas on gender and

23. 23
gender equality are always changing, and will continue to change as immigrants gain their own
voice in the Riksdag.
Before this paper ends, it is important for me to address why the research of Discourse in
another country is important for an American/English speaking audience. Though Sweden is far
away and may seem to have little influence on American culture, recent political conversation
has determined the Nordic countries to be the ideal for the Democrats. For example, Bernie
Sanders has inspired many of the youth by proposing a change to the “Nordic Model.” American
Discourse on the Nordic model is full of admiration, and so the idea of switching to the system is
highly appealing. A study of the Discourses that built the societies abroad could in turn allow for
a study of the national conversations that built America. Opening up the national conversation to
international audiences would allow every culture to understand and analyze itself to a fuller
degree. Understanding how we think, act, and speak allows us to transform our culture while also
gaining the ability to imagine ourselves in a different Discourse.
Discourse is the basis of how individuals think and act within a society. What is right and
wrong is determined solely through agreement of taboos. Sweden moved into the modern age
through the Discourses deemed important. Future study into this field must be multidisciplinary
and multicultural by nature, allowing for all voices to enter the conversation even if they are
silenced in the country chosen for the study.

24. 24

25. 25
References
AFP in Stockholm. “Sweden Adds Gender-Neutral Pronoun to Dictionary.” The Guardian. The
Guardian Mag., 24 March 2015. Web. 20 May 2016.
This brief article quickly details the new pronoun available in Swedish, as put forward by
the Swedish Language council. Such a word has been proposed in the past, which the
Guardian details quickly, but had never caught on. This article demonstrates current
trends in language cultivation that Swedes find important.
Bizzell, Patricia, Herzberg, Bruce. The Rhetorical Tradition: Readings from Classical Times to
the Present. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2001. Print.
This book is a compilation of the most influential rhetoricians from Aristotle to the time
it was published. Before each author there is a discussion on the environment they lived
in, what papers they produced, which papers are included in the book, and the influence
they left. I used this source to both interpret and read Bahktin and Foucault.
Boroditsky, Lera. “Lost in Translation: new cognitive research suggests that language
profoundly influence the way people see the world; a different sense of blame in Japanese
and Spanish.” Wall Street Journal. Wall Street Journal Mag., 23 July 2010. Web. 20 May
2016.
In previous sources a link between language and thought was difficult, but this source
opened up the current research that demonstrates this link. Boroditsky demonstrates the
trends in science and anthropology to link language and thought, including brain scans
and interpretation of events. This article is a lead into the future of language studies.

26. 26
“Election Platform” feministiskinitiativ.se. Feministiskt Initiativ, 2014. Web. 28 April 2016.
The Feminist party in Sweden has a few web pages in English, and this particular one is
their most detailed page. I used this source to demonstrate the priorities of the largest
feminist group in Sweden.
Gee, James Paul. “Literacy, Discourse, and Linguistics: Introduction.” Journal of Education
171.1 (1989): 5-17. Print.
Though Gee’s article is an older source, his work is a constant reference in the studies of
Discourses. The article separates language from the implication that it is just words, and
places the context into the understanding of the discussion.
Gray, Eliza. “Swedish Feminists Thread Needle Between Sexism and Racism in Migrant
Controversy” Time.com. Time Mag., 19 Jan. 2016. Web. 27 April 2016.
The purpose of this article was to demonstrate the lack of conversation on rape, and how
instead many are blaming the refugees.
Kay, and Willett Kempton. “What is the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis?” American Anthropological
Association 86.1 (1984): 65-79. JSTOR Arts and Sciences II. Web. 21 May 2016.
The Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis was a part of the linguistic movement in the 1980’s to
categorize language differences and miscommunications. The article is a summary and
test of the hypothesis through the interpretation of color by subjects who speak different
languages. Those who’s languages placed greater emphasis on color were able to identify
more hues.
Liliequist, Jonas. “Changing Discourses of Marital Violence in Sweden from the Age of
Reformation to the Late Nineteenth Century.” Gender & History 23.1 (2011): 1-25.
EBSCOhost Academic Search Complete. Web. 21 May 2016.

27. 27
Domestic violence is a huge issue both in the past and the present, and this article
contextualizes the conversation around abuse from the late 1600’s to the end of the
nineteenth century. This excellent source is thorough and easy to understand as Liliequist
demonstrates the change in attitude through plays and pamphlets.
Samuelsson, Kurt. From Great Power to Welfare State: 300 years of Swedish social
development. London: Unwin Brothers Limited, 1968. Print.
Prompted by the National Bank of Sweden, this book thoroughly covers the major
arguments and shifts in culture by examining the forces of politics and economics. The
book is broken down into each economic age, from agrarian to industrial. Samuelsson
focuses on creating an approachable source for those outside Sweden.
Språkrådet. “Weclome to the Language Council of Sweden – the official language cultivation
body of Sweden.” Sprakochfolkminnen. Language Council of Sweden. 22 March 2014.
Web. 19 March 2016.
Written by the Language Council, this webpage is their only information in English. The
page quickly details who the council is and how they operate. There is also a link to their
Draft Action Program create in 1998.
Swedish Language Council. “Draft Action Programme for the Promotion of the Swedish
Language.” Swedish Language Council March 1998. Web. 20 March 2016.
This article details the functions of the Language Council as the country moves into the
digital age. Prompted by the takeover of English online, the Language Council seeks to
maintain Swedish as an important language while also supporting the minority languages
inside the country.

28. 28
“Sweden: Muslim rapes woman lying on broken glass.” 10news.dk. 10news.dk, 31 December
2014. Web. 23 May 2016.
10news.dk is a web source for anti-immigration articles and groups. This particular page
demonstrated the conversation in the xenophobic communities that is popular in Sweden
today. Though unpleasant, it is important to understand what the extreme right values
when approaching a conversation on Discourse.
Uppenberg, Carolina. “Female Workers but not Women: paradoxes in women’s conditions and
strategies in Swedish trade unions, 190-1925.” Moving the Social 48 (2012): 49-72.
Gothenberg University Publications. Web. 21 March 2016.
Women were very much a part of the conversation as Sweden evolved, but my previous
sources hardly ever detailed the specific work that women underwent to create change.
This article focuses on the relationship between the trade unions and the deep sexism that
permeated every conversation.