THEODORE C. BESTOR
Department of Anthropology
Harvard University
Cambridge, MA 02138
Supply-Side Sushi: Commodity, Market, and the Global City
Urban anthropology has been simultaneously challenged and transformed as forces of globalization—variously defined in
economic, political, social, and cultural terms—have been theorized as "de-territorializing" many social processes and
trends formerly regarded as characteristic of urban places. Against a seemingly dis-placed cityscape of global flows of
capital, commerce, commodity, and culture, this paper examines the reconfiguration of spatially and temporally dispersed
relationships among labor, commodities, and cultural influence within an international seafood trade that centers on To-
kyo's Tsukiji seafood market, and the local specificity of both market and place within a globalized urban setting. [Tokyo,
markets, food culture, globalization]
Historically, of course, market and place are tightly inter-
woven. At its origins, a market was both a literal place and a
symbolic threshold, a "socially constructed space" and "a cul-
turally inscribed limit" that nonetheless involved a crossing of
boundaries by long-distance trade and socially marginal trad-
ers. But markets were also inextricably bound up with local
communities. In feudal times and beyond, local markets occu-
pied a specific place and time... . The denseness of interac-
tions and the goods that were exchanged offered local
communities the material and cultural means for their social
reproduction—that is, their survival as communities.. . .
[T]he social institutions of markets and places supported each
other.
—Sharon Zukin, Landscapes of Power (1991:9)
Market and Place
The past tense in Sharon Zukin's paraphrase of Karl Po-
lanyi is no doubt deliberate. Markets and places no longer
support each other, we think. IfWall Street and the globali-
zation literature are both to be believed, markets are now
literally Utopian—nowhere in particular and everywhere
all at once.
Globalization is a much-discussed but as yet poorly de-
fined concept. The presumed conditions of globalization
include, to my way of thinking, the increasing velocity of
capital (both economic and cultural) and the corresponding
acceleration of transportation and telecommunications, all
stitching together ever larger, ever more fluid, ever more
encapsulating markets and other arenas for exchanges
across multiple dimensions. Facilitating the velocity and
frequency of such exchanges are the dispersal (and relative
density) of people living outside the cultures or societies of
their origins and the increased potential that exists for
bi-, cross-, or multi-societal/cultural agents and brokers to
effect linkages. Accompanying these changes (perhaps an-
other way of saying the same thing) is the rapid cross-fer-
tilization and "arbitrage" of cultural capital (in Bourdieu's
[1984] terms) across many seemingly disparate domains of
media, belief, political action, economic .
Whose Culture Whose City”from The Cultures of Cities (199.docxtroutmanboris
“Whose Culture? Whose City?”
from The Cultures of Cities (1995)
Sharon Zukin
Editors’ Introduction
Sharon Zukin is a leading urban sociologist in the study of cities and culture. Her 1982 Loft Living,
which examined New York City’s SoHo neighborhood, is a landmark study of the intersection of culture
and urban development. In it, she carefully presents the complementary and contradictory roles artists,
tenants, manufacturers, real estate developers, and city officials play in the transforming of SoHo from a light
manufacturing loft district in the 1960s to a trendy, increasingly upscale residential and commercial district.
In the reading that follows, Zukin again addresses the interplay of various urban actors around issues of
culture, which, she argues, has taken on greater significance in how cities are built and how we experience
them.
Indeed, culture is the “motor of economic growth” for cities and forms the basis of what Zukin labels the
“symbolic economy.” The symbolic economy is comprised of two parallel production systems: the production
of space, in which aesthetic ideals, cultural meanings, and themes are incorporated into the look and feel of
buildings, streets, and parks, and the production of symbols, in which more abstract cultural representations
influence how particular spaces within cities should preferably be “consumed” or used and by whom. The
latter generates a good deal of controversy: as more and more ostensibly “public” spaces become identified
(and officially sanctioned) with particular, often commercially generated, themes, we are left to ask “whose
culture? whose city?”
We can easily see the symbolic economy at work in urban places such as Boston’s Faneuil Hall, New
York’s South Street Seaport, or Baltimore’s Harborplace. Here, cultural themes – mainly gestures toward
a romanticized, imaginary past of American industrial growth – are enlisted to define place and, more
specifically, what we should do there (shop, eat) and who we should encounter (other shoppers, tourists).
Such places, although carefully orchestrated in design and feel, are popular because they offer a respite from
the homogeneity and bland uniformity of suburban spaces. Local government officials and business alliances
have turned toward manufacturing new consumption spaces of urban diversity (albeit narrowly defined) or
showcasing existing ones – ethnic neighborhoods, revitalized historic districts, artist enclaves – as a
competitive economic advantage over suburbs and other cities.
Culture, then, is purposefully used by developers and city officials to frame urban space to attract new
residential tenants, to entice high-end shoppers, or court tourists and visitors from around the globe. But the
fusing of culture and space is not limited to governments, corporations, and the real estate industry. The arguably
less powerful inhabitants of the city – the ordinary residents, community associations, and block clubs – use
cultural representa.
The question of what is a city has occupied theattention of .docxoreo10
The question of what is a city has occupied the
attention of many urban scholars. Indeed, one of
the paradoxes of studying cities is that how the
city is to be defined has proved as (if not more)
problematic than has the question of how they
should be studied. As it was argued in the intro-
ductory chapter the city is a complex, multi-
faceted social organization. Little wonder, then,
that how they have been studied has inevitably
reflected different theoretical and disciplinary
perspectives. A similar conclusion can be drawn
to the question as to what constitutes a city.
Cities have many different ‘faces’. What, then,
gives the city its significance, its individuality
from other types of socio-spatial organization has
been given different emphases. Consider two
views of the city, one by Raymond Williams
(1973) in his classic book The Country and the
City, the other by Lewis Mumford (1938) in The
Culture of Cities. To Mumford:
The city, as one finds it in history, is the point of
maximum concentration for the power and culture of
a community. It is the place where the diffused rays of
many separate beams of life fall into focus, with gains
in social effectiveness and significance. The city is the
form and symbol of an integrated social relationship;
it is the seat of the temple, the market, the hall of
justice, the academy of learning. Here in the city the
goods of civilisation are multiplied and manifolded;
here is where human experience is transformed into
viable signs, symbols of conduct, systems of order.
(1938/1995: 104)
The defining features of the city are linked to its
strategic functioning to the wider community, its
importance as a civilizing force besides its part in
facilitating the market. Such a depiction of how
the city is to be understood contrasts with the
description offered by Raymond Williams:
The great buildings of civilisation, the meeting
places, the libraries and the theatres and domes; and
often more moving than these, the houses, the streets,
the press and excitement of so many people with so
many purposes. I have stood in so many cities and felt
this pulse: in the physical differences of Stockholm,
and Florence, Paris and Milan. (1973: 14)
Both are concerned to identify the city as a
symbol of civilization and culture, but while
Mumford expresses the significance of the city in
functional terms, Williams’s emphasis is more
experiential. Cities present many different faces
no one of which should be privileged as consti-
tuting the defining element(s) of it.
Paradoxically, in everyday language there is a
sense in which, albeit somewhat negatively, there
is little doubt as to what constitutes the city.
Popular discourse draws sharp boundaries
between the urban and the rural; in other words,
the urban is definable in terms of what it is not,
the rural. Of course, such a definition is hardly
enlightening as to what it is that defines the urban,
except that, again in popular discourse, it is
through ...
Whose Culture Whose City”from The Cultures of Cities (199.docxtroutmanboris
“Whose Culture? Whose City?”
from The Cultures of Cities (1995)
Sharon Zukin
Editors’ Introduction
Sharon Zukin is a leading urban sociologist in the study of cities and culture. Her 1982 Loft Living,
which examined New York City’s SoHo neighborhood, is a landmark study of the intersection of culture
and urban development. In it, she carefully presents the complementary and contradictory roles artists,
tenants, manufacturers, real estate developers, and city officials play in the transforming of SoHo from a light
manufacturing loft district in the 1960s to a trendy, increasingly upscale residential and commercial district.
In the reading that follows, Zukin again addresses the interplay of various urban actors around issues of
culture, which, she argues, has taken on greater significance in how cities are built and how we experience
them.
Indeed, culture is the “motor of economic growth” for cities and forms the basis of what Zukin labels the
“symbolic economy.” The symbolic economy is comprised of two parallel production systems: the production
of space, in which aesthetic ideals, cultural meanings, and themes are incorporated into the look and feel of
buildings, streets, and parks, and the production of symbols, in which more abstract cultural representations
influence how particular spaces within cities should preferably be “consumed” or used and by whom. The
latter generates a good deal of controversy: as more and more ostensibly “public” spaces become identified
(and officially sanctioned) with particular, often commercially generated, themes, we are left to ask “whose
culture? whose city?”
We can easily see the symbolic economy at work in urban places such as Boston’s Faneuil Hall, New
York’s South Street Seaport, or Baltimore’s Harborplace. Here, cultural themes – mainly gestures toward
a romanticized, imaginary past of American industrial growth – are enlisted to define place and, more
specifically, what we should do there (shop, eat) and who we should encounter (other shoppers, tourists).
Such places, although carefully orchestrated in design and feel, are popular because they offer a respite from
the homogeneity and bland uniformity of suburban spaces. Local government officials and business alliances
have turned toward manufacturing new consumption spaces of urban diversity (albeit narrowly defined) or
showcasing existing ones – ethnic neighborhoods, revitalized historic districts, artist enclaves – as a
competitive economic advantage over suburbs and other cities.
Culture, then, is purposefully used by developers and city officials to frame urban space to attract new
residential tenants, to entice high-end shoppers, or court tourists and visitors from around the globe. But the
fusing of culture and space is not limited to governments, corporations, and the real estate industry. The arguably
less powerful inhabitants of the city – the ordinary residents, community associations, and block clubs – use
cultural representa.
The question of what is a city has occupied theattention of .docxoreo10
The question of what is a city has occupied the
attention of many urban scholars. Indeed, one of
the paradoxes of studying cities is that how the
city is to be defined has proved as (if not more)
problematic than has the question of how they
should be studied. As it was argued in the intro-
ductory chapter the city is a complex, multi-
faceted social organization. Little wonder, then,
that how they have been studied has inevitably
reflected different theoretical and disciplinary
perspectives. A similar conclusion can be drawn
to the question as to what constitutes a city.
Cities have many different ‘faces’. What, then,
gives the city its significance, its individuality
from other types of socio-spatial organization has
been given different emphases. Consider two
views of the city, one by Raymond Williams
(1973) in his classic book The Country and the
City, the other by Lewis Mumford (1938) in The
Culture of Cities. To Mumford:
The city, as one finds it in history, is the point of
maximum concentration for the power and culture of
a community. It is the place where the diffused rays of
many separate beams of life fall into focus, with gains
in social effectiveness and significance. The city is the
form and symbol of an integrated social relationship;
it is the seat of the temple, the market, the hall of
justice, the academy of learning. Here in the city the
goods of civilisation are multiplied and manifolded;
here is where human experience is transformed into
viable signs, symbols of conduct, systems of order.
(1938/1995: 104)
The defining features of the city are linked to its
strategic functioning to the wider community, its
importance as a civilizing force besides its part in
facilitating the market. Such a depiction of how
the city is to be understood contrasts with the
description offered by Raymond Williams:
The great buildings of civilisation, the meeting
places, the libraries and the theatres and domes; and
often more moving than these, the houses, the streets,
the press and excitement of so many people with so
many purposes. I have stood in so many cities and felt
this pulse: in the physical differences of Stockholm,
and Florence, Paris and Milan. (1973: 14)
Both are concerned to identify the city as a
symbol of civilization and culture, but while
Mumford expresses the significance of the city in
functional terms, Williams’s emphasis is more
experiential. Cities present many different faces
no one of which should be privileged as consti-
tuting the defining element(s) of it.
Paradoxically, in everyday language there is a
sense in which, albeit somewhat negatively, there
is little doubt as to what constitutes the city.
Popular discourse draws sharp boundaries
between the urban and the rural; in other words,
the urban is definable in terms of what it is not,
the rural. Of course, such a definition is hardly
enlightening as to what it is that defines the urban,
except that, again in popular discourse, it is
through ...
............. ..................... OTHER CITIES, OTHER WO.docxhoney725342
............. ..................... OTHER CITIES,
OTHER WORLDS ... ... ......................................... .............. .
URBAN IMAGINARIES IN A GLOBALIZING AGE
EDITED BY ANDREAS HUYSSEN
Duke University Press Durham and London 2008
147 Okwui Enwezor
Mega-exhibitions: The Antinomies of a Transnational Global Form
ASIA
181 Gyan Prakash
Mumbai: The Modern City in Ruins
205 Rahul Mehrotra
Negotiating the Static and Kinetic Cities: The Emergent Urbanism of
Mumbai
219 Yingjin Zhang
Remapping Beijing: Polylocality, Globalization, Cinema
243 Ackbar Abbas
Faking Globalization
MIDDLE EAST
267 Farha Ghannam
Two Dreams in a Global City: Class and Space in Urban Egypt
289 Orhan Pamuk
Huzun-Melancholy - Tristesse of Istanbul
307 Bibliography
321 Contributors
325 Index
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The essays that make up this volume were first presented as formal
lectures in a year-long graduate research seminar in 2001-2002 at
Columbia University, conducted as a Sawyer Seminar and funded
by the Mellon Foundation. All of the essays have been updated
and rewritten since they were first presented. The seminar was
concluded two years later by a follow-up conference which gener-
ated further discussions and several more essays. Both the semi-
nar and the conference featured architects, urban historians and
theorists, anthropologists, sociologists, literary and cultural crit-
ics, curators, and writers, most of whom came from those non-
Western cities they spoke about. Two essays were commissioned
at a later time to round out the volume.
My first thanks go to the Mellon Foundation for the generous
funding and support that made the seminar possible. The Sawyer
Seminar itself was developed in close cooperation between the
Center for Comparative Literature and Society, which I directed
at the time, and the Graduate School of Architecture, Planning,
and Preservation at Columbia University. Special thanks are owed
the Graduate School of Architecture, Planning, and Preservation
and its deans Bernard Tschumi and his successor Mark Wigley,
the Temple Hoyne Buell Center for American Architecture and
its director Joan Ockman, and my colleagues at the Center for
Comparative Literature and Society. I am especially grateful to
Rahul Mehrotra
NEGOTIATING THE STATIC AND KINETIC CITIES
THE EMERGENT URBANISM OF MUMBAI
Cities in India, characterized by physical and visual contra-dictions that coalesce in a landscape of incredible plural-
ism, are anticipated to be the largest urban conglomerates of the
twenty-first century. Historically, particularly during the period
of British colonization, the different worlds-whether economic,
social, or cultural-that were contained within these cities occu-
pied different spaces and operated under different rules, the aim
being to maximize control and minimize conflict between op-
posing worlds.1 Today, although these worlds have come ...
SOCIAL SCIENCE SS ELECTIVE 6 Cities and SocietiesJollibethGante
PART II: GLOBALIZATION AND ITS IMPACT ON CITIES
Overview of Global Cities – Saskia Sassen
The Urban-Rural Interface and Migration – Alan Gilbert and Josef Gugler
Community, Ethnicity, and Urban Sociology – Jan Lin
The New Urban Reality – Roger Waldinger
The Return of the Sweatshop – Edna Bonacich and Richard P. Appelbaum
Currently, in the Department of Educational Policy Studies, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, US, Fazal Rizvi has worked in a number of countries, including several senior university research and administrative posts in Australia.
Diversity, it has been widely noted, cannot be read against a universal set of criteria, and that the moral claims surrounding diversity are contextually specific. Traditionally these claims have been nationally defined. In this paper, I will argue that this approach to thinking about diversity is no longer sufficient, and that while the national context still remains pertinent, in the era of globalization, it has become transformed by the emerging processes of transnationalism. Using a number of narratives, I will suggest that the multiple ways in which people now experience, interpret, negotiate and work with diversity are affected by factors that are deeply shaped by the emerging patterns of global mobility and interconnectivity. This recognition has major implications for educational research, requiring new conceptual resources that enable us to ‘read’ diversity as a product of complex interactions between national articulations and their re-constitution by transnational processes.
More details: http://www.eera-ecer.eu/ecer/ecer2010/keynote-speakers/fazal-rizvi/
The recording of the keynote is here:
http://www.eera-ecer.eu/ecer/ecer2010/channel-2/
Cities, Power and Knowledge: A Discursive Materialist Approach to Rethinking ...Simon Parker
Cities, Power and Knowledge: A Discursive Materialist Approach to Rethinking the Urban Question. Simon Parker, Department of Politics, University of York, UK.Association of American Geographers Meeting, Boston, Massachusetts, 16 April 2008. Session:‘New Directions in Urban Theory: Theoretical Groundings
Conceptualizing Rurality with Michel de Certeausbrown08
This SlideShare presentation contains a brief introduction to the ideas of Michael de Certeau and some possible avenues for reconnecting his work with the "cultural turn" in contemporary rural studies.
Disjuncture and difference in Global Cultural Economy - Prepared by Fiza Zia ...Dr. Fiza Zia Ul Hannan
This shared information highlights challenges of homogenization of culture and how those challenges offer a framework for exploring dis-junctures that could appear with cultural homogenization.
Theory Into Practice Four Social Work Case Studies In this co.docxsusannr
Theory Into Practice: Four Social Work Case Studies
In this course, you select one of the following four case studies and use it throughout the entire course. By doing this, you will have the opportunity to see how different theories guide your view of a client and that client’s presenting problem. Each time you return to the same case, you use a different theory, and your perspective of the problem changes—which then changes how you ask assessment questions and how you intervene.
These case studies are based on the video- and web-based case studies you encounter in the MSW program.
Table of Contents
Tiffani Bradley ................................................................................................................. 2
Paula Cortez ................................................................................................................... 9
Jake Levey .................................................................................................................... 10
Helen Petrakis ............................................................................................................... 13
Tiffani Bradley
Identifying Data: Tiffani Bradley is a 16-year-old Caucasian female. She was raised in a Christian family in Philadelphia, PA. She is of German descent. Tiffani’s family consists of her father, Robert, 38 years old; her mother, Shondra, 33 years old, and her sister, Diana, 13 years old. Tiffani currently resides in a group home, Teens First, a brand new, court-mandated teen counseling program for adolescent victims of sexual exploitation and human trafficking. Tiffani has been provided room and board in the residential treatment facility for the past 3 months. Tiffani describes herself as heterosexual.
Presenting Problem: Tiffani has a history of running away. She has been arrested on three occasions for prostitution in the last 2 years. Tiffani has recently been court ordered to reside in a group home with counseling. She has a continued desire to be reunited with her pimp, Donald. After 3 months at Teens First, Tiffani said that she had a strong desire to see her sister and her mother. She had not seen either of them in over 2 years and missed them very much. Tiffani is confused about the path to follow. She is not sure if she wants to return to her family and sibling or go back to Donald.
Family Dynamics: Tiffani indicates that her family worked well together until 8 years ago. She reports that around the age of 8, she remembered being awakened by music and laughter in the early hours of the morning. When she went downstairs to investigate, she saw her parents and her Uncle Nate passing a pipe back and forth between them. She remembered asking them what they were doing and her mother saying, “adult things” and putting her back in bed. Tiffani remembers this happening on several occasions. Tiffani also recalls significant changes in the home's appearance. The home, which was never fancy,.
Theory applied to informatics – Novice to Expertcjni.netjou.docxsusannr
Theory applied to informatics – Novice to Expert
cjni.net/journal
Editorial – Fall 2010
by June Kaminski, RN MSN PhD(c), Editor in Chief
I am often amazed by the consistent confusion and silence that arises when I ask nurses what
nursing informatics related theories they use or are aware of. I can sense their minds
searching for mysterious elusive theories that they conclude that they must have missed. Only
a few realize that many theories that they are already familiar with have great applicability to
nursing informatics. One such theory is the time honoured Novice to Expert theory.
The Novice to Expert Theory, a construct theory first proposed by Hubert and Stuart Dreyfus
(1980) as the Dreyfus Model of Skill Acquisition, and later applied and modified to nursing by
Patricia Benner (1984) provides a very useful and important theory that clearly applies to
nursing informatics. The Dreyfus brothers developed the model while working with scholars
interested in comparing artificial intelligence development and expert computer system
programming to the human mind and the development of expertise.
Within the field of nursing informatics, this theory can be applied to:
the development of nursing informatics skills, competencies, knowledge and expertise
in nursing informatics specialists;
the development of technological system competencies in practicing nurses working in
an institution;
the education of nursing students, from first year to graduation and;
the transition from graduate nurse to expert nurse.
The currently accepted five levels of development within the Novice to Expert theoretical
model are illustrated in the image above, as presented by Benner (1984). They start from the
1/4
http://cjni.net/journal/?p=967
bottom rung at the Novice level and move upward through Advanced Beginner, Competent,
Proficient, and Expert levels. Dreyfus and Dreyfus (1980) initially proposed the stages of:
Novice, Competent, Proficient, Expertise and Mastery. In both configurations, each level
builds on the level before it as the learner advances from a neophyte level then gains
knowledge, skills, perceptions, intuition, wisdom and most important of all, experience in their
given field of practice.
Distinguishing Traits
Both Dreyfus and Dreyfus and Benner estimated that it takes approximately five years to move
through the five stages from novice to expert but also elaborated that not all novices become
experts. Some people get ‘stuck’ at the competent or proficient stages. Two personal
characteristics that distinguish the successful evolution to the expert level seem to be
a) deliberate practice and
b) the willingness to take risks, to go beyond the ‘norm’.
Deliberate practice is a trait shown by people who use a personal, goal-oriented approach to
skill and knowledge development – they devote themselves to engage in progressively higher,
and ultimately expert performance. This requires years of sustained effort to continually
improve the quali.
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............. ..................... OTHER CITIES,
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URBAN IMAGINARIES IN A GLOBALIZING AGE
EDITED BY ANDREAS HUYSSEN
Duke University Press Durham and London 2008
147 Okwui Enwezor
Mega-exhibitions: The Antinomies of a Transnational Global Form
ASIA
181 Gyan Prakash
Mumbai: The Modern City in Ruins
205 Rahul Mehrotra
Negotiating the Static and Kinetic Cities: The Emergent Urbanism of
Mumbai
219 Yingjin Zhang
Remapping Beijing: Polylocality, Globalization, Cinema
243 Ackbar Abbas
Faking Globalization
MIDDLE EAST
267 Farha Ghannam
Two Dreams in a Global City: Class and Space in Urban Egypt
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307 Bibliography
321 Contributors
325 Index
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The essays that make up this volume were first presented as formal
lectures in a year-long graduate research seminar in 2001-2002 at
Columbia University, conducted as a Sawyer Seminar and funded
by the Mellon Foundation. All of the essays have been updated
and rewritten since they were first presented. The seminar was
concluded two years later by a follow-up conference which gener-
ated further discussions and several more essays. Both the semi-
nar and the conference featured architects, urban historians and
theorists, anthropologists, sociologists, literary and cultural crit-
ics, curators, and writers, most of whom came from those non-
Western cities they spoke about. Two essays were commissioned
at a later time to round out the volume.
My first thanks go to the Mellon Foundation for the generous
funding and support that made the seminar possible. The Sawyer
Seminar itself was developed in close cooperation between the
Center for Comparative Literature and Society, which I directed
at the time, and the Graduate School of Architecture, Planning,
and Preservation at Columbia University. Special thanks are owed
the Graduate School of Architecture, Planning, and Preservation
and its deans Bernard Tschumi and his successor Mark Wigley,
the Temple Hoyne Buell Center for American Architecture and
its director Joan Ockman, and my colleagues at the Center for
Comparative Literature and Society. I am especially grateful to
Rahul Mehrotra
NEGOTIATING THE STATIC AND KINETIC CITIES
THE EMERGENT URBANISM OF MUMBAI
Cities in India, characterized by physical and visual contra-dictions that coalesce in a landscape of incredible plural-
ism, are anticipated to be the largest urban conglomerates of the
twenty-first century. Historically, particularly during the period
of British colonization, the different worlds-whether economic,
social, or cultural-that were contained within these cities occu-
pied different spaces and operated under different rules, the aim
being to maximize control and minimize conflict between op-
posing worlds.1 Today, although these worlds have come ...
SOCIAL SCIENCE SS ELECTIVE 6 Cities and SocietiesJollibethGante
PART II: GLOBALIZATION AND ITS IMPACT ON CITIES
Overview of Global Cities – Saskia Sassen
The Urban-Rural Interface and Migration – Alan Gilbert and Josef Gugler
Community, Ethnicity, and Urban Sociology – Jan Lin
The New Urban Reality – Roger Waldinger
The Return of the Sweatshop – Edna Bonacich and Richard P. Appelbaum
Currently, in the Department of Educational Policy Studies, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, US, Fazal Rizvi has worked in a number of countries, including several senior university research and administrative posts in Australia.
Diversity, it has been widely noted, cannot be read against a universal set of criteria, and that the moral claims surrounding diversity are contextually specific. Traditionally these claims have been nationally defined. In this paper, I will argue that this approach to thinking about diversity is no longer sufficient, and that while the national context still remains pertinent, in the era of globalization, it has become transformed by the emerging processes of transnationalism. Using a number of narratives, I will suggest that the multiple ways in which people now experience, interpret, negotiate and work with diversity are affected by factors that are deeply shaped by the emerging patterns of global mobility and interconnectivity. This recognition has major implications for educational research, requiring new conceptual resources that enable us to ‘read’ diversity as a product of complex interactions between national articulations and their re-constitution by transnational processes.
More details: http://www.eera-ecer.eu/ecer/ecer2010/keynote-speakers/fazal-rizvi/
The recording of the keynote is here:
http://www.eera-ecer.eu/ecer/ecer2010/channel-2/
Cities, Power and Knowledge: A Discursive Materialist Approach to Rethinking ...Simon Parker
Cities, Power and Knowledge: A Discursive Materialist Approach to Rethinking the Urban Question. Simon Parker, Department of Politics, University of York, UK.Association of American Geographers Meeting, Boston, Massachusetts, 16 April 2008. Session:‘New Directions in Urban Theory: Theoretical Groundings
Conceptualizing Rurality with Michel de Certeausbrown08
This SlideShare presentation contains a brief introduction to the ideas of Michael de Certeau and some possible avenues for reconnecting his work with the "cultural turn" in contemporary rural studies.
Disjuncture and difference in Global Cultural Economy - Prepared by Fiza Zia ...Dr. Fiza Zia Ul Hannan
This shared information highlights challenges of homogenization of culture and how those challenges offer a framework for exploring dis-junctures that could appear with cultural homogenization.
Theory Into Practice Four Social Work Case Studies In this co.docxsusannr
Theory Into Practice: Four Social Work Case Studies
In this course, you select one of the following four case studies and use it throughout the entire course. By doing this, you will have the opportunity to see how different theories guide your view of a client and that client’s presenting problem. Each time you return to the same case, you use a different theory, and your perspective of the problem changes—which then changes how you ask assessment questions and how you intervene.
These case studies are based on the video- and web-based case studies you encounter in the MSW program.
Table of Contents
Tiffani Bradley ................................................................................................................. 2
Paula Cortez ................................................................................................................... 9
Jake Levey .................................................................................................................... 10
Helen Petrakis ............................................................................................................... 13
Tiffani Bradley
Identifying Data: Tiffani Bradley is a 16-year-old Caucasian female. She was raised in a Christian family in Philadelphia, PA. She is of German descent. Tiffani’s family consists of her father, Robert, 38 years old; her mother, Shondra, 33 years old, and her sister, Diana, 13 years old. Tiffani currently resides in a group home, Teens First, a brand new, court-mandated teen counseling program for adolescent victims of sexual exploitation and human trafficking. Tiffani has been provided room and board in the residential treatment facility for the past 3 months. Tiffani describes herself as heterosexual.
Presenting Problem: Tiffani has a history of running away. She has been arrested on three occasions for prostitution in the last 2 years. Tiffani has recently been court ordered to reside in a group home with counseling. She has a continued desire to be reunited with her pimp, Donald. After 3 months at Teens First, Tiffani said that she had a strong desire to see her sister and her mother. She had not seen either of them in over 2 years and missed them very much. Tiffani is confused about the path to follow. She is not sure if she wants to return to her family and sibling or go back to Donald.
Family Dynamics: Tiffani indicates that her family worked well together until 8 years ago. She reports that around the age of 8, she remembered being awakened by music and laughter in the early hours of the morning. When she went downstairs to investigate, she saw her parents and her Uncle Nate passing a pipe back and forth between them. She remembered asking them what they were doing and her mother saying, “adult things” and putting her back in bed. Tiffani remembers this happening on several occasions. Tiffani also recalls significant changes in the home's appearance. The home, which was never fancy,.
Theory applied to informatics – Novice to Expertcjni.netjou.docxsusannr
Theory applied to informatics – Novice to Expert
cjni.net/journal
Editorial – Fall 2010
by June Kaminski, RN MSN PhD(c), Editor in Chief
I am often amazed by the consistent confusion and silence that arises when I ask nurses what
nursing informatics related theories they use or are aware of. I can sense their minds
searching for mysterious elusive theories that they conclude that they must have missed. Only
a few realize that many theories that they are already familiar with have great applicability to
nursing informatics. One such theory is the time honoured Novice to Expert theory.
The Novice to Expert Theory, a construct theory first proposed by Hubert and Stuart Dreyfus
(1980) as the Dreyfus Model of Skill Acquisition, and later applied and modified to nursing by
Patricia Benner (1984) provides a very useful and important theory that clearly applies to
nursing informatics. The Dreyfus brothers developed the model while working with scholars
interested in comparing artificial intelligence development and expert computer system
programming to the human mind and the development of expertise.
Within the field of nursing informatics, this theory can be applied to:
the development of nursing informatics skills, competencies, knowledge and expertise
in nursing informatics specialists;
the development of technological system competencies in practicing nurses working in
an institution;
the education of nursing students, from first year to graduation and;
the transition from graduate nurse to expert nurse.
The currently accepted five levels of development within the Novice to Expert theoretical
model are illustrated in the image above, as presented by Benner (1984). They start from the
1/4
http://cjni.net/journal/?p=967
bottom rung at the Novice level and move upward through Advanced Beginner, Competent,
Proficient, and Expert levels. Dreyfus and Dreyfus (1980) initially proposed the stages of:
Novice, Competent, Proficient, Expertise and Mastery. In both configurations, each level
builds on the level before it as the learner advances from a neophyte level then gains
knowledge, skills, perceptions, intuition, wisdom and most important of all, experience in their
given field of practice.
Distinguishing Traits
Both Dreyfus and Dreyfus and Benner estimated that it takes approximately five years to move
through the five stages from novice to expert but also elaborated that not all novices become
experts. Some people get ‘stuck’ at the competent or proficient stages. Two personal
characteristics that distinguish the successful evolution to the expert level seem to be
a) deliberate practice and
b) the willingness to take risks, to go beyond the ‘norm’.
Deliberate practice is a trait shown by people who use a personal, goal-oriented approach to
skill and knowledge development – they devote themselves to engage in progressively higher,
and ultimately expert performance. This requires years of sustained effort to continually
improve the quali.
Theorizing LeadershipTrait Theory- how tall someone is, hair, .docxsusannr
Theorizing Leadership
Trait Theory- how tall someone is, hair, smile, charm. Except for women. Traits theory seems to be gendered.
Behavioral Theory-organization skills, collaboration skills, better public speaker, all behaviors which should make for excellent leadership skills.
Power and Influence Theory-Machiavelli. Who has power in what settings? Tsun Tsu. Choosing the time and place of battle. Operation and influence.
Contingency Theory-matching your behavior to the settings. Be aware of the social context.
Cognitive Theory-what really matters is the decisions made and why they were made?
Satisficing Theory- choosing the solution that’s not necessarily the best solution, but its’ the solution that appeasing everyone. Unconscious bias. The discussion regarding unconscious bias’ who is hired in leadership. Groupthink-members of the organization feel as if they can’t adequately critique the leader. People are fearful and therefore, they can’t speak their minds.
Truth to power Theory-it’s so much harder for people to tell their truth TO POWER(ful) individuals.
Leaders don’t actually make decisions according to data…
Cultures and Symbols-Individuals who control culture and symbols.
Positivistic-leadership is known, and we can clearly identify power. Philosophical term
Social Constructivist-knowledge through interactions with others. It’s true because we say it’s true.
Critical-Leaderships role is to critique the social order and how it could be an advantage. Service of one groups but not others.
Post Modern-create a situation where everyone has a voice. Non-hierarchical.
Leadership as Servant-greater service to society. Responding to “a calling to service.” Why you go about what you do. Motivational intent of the individual.
Establish power based on time served. Legitimacy based on service.
Leading out of serving. Becoming a leader by “doing good” in the community.
Massive Critique-Evidence of leadership that leadership matters is undetermined. Is there a better approach to leadership? The question has yet to be answered. Overattribute accomplishments and underattribute failures.
Great leaders manage their emotions.
.
THEORY & REVIEWTHEORIZING THE DIGITAL OBJECT1Philip Fa.docxsusannr
THEORY & REVIEW
THEORIZING THE DIGITAL OBJECT1
Philip Faulkner
Clare College, University of Cambridge,
Cambridge, CB2 1TL, UNITED KINGDOM {[email protected]}
Jochen Runde
Cambridge Judge Business School and Girton College, University of Cambridge,
Cambridge, CB2 1AG, UNITED KINGDOM {[email protected]}
Prompted by perceived shortcomings of prevailing conceptualizations of digital technology in IS, we propose
a theory aimed at capturing both the ontological complexity of digital objects qua objects, and how their iden-
tity and use is bound up with various social associations. We begin with what it is to be an object, the dif-
ferences between material and nonmaterial objects, and various categories of nonmaterial objects including
syntactic objects and bitstrings. Building on these categories we develop a conception of digital objects and
a novel “bearer” theory of how material and nonmaterial objects combine. The role of computation is con-
sidered, and how the identity and system functions of digital objects flow from their social positioning in the
communities in which they arise. Various implications of the theory are identified, focusing on its use as a
conceptual frame through which to view digital phenomena, and its potential to inform existing perspectives
with regard both to how digital technology per se and the relationship between people and digital technology
should be theorized. These implications are illustrated with reference to secondary markets for software, the
treatment of digital resources in the resource-based, knowledge-based, and service-dominant logic views of
organizing, and recent work on sociomateriality.
Keywords: Nonmaterial objects, digital objects, bitstrings, digital technology, social positions, resources,
resource-based view, service-dominant logic, sociomateriality, imbrication
Introduction 1
One of the striking features of the digital revolution has been
the proliferation of what we will call digital objects, many of
which have transformed and become indispensable parts of
organizational life. Digital objects feature prominently in IS
research and include computer systems and peripherals (Hib-
beln et al. 2017; Xu et al. 2017), smart devices (Prasopoulou
2017; Yoo 2010), mobile apps (Boudreau 2012; Claussen et
al. 2013; Hoehle and Venkatesh 2015), emails (Barley et al.
2011; Wang et al. 2016), blogs (Aggarwal et al. 2012; Chau
and Xu 2012; Luo et al. 2017), electronic health records
(Kohli and Tan 2016), online videos (Kallinikos and Mariá-
tegui, 2011; Susarla et al. 2012), 3D printers (Kyriakou et al.
2017), and enterprise systems (Strong and Volkoff 2010;
Sykes 2015).
Illuminating as these and similar studies invariably are,
however, their principal focus is on the human and organi-
zational implications of the technology in question rather than
on the devices themselves. The result is that research of this
kind tends to invoke “pretheoretical understandings” (Ekbia
2009, p. 2555) o.
Theory Analysis Assignment this assignment is another interview…but.docxsusannr
Theory Analysis Assignment: this assignment is another interview…but you are a coach in this interview.
After reading the Kouzes’s and Posner’s Chapter on
Strengthen Others,
use the statements concerning strenthening others by increasing their self-determination and developing competence use
the following questions below to complete the interview with someone YOU coach:
Questions:
1. Where are we going?
2. Where are you going?
3. What are you doing well?
4. What suggestions for improvement do you have for yourself?
5. How can I help you?
6. What suggestions do you have for me?
**No title page needed, it's an interview.
Textbook Reference
Kouzes, J. & Posner, B. (2012). The leadership challenge : how to make extraordinary things happen in organizations. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
.
Theory and the White-Collar OffenderOur previous week’s disc.docxsusannr
Theory and the White-Collar Offender
Our previous week’s discussion required an explanation for inappropriate/criminal conduct committed by medical professionals.
In a 1-2 page paper, examine which criminological theory best explains this inappropriate/criminal conduct.
Which theory best describes your view of this white collar offender. Support your position with at least three (3) external references
.
THEO 650 Book Review Grading RubricCriteriaLevels of Achieveme.docxsusannr
THEO 650 Book Review Grading Rubric
Criteria
Levels of Achievement
Content 70%
Advanced 92-100% (A)
Proficient 84-91% (B)
Developing 1-83% (< C)
Not present
Introduction
18 to 20 points
There is a clear overview statement. The book is identified. The introduction provides a clear overview of the paper’s contents.
17 points
The book is identified, an overview statement is provided, and the reader knows generally where the book is heading.
1 to 16 points
The introduction is minimal, brief, and cursory.
0 points
Content and Critical Evaluation
60 to 65 points
The major issues and ideas of the book are addressed clearly and substantively. The paper contains a detailed evaluation of the major issues and ideas of the book. Assertions are properly supported by evidence.
55 to 59 points
The major issues and ideas of the book are addressed in a general manner. Evaluation of major issues and ideas of the book is given, offering some depth and analysis. Assertions are generally supported by evidence.
1 to 54 points
Summary and evaluation are provided, but the paper lacks depth in assessment and analysis. Evaluation is minimal, needing development.
0 points
Conclusion
18 to 20 points
The conclusion offers a good summary of issues treated in the paper.
17 points
The conclusion is given and offers a general summary of issues treated in the paper.
1 to 16 points
The conclusion is minimal, brief, and cursory.
0 points
Structure 30%
Advanced 92-100% (A)
Proficient 84-91% (B)
Developing 1-83% (< C)
Not present
Structure and Format
11 to 12 points
There are clear transitions between paragraphs and between paragraphs and sections. The treatment of the topic is logically oriented. Headings are properly used throughout.
10 points
Transitional elements are used between paragraphs and sections. The paper generally flows in a logical manner. Headings are generally correct.
1 to 9 points
Few transitional elements are provided between paragraphs and sections. The paper lacks a logical flow. Few or no headings are used throughout.
0 points
Style and Turabian Requirements
11 to 12 points
The paper properly uses current Turabian. It has a title page, Proper headings, footnotes, and bibliography are used. The paper reflects a graduate level of vocabulary. Assignment contains fewer than 2 errors in grammar or spelling that distract the reader from the content. Minimal errors (1-2) noted in the interpretation or execution of proper Turabian format.
10 points
Turabian formatting is used throughout. Assignment contains 3-4 errors in grammar or spelling that distract the reader from the content. Few errors (3-4) noted in the interpretation or execution of proper Turabian format.
1 to 9 points
Assignment contains 5 or more errors in grammar or spelling that distract the reader from the content. Numerous errors (5+) noted in the interpretation or execution of proper Turabian format.
0 points
Assignment Requirements
19 to 21 points
Student reading.
Theories of Poverty DiscussionTheories explain phenomena and pre.docxsusannr
Theories of Poverty Discussion
Theories explain phenomena and predict how the phenomena will behave under specific conditions. Usefulness of theories depends on how well the theory explains what is going on and predicts what will happen under certain conditions.
Describe at least
two individual theories and two structural theories that explain the causes (risks) of poverty.
Describe t
wo individual and two structural consequences of poverty.
Give two examples to illustrate the explanatory usefulness of theories about poverty. (How well do your theories explain and predict the phenomenon of poverty?)
.
Theories help frame more than presenting problems—they also frame so.docxsusannr
Theories help frame more than presenting problems—they also frame social problems, and both types of problems can be linked in relation to client issues. For example, many scholars and social workers have attempted to understand the social problem of poverty. Turner and Lehning (2007) classified various psychological theories to explain poverty under two headings: (1) individual-related theories or (2) structural/cultural-related theories. In other words, think of these two headings as lenses in viewing poverty. In this Discussion, you apply lenses through which to understand a client's problem in relation to social problems.
To prepare:
Read this article listed in the Learning Resources: Turner, K., & Lehning, A. J. (2007). Psychological theories of poverty.
Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 16
(1/2), 57–72. doi:10.1300/J137v16n01-05
Select a theory under the individual-related theories and a theory under the structural/cultural-related theories.
Complete the handout “Comparing Individual-Related and Structural/Cultural-Related Theories” to help you craft your response. (
Note:
You do
not
need to upload the handout to the Discussion forum. The handout is intended to assist you in writing your Discussion post.)
By Day 3
Post:
Describe how a social worker would conceptualize a presenting problem of poverty from the two theories you selected.
Explain how this conceptualization differs from an individual-related versus a structural/cultural-related theoretical lens.
Compare how the two theoretical lenses differ in terms of how the social worker would approach the client and the problem and how the social worker would intervene.
.
Theories of LeadershipInstructionsWrite a 4–5 page paper.docxsusannr
Theories of Leadership
Instructions
Write a 4–5 page paper in which you:
Determine two leadership theories and two leadership styles that support the definition of a public leader. Provide a rationale for your response.
Discuss the differences, if any, between successful leaders in public, private, and nonprofit organizations. Cite experiences and research to support your assertions.
Some think leadership is a born ability. Some think leadership can be learned. Some think leadership is a product of a need or challenge. What do you think? Cite experiences and research to support your assertions.
Include at least four peer-reviewed references (at least one must be no more than 3 months old) from material outside the textbook.
Note:
Appropriate peer-reviewed references include scholarly articles and government websites. Wikipedia, other wikis, and websites ending in anything other than ".gov" do not qualify as academic resources.
.
Theories in SociologyAssignment OverviewThis writing assignm.docxsusannr
Theories in Sociology
Assignment Overview
This writing assignment explores different facets of the sociological perspective and allows you to understand different theoretical approaches in sociology.
Deliverables
A one-to-two page (250-500 word) paper
Step 1
Write an essay response to the following question.
Different sociological theories can have various explanations for the same phenomenon.
Consider crime rates in the US. Try to think how three sociological theories—symbolic interactionism, functionalist theory and conflict theory—would explain the kind, distribution, or changing crime rates in the US.
In your response, make sure you have an introduction, one paragraph per theory, and a conclusion.
Step 2
Save and submit your assignment.
When you have completed the assignment, save a copy for yourself in an easily accessible place, and submit a copy to your instructor using the dropbox. but please include the outside source and references as well please. just 1 page paper at least 270 words
.
Theories of LeadershipMany schools of thought have developed t.docxsusannr
Theories of Leadership
Many schools of thought have developed throughout history that propose various theories about the source and development of leaders, how leaders are discovered, and how they can be identified. Early leadership theories focused on the qualities that distinguished leaders from followers; subsequent theories looked at other variables such as situational factors and skill levels. Evaluate the similarities and differences between two approaches or theories of leadership: the trait approach and behavioral theory; the Situational Leadership® Model and authentic leadership theory; or the transformational and transactional leadership theories. Begin by providing a brief summary of the two approaches or theories of leadership you have chosen to analyze. Then, examine the common characteristics and differences between the two approaches or theories you selected. Use a minimum of two scholarly sources to support your post. Cite your sources according to APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center.
.
THEORIES OF INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENTPiaget’s TheoryWe begin wi.docxsusannr
THEORIES OF INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT
Piaget’s Theory
We begin with the theory of the famous Swiss psychologist, Jean Piaget (Gruber & Voneche, 1995). Piaget disagreed with the behaviorist notion that children come into this world as “blank slates” who simply receive and store information about the world from other people (Driver, Asoko, Leach, Mortimer & Scott, 1994). Instead, Piaget argued that, at all ages, humans actively interact with their world, and through those interactions try to interpret and understand it in terms of what they already know. He also thought that humans change the ways in which they interact with and interpret the world as they grow older and more experienced. What is important for teachers to understand is (1) how children are likely to interact with and interpret the world at particular ages and (2) what factors lead children to move from less sophisticated to more sophisticated forms of interaction and interpretation.
In describing how children interact with and interpret the world, Piaget proposed four stages of intellectual development. He believed that these stages were universal, that is, that children everywhere, regardless of culture or experience passed through the same stages. He also believed that children progressed through the stages in an invariant order, that is, all children move from simpler, less adequate ways of thinking to increasingly more complex, sophisticated ways of thinking. Piaget did allow that some children might develop faster than others and that some might never achieve the highest stage(s) of thinking.
Piaget’s claims about stages of intellectual development have faced many criticisms, as you have no doubt read in your human development text. For example, it has been suggested that development is much more gradual and piecemeal than implied by the notion of a stage (Santrock, 2008, 2009). Nevertheless, these stages still provide a useful framework for teachers. In particular, Piaget’s stages provide clues about how students will interpret and approach many of the problems that you pose, as well as clues about the types of problems and experiences that are most likely to engage students and be beneficial for them (Elliott, Kratochwill, Littlefield & Travers, 2000; Feinburg & Mindess, 1994; Santrock, 2008).
The four stages that Piaget proposed are described briefly below. Please note that the age ranges listed are only approximations.
Sensorimotor period. This stage characterizes the thinking of children up until the age of 2 years. During this stage, infants and toddlers learn about the world by acting on it directly through motoric and sensory activities, such as sucking, grasping, and looking. In this way, they gradually learn about the physical properties of objects and develop rudimentary understanding of space, time, and causality.
Preoperational period. This stage characterizes the thinking of children between the ages of 2 and 6 years. Preoperational chil.
Theories of Maladaptive BehaviorLocate at least two peer-rev.docxsusannr
Theories of Maladaptive Behavior
Locate at least two peer-reviewed scholarly articles in the Keiser online library that demonstrate how the biological theory explains etiology in two different mental illnesses. Answer the following questions about each different mental illness:
a) What are the specific biological mechanisms associated with each diagnosis?
b) How would each diagnosis be explained by a major psychological theory other than biological theory (e.g., cognitive-behavioral)?
c) Could each disorder be better understood by the combination of both biological theory and another perspective? If not, why not? If so, which other perspective is best? Why?
Reading
pic
Overview, History, and Psychological Theories
Readings
Butcher, J.N., Mineka, S., & Hooley, J.M. (2017).
Abnormal psychology
(17th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson.
Chapter 1: Abnormal Psychology: An Overview
Chapter 2: Historical and Contemporary Views of Abnormal Behavior
Chapter 3: Causal Factors and Viewpoints
American Psychiatric Association. (2013).
Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders
(5th ed.). Washington, DC: Author.
Introduction (pp. 5-17)
Use of the Manual (pp. 19-24)
Highlights of Changes from
DSM-IV
to
DSM-5
(pp. 809 – 816)
.
Theories help frame more than presenting problems—they also fram.docxsusannr
Theories help frame more than presenting problems—they also frame social problems, and both types of problems can be linked in relation to client issues. For example, many scholars and social workers have attempted to understand the social problem of poverty. Turner and Lehning (2007) classified various psychological theories to explain poverty under two headings: (1) individual-related theories or (2) structural/cultural-related theories. In other words, think of these two headings as lenses in viewing poverty. In this Discussion, you apply lenses through which to understand a client's problem in relation to social problems.
To prepare:
Read this article listed in the Learning Resources: Turner, K., & Lehning, A. J. (2007). Psychological theories of poverty.
Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 16
(1/2), 57–72. doi:10.1300/J137v16n01-05
Select a theory under the individual-related theories and a theory under the structural/cultural-related theories.
Complete the handout “Comparing Individual-Related and Structural/Cultural-Related Theories” to help you craft your response. (
Note:
You do
not
need to upload the handout to the Discussion forum. The handout is intended to assist you in writing your Discussion post.)
By Day 3
Post:
Describe how a social worker would conceptualize a presenting problem of poverty from the two theories you selected.
Explain how this conceptualization differs from an individual-related versus a structural/cultural-related theoretical lens.
Compare how the two theoretical lenses differ in terms of how the social worker would approach the client and the problem and how the social worker would intervene.
.
THEORETICAL REVIEW Please read through these extensive assignmen.docxsusannr
THEORETICAL REVIEW
Please read through these extensive assignment instructions carefully.
If you allow yourself enough time on this assignment, you can work with an
online writing tutor
by going to this website
:
https://case.fiu.edu/writingcenter/make-an-appointment/index.html
OVERVIEW OF THE PAPER
In this
Gordon Rule Writing
course, you will complete
three writing assignments
that build on each other to facilitate your progress.
The goal of these writing assignments is for you to sharpen your research skills, apply communication theory to everyday life, and demonstrate college-level writing skills
.
SELECTION OF THE TOPIC
1. Select Section
From the sections of our course textbook on communication theories, you will choose
three sections
to base your three Theoretical Review papers on. For the Theoretical Review Paper_1, you will work with the first section of the course textbook --
The Self and Messages
. This section is assigned to you to get us started with the writing assignments, however, going forward in the course you will be able to choose the section you want to focus on for each Theoretical Review Paper. The sections you can choose from are below and they align with the sections of the course textbook.
The sections on communication theories are:
The Self and Messages (Chapters 4, 5, 6, 7)
Relationship Development (Chapters 8, 9, 10, 11)
Groups and Organizations (Chapters 14, 17)
Culture and Diversity (Chapters 27, 28)
Public and Media (Chapters 18, 21, 25, 26)
2. Select a Theory from each section
From each section, you will select a theory you will research and write about in your Theoretical Reveiw Paper. For the first Theoretical Review Paper you will select theory/theories from (1) The Self and Messages (Chapters 4, 5, 6, 7); choose one theory to research.
With that theory, you should research how the theory applies to some aspect of communication of interest to you.
For example, here are some topics
(sections of the text, theories, communication aspect)
that other students have previously chosen:
The Self and Messages
Symbolic Interactionism (theory), intrapersonal communication (communication context), and self-esteem among college students (situation or issue from everyday life).
Symbolic Interactionism (theory), intrapersonal communication (communication context), and its relationship to body-shaming (situation or issue from everyday life).
Coordinated Management of Meaning theory, intrapersonal communication (communication context), and its effects on the business environment (situation or issue from everyday life).
Cognitive Dissonance Theory, intrapersonal communication (communication context), and the effects on romantic relationships (situation or issue from everyday life)
Expectancy Violations Theory, intrapersonal communication, and employer/employee relationships (situation or issue from everyday life)
Relationship Development
Uncertainty Reduction Theory, interpersonal.
Theoretical Medicine & Bioethics, 35, 31-42. To Treat a Psyc.docxsusannr
Theoretical Medicine & Bioethics, 35, 31-42.
To Treat a Psychopath
Heidi L. Maibom
Recent successes in manipulating the activity of the brain more or less directly—e.g. through transcranial magnetic stimulation or the administration of drugs that inhibit the production or reuptake of certain neurotransmitters—promise that one day soon it may be possible to treat a range of hitherto treatment resistant disorders [1-4]. Conventional treatment is typically unsuccessful with psychopaths [5-6]. Some people, however, are now quite optimistic about the possibility of treating psychopathy with drugs that directly modulate brain function [2]. Does the recent evidence support the idea that we will soon be able to treat psychopathy? I shall argue that it does not. Psychopathy is a global disorder in an individual’s worldview, including his social and moral outlook. Because of the unity of this Weltanschauung, it is unlikely to be treatable in a piecemeal fashion. But recent neuroscientific methods do not give us much hope that we can replace, in a wholesale manner, problematic views of the world with more socially desirable ones. There are, therefore, principled reasons that psychopathy is so singularly treatment resistant.
1. The Trouble with Psychopaths
By contrast to depression, which can often be treated by the administration of mood-enhancing drugs (SSRIs or SNRIs)[footnoteRef:1] and/or psychotherapy, psychopathy is a disorder involving a wide variety of symptoms that, on the face of it, have little in common except for their moral and social undesirability. Depressive symptoms typically form a unified picture of a certain type of affective disorder. Psychopathy has been called a moral or an antisocial disorder [7, 8]. Where it seems relatively obvious, at least in theory, that to treat depression one must help elevate the subject’s mood and alleviate her despair, how to treat amoral or antisocial tendencies is less clear. And since we have experience of ingesting substances that are mood-elevators, at least in the short term, such as champagne or chocolate, it is not too far-fetched to suppose that other substances may produce a longer-term effect on a person’s mood. But what of amorality or antisociality? [1: Serotonin reuptake inhibitors and serotonin and norepinephrine reuptake inhibitors.]
On closer inspection, depression and psychopathy have more in common than it might seem at first. The two disorders represent more global divergences of cognitive and emotional functioning compared to the statistical norm. Depressed individuals tend to have a rather dark view of themselves and existence in general, associated with social withdrawal and lack of interest in activities, even those that were previously of great importance to them. Georg Northoff has suggested that depressed individuals may experience difficulties projecting themselves into the future or, if you like, imagining a future different from their current reality.[footnoteRef:2.
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK FOR A FAMILY AND PALLIATIVE NURS.docxsusannr
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK FOR A FAMILY AND PALLIATIVE NURSING PRACTITIONER
Presented by: Iriabel Nepravishta
*
INTRODUCTION
Peplau’s Theory Interpersonal Relationship
Challenge Facing Palliative Care Practitioners
Impact of Society Perception of Palliative Care on Health Care Outcomes
Ways in which Peplau’s Theory can be used to address the Scope of Practice Restriction Challenge
Perspective Offered through the Application of Peplau’s Theory
Conclusion
References
A Palliative Nurse Practitioner (PNPR) is an advanced practice registered nurse. PNPR is trained to assess patient needs, diagnose disease, interpret diagnostic results and provide palliative medicine to treat illness with complex pain and symptoms. Additionally, PNPR will anticipate and meet the needs of the patient and family facing terminal illness and bereavement (Forchuk, 2015).
*
PEPLAU’S THEORY INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIP
Three phases: orientation, working and termination phases
Establish therapeutic relationship to provide better patient care.
A guide for resolution of the issues and concerns
Peplau’s Theory Views a Palliative Nursing Practitioner as a professional that establishes therapeutic relationship with patients. Peplau’s theory consist in 3 phases which are orientation, working and termination stages. During the orientation phase, the patient, family and nurse work together to recognize, clarify, and define existing problem. The working phase includes deliver and application of interventions, and services of care to treat, explore and change a situation. Finally, the termination phase includes resolution and successful completion of all the other two stages on finalization of care (Townsend, 2015).
This theory is significant in palliative care because it will allow me to determine the needs of my patients and their families through the use of the orientation, working concepts. In doing so, I can serve as a resource person, a counselor and surrogate. In addition, I can provide individualized care that will meet the needs of my patients and their families. But most importantly, this theory is significant to palliative care because it will help me to transition patients and their families through end of life care by applying the concepts of the termination phase (Townsend, 2015 p. 40) , (Forchuk, 2015).
*
CHALLENGE FACING PALLIATIVE CARE PRACTITIONERS
Perception of Palliative Care.
Different approaches of care among health care providers
Family conflicts.
Cultural differences
Today’s society struggles with the subject of death. We live in a decade where modern technology and treatments are prolonging life and the concept of natural death is seeming a vague illusion and almost an impossible concept to accept and face. We are dragged into the philosophy that there is nothing worse than letting our loves ones go and we hold them tight without acknowledging and respecting their wishes. Palliative Care Nurse Practitioners (PNPR) play an importan.
Theoretical PerspectivesSince Childrens Literature is written f.docxsusannr
Theoretical Perspectives
Since Children's Literature is written for the child audience, authors and illustrators need to understand how children develop emotionally, mentally, physically and spiritually. Authors and illustrators must cater to children through their use of ideas, language, images, and style. They must also understand how children learn in order to know how to integrate ideas with language, images and style for the child mind. In this section of our course, you will learn about three child development theories, including Piaget's theory on how children develop cognitively, Kohlberg's theory on how children learn moral reasoning, and Erikson's stages on how a child develops psychologically. You will also learn about two educational theories in children's literature, including Vygotsky's Social Development Theory and Rosenblatt's Reader's Response/Transaction Theory. Having an understanding of how children develop and learn will help you critique the many types of children's literature you will analyze in this course.
Piaget's Theory of Cognitive Development
View the short film clip titled "Piaget's Stages of Cognitive Development" published by Khan Academy to gain perspective on Piaget's theoretical stages. Keep in mind that Piaget believed that knowledge is constructed--children's learning builds on what is already known. Use the following outline as a guide. What examples can you use to illustrate each stage?
Stage 1: 0-2 Years of age--Sensorimotor Stage
Children gather information about the world through their senses and their movement.
Stage 2: 2-6 years of age--Pre-Operational Stage
Children develop language skills and begin to use symbols to represent language.
Stage 3: 7-11 Years of age--Concrete Operational Stage
Children learn to use mental operations such as math reasoning.
Stage 4: 12-Up Years of age--Formal Operational Stage
Children learn abstract and moral reasoning.
Kohlberg's Theory of Moral Development (An expansion on Piaget’s Theory)
View the short video titled “Kohlberg's Theory of Moral Development Explained!” published by Learn My Test. Examine each level and stage carefully, and then consider the 3 main criticisms of Kohlberg's theory:
Level 1: Pre-conventional Morality--at this level, children tend to obey rules to avoid punishment. They also make choices based on self-need.
Level 2: Conventional Morality--at this level, children tend to conform to societal expectations. They typically respect and abide by rules.
Level 3: Post-conventional Morality--at this level, children recognize that members of society should agree to standards that set rules; they view justice as more important than laws.
Consider:
Why is Kohlberg's theory on moral development important for authors to be aware of as they write literature for children?
What are the 3 main criticisms of Kohlberg's theory? Are these criticisms justifiable? Why or why not?
Erikson's Stages of Development
View the short video clip about Eri.
Operation “Blue Star” is the only event in the history of Independent India where the state went into war with its own people. Even after about 40 years it is not clear if it was culmination of states anger over people of the region, a political game of power or start of dictatorial chapter in the democratic setup.
The people of Punjab felt alienated from main stream due to denial of their just demands during a long democratic struggle since independence. As it happen all over the word, it led to militant struggle with great loss of lives of military, police and civilian personnel. Killing of Indira Gandhi and massacre of innocent Sikhs in Delhi and other India cities was also associated with this movement.
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Francesca Gottschalk from the OECD’s Centre for Educational Research and Innovation presents at the Ask an Expert Webinar: How can education support child empowerment?
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This will be used as part of your Personal Professional Portfolio once graded.
Objective:
Prepare a presentation or a paper using research, basic comparative analysis, data organization and application of economic information. You will make an informed assessment of an economic climate outside of the United States to accomplish an entertainment industry objective.
Model Attribute Check Company Auto PropertyCeline George
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Palestine last event orientationfvgnh .pptxRaedMohamed3
An EFL lesson about the current events in Palestine. It is intended to be for intermediate students who wish to increase their listening skills through a short lesson in power point.
Unit 8 - Information and Communication Technology (Paper I).pdfThiyagu K
This slides describes the basic concepts of ICT, basics of Email, Emerging Technology and Digital Initiatives in Education. This presentations aligns with the UGC Paper I syllabus.
The French Revolution, which began in 1789, was a period of radical social and political upheaval in France. It marked the decline of absolute monarchies, the rise of secular and democratic republics, and the eventual rise of Napoleon Bonaparte. This revolutionary period is crucial in understanding the transition from feudalism to modernity in Europe.
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How to Make a Field invisible in Odoo 17Celine George
It is possible to hide or invisible some fields in odoo. Commonly using “invisible” attribute in the field definition to invisible the fields. This slide will show how to make a field invisible in odoo 17.
Honest Reviews of Tim Han LMA Course Program.pptxtimhan337
Personal development courses are widely available today, with each one promising life-changing outcomes. Tim Han’s Life Mastery Achievers (LMA) Course has drawn a lot of interest. In addition to offering my frank assessment of Success Insider’s LMA Course, this piece examines the course’s effects via a variety of Tim Han LMA course reviews and Success Insider comments.
Synthetic Fiber Construction in lab .pptxPavel ( NSTU)
Synthetic fiber production is a fascinating and complex field that blends chemistry, engineering, and environmental science. By understanding these aspects, students can gain a comprehensive view of synthetic fiber production, its impact on society and the environment, and the potential for future innovations. Synthetic fibers play a crucial role in modern society, impacting various aspects of daily life, industry, and the environment. ynthetic fibers are integral to modern life, offering a range of benefits from cost-effectiveness and versatility to innovative applications and performance characteristics. While they pose environmental challenges, ongoing research and development aim to create more sustainable and eco-friendly alternatives. Understanding the importance of synthetic fibers helps in appreciating their role in the economy, industry, and daily life, while also emphasizing the need for sustainable practices and innovation.
"Protectable subject matters, Protection in biotechnology, Protection of othe...
THEODORE C. BESTORDepartment of AnthropologyHarvard Univer.docx
1. THEODORE C. BESTOR
Department of Anthropology
Harvard University
Cambridge, MA 02138
Supply-Side Sushi: Commodity, Market, and the Global City
Urban anthropology has been simultaneously challenged and
transformed as forces of globalization—variously defined in
economic, political, social, and cultural terms—have been
theorized as "de-territorializing" many social processes and
trends formerly regarded as characteristic of urban places.
Against a seemingly dis-placed cityscape of global flows of
capital, commerce, commodity, and culture, this paper examines
the reconfiguration of spatially and temporally dispersed
relationships among labor, commodities, and cultural influence
within an international seafood trade that centers on To-
kyo's Tsukiji seafood market, and the local specificity of both
market and place within a globalized urban setting. [Tokyo,
markets, food culture, globalization]
Historically, of course, market and place are tightly inter-
woven. At its origins, a market was both a literal place and a
symbolic threshold, a "socially constructed space" and "a cul-
turally inscribed limit" that nonetheless involved a crossing of
boundaries by long-distance trade and socially marginal trad-
ers. But markets were also inextricably bound up with local
communities. In feudal times and beyond, local markets occu-
pied a specific place and time... . The denseness of interac-
tions and the goods that were exchanged offered local
communities the material and cultural means for their social
reproduction—that is, their survival as communities.. . .
2. [T]he social institutions of markets and places supported each
other.
—Sharon Zukin, Landscapes of Power (1991:9)
Market and Place
The past tense in Sharon Zukin's paraphrase of Karl Po-
lanyi is no doubt deliberate. Markets and places no longer
support each other, we think. IfWall Street and the globali-
zation literature are both to be believed, markets are now
literally Utopian—nowhere in particular and everywhere
all at once.
Globalization is a much-discussed but as yet poorly de-
fined concept. The presumed conditions of globalization
include, to my way of thinking, the increasing velocity of
capital (both economic and cultural) and the corresponding
acceleration of transportation and telecommunications, all
stitching together ever larger, ever more fluid, ever more
encapsulating markets and other arenas for exchanges
across multiple dimensions. Facilitating the velocity and
frequency of such exchanges are the dispersal (and relative
density) of people living outside the cultures or societies of
their origins and the increased potential that exists for
bi-, cross-, or multi-societal/cultural agents and brokers to
effect linkages. Accompanying these changes (perhaps an-
other way of saying the same thing) is the rapid cross-fer-
tilization and "arbitrage" of cultural capital (in Bourdieu's
[1984] terms) across many seemingly disparate domains of
media, belief, political action, economic organization, and
so forth, often in unintended or unanticipated ways. These
phenomena increasingly occur within arenas that are
global or transnational rather than international, precisely
because these trends together diminish the nation-state as
4. Redfield and Milton Singer (1954) analyzed "the cultural
role of cities" and defined the marketplace as the sine qua
non of what they called the "heterogenetic city," the type of
city that links itself (and the society of which it is a center)
to a wider world and, in the process, transforms the city,
the rural hinterlands that supply it, as well as its society
more generally. In analyses that are much more explicitly
economic and geographic, central place theory—as devel-
oped in anthropology by G. William Skinner's studies of
Chinese society (1964-65,1974)—has focused on spatial,
political, economic, demographic, and cultural hierarchies
among towns and cities, specifically in terms of the rela-
tionships established among those places as marketplaces.
More recently, transnational economic, political, and so-
cial forces seem to be eroding the distinctions among cul-
tures and societies that are implied by the Redfield-Singer
perspective on cities as engines of change in the midst of
distinctive and separate societies/cultures. Examining the
contemporary ebbs and flows of global culture, Arjun Ap-
padurai conceptualizes transnational flows of culture as
"ethnoscapes," "technoscapes," "finanscapes," "media-
scapes," and "ideoscapes" (Appadurai 1990). Very
roughly, these refer to the complicated tides and undertows
of people(s), of technology, of capital, of media repre-
sentations, and of political ideologies that concurrently link
and divide regions of the globe. Appadurai's vision of
global integration (or disintegration) implies a deterritori-
alized world in which place matters little, but in which
there are loosely coupled domains—"scapes"—across
which a varied repertoire of influences may travel quickly,
in many directions almost simultaneously. Appadurai's
perspective does not give priority to one "scape" over an-
other—economics need not trump media, nor need cuisine
be subordinate to ethnic identity—and he recognizes that
in the welter of global interactions, what may be the center
5. or disseminator of influence in one "scape" may be simul-
taneously the periphery or recipient of influence across an-
other "scape."
Ulf Hannerz ([1993]1996) makes similar points about
globalization and transnationalism, but he refocuses them
as processes mediated through world cities and the ways in
which these trends of change, integration, and diversifica-
tion, including the very significant impacts of trade and
business, are the vehicles for massive cultural diffusion
and creativity that are articulated through urban centers.
Appadurai's work points me toward the question of how
globalized markets and trade channels intersect simultane-
ously along complexly interrelated dimensions or scapes
of commerce, culture, and people. And Hannerz, in turn,
prompts me to ask how these institutions reformulate the
kinds of linkages among urban centers, or between nodes
and scattered hinterlands, that generate new forms of urban
culture, globalized but intimately rooted in local activities.
Technicians of Globalization
I examine these shifting relationships among globaliza-
tion, markets, and cities through a study of the transna-
tional tuna trade and the commodity chains that constitute
it.1 This trade centers on Japanese markets, especially To-
kyo's Tsukiji wholesale market, the world's largest market
for fresh and frozen seafood, and I focus in particular on
the trade in Atlantic bluefin tuna.
My research focuses on middlemen (and they are almost
all men, in my experience) in this trade, on the Japanese,
Korean, American, Canadian, and Spanish buyers, dealers,
agents, and other intermediaries who articulate the connec-
tions between producers and markets (and through mar-
6. kets, eventually to distant consumers). Viewed from a per-
spective that keeps these traders in the foreground, one can
observe an enormous amount of institutional structure in
constant play, swept along by flows of capital, both finan-
cial and symbolic, in multiple directions. I should under-
line the point that this is not a study of consumption or pro-
duction per se. It is about distribution—what Hannerz
refers to as "provisioning relationships" (1980)—enabled
by the guys in the middle who make the system what it is,
not as producers of the system but as technicians of glo-
balization.
Through these traders, the commodities they trade, and
the connections they make, I focus on the articulation of
markets and urban places in a globalized environment. On
one level, I am interested in how transnational networks of
trade form as institutions or social structures that complex-
ly link previously unarticulated segments of local econo-
mies, societies, and polities. On another level, I am particu-
larly interested in the ways in which such networks or
commodity chains—and the markets they flow through—
are inherently cultural in their processes and effects.
In many distribution channels or commodity chains that
anthropologists have examined, the particular cultural idi-
oms and linkages have been within an ethnic group that
recognizes itself as possessing common identity. Robert
Alvarez, for example, demonstrates the deployment of cul-
tural identities and patterns of relationship as a means of
integrating long-distance trade in chiles across the Mexi-
can-U.S. border (1994, 1999, 2001), just as Abner Cohen
illustrated the salience of ethnicity among Hausa producers
and traders in agricultural trade in Nigeria (1969). Both of
these examples involve commodity chains that are built
around or sustain cultural affinities or similarities, but the
Atlantic bluefin tuna trade relies on cultural flows that
7. cross national, societal, and cultural borders. That is, in this
instance of globalization, the commodity chain itself
shapes the framework for cultural interaction and influence
78 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST • VOL. 103, No. 1 •
MARCH 2001
against a broader background of cultural dissimilarity and
the imaginative possibilities that creates.
I argue that market and place are not disconnected
through the globalization of economic activity, but that
they are re-connected in different ways. The process cre-
ates spatially discontinuous urban hierarchies in which
Halifax, Boston, Pusan, and Cartagena are close neighbors
in the hinterland of Tokyo, distant—on this scape—from
Toronto or New York or Seoul or Madrid.
At the same time, however, these re-connections and
juxtapositions create continuous economic and informa-
tional flows, as well as cultural images and orientations.
The cultural processes involved include the imagination of
commodities in trade, as items of exchange and consump-
tion, as well as the imagination of the trade partner and the
social contexts through which relationships are created,
modified, or abandoned. Markets and urban places con-
tinue as the central nodes in the coordination of complex
multiple flows of commodities, culture, capital, and peo-
ple.
Examining these flows requires a form of transnational
ethnography that resembles what George Marcus (1998)
refers to as "multi-sited ethnography." Fundamentally, the
challenge of such research is to do justice to the complex
8. global phenomena at hand but also preserve the ethno-
graphic richness of in-depth understandings of the diverse
local systems that necessarily make up a global system.
The risk is that such research may become little more than
"drive-by ethnography," but the potential pay-off is to
grapple productively with the local in the global and the
global in the local.
My own fieldwork has taken me to the auction floors of
the Tsukiji market, on docks in New England, into hearing
rooms in Washington, D.C., to trade shows in Boston, into
markets in Seoul, aboard supply boats in the Straits of Gi-
braltar, and inside refrigerated warehouses at Narita's air-
freight terminals, among many other places. This is a
multi-sited ethnography organized around the global flow
of a specific commodity, and it is the commodity that inte-
grates the ethnographic perspectives I employ.
The Political Economy of Bluefin Tuna
To start, I must explain something about Atlantic bluefin
tuna themselves.
Atlantic bluefin tuna ("ABT" in the trade notation;
Thunnus thynnus in biological terms) are a pelagic species
that ranges from roughly the equator to Newfoundland,
from Turkey to the Gulf of Mexico. Atlantic bluefin tuna
yield a firm red meat, lightly marbled with veins of fat,
highly prized (and priced) in Japanese food culture. Atlan-
tic bluefin tuna are almost identical to the bluefin tuna
(honmaguro or kuromaguro in Japanese) that migrate
through the waters around Japan. Both Atlantic and North-
ern Pacific bluefin are genetically very similar to another
species found in the Pacific, known as Southern bluefin
(Thunnus maccoyi; minami maguro or indo maguro),
9. which are common in waters around Japan, as ,well as near
Australia, New Zealand, and many other parts of the Pa-
cific, Indian, and Southern Atlantic Oceans. I should note
that all these bluefin tuna are quite distinct from albacore
tuna (Thunnus albacares)—often found in little cans—in
terms of size, taste, methods of fishing, customary fishing
grounds, affinities for dolphins, environmental regulations,
and markets.2
Regardless of subspecies, bluefin tuna are huge fish; the
record for an Atlantic bluefin is around 1,200 pounds
(roughly 540 kilograms). In more normal ranges, 600-
pound tuna eight to ten feet in length are not extraordinaiy,
and a 250- to 300-pound fish five or six feet in length is the
commercial standard.
Bluefin tuna are classified as a "highly migratory spe-
cies." That is, these are fish that swim across multiple na-
tional boundaries, which therefore requires states to enter
into elaborate international agreements to regulate the fish-
ery.
In New England, the tuna season runs from roughly July
to September, corresponding to the bluefin's southward
migration from waters near Newfoundland, where they
have fattened up for the winter in southern waters. Fishers
off the Canadian Maritimes, in the Gulf of Maine, and off
Cape Cod intercept bluefin at their peak of fatness, and
thus what Japanese buyers call "Boston bluefin" command
the highest prices. Because of the enormous Japanese de-
mand for this species (a demand that persists despite Ja-
pan's economic downturns of the past decade) and the con-
centration of this demand—through Canadian and New
England fishers operating in a narrow ecological and tem-
poral window to harvest from a small (probably diminish-
ing) population of bluefin in the Northwest Atlan-
10. tic—many environmentalists argue that bluefin tuna
populations have been vastly over-exploited and that the
species may not survive much longer as a commercial one
(e.g., Kemf etal. 1996; Safina 1993,1995).
The Atlantic bluefin tuna fishery has been almost exclu-
sively focused on Japanese consumption, and indeed, until
the 1970s when Japanese markets were accessible to North
American producers, there was no commercial fishery for
Atlantic bluefin in North American waters; bluefin were
trophy fish or by-catches (Figure 1). The advent of the
jumbo jet, capable of flying non-stop from the North
American Atlantic coast to Japan carrying heavy cargo,
created the possibility of shipping fresh fish from one
ocean to another. Today, Japan is the world's primary mar-
ket for fresh tuna for sushi and sashimi; demand in other
countries is largely a byproduct of Japanese influence and
the creation of new markets by domestic producers looking
to expand their sales at home.
In addition to jet cargo service, several other factors
prompted the globalization of tuna supply. In Japan during
BESTOR / SUPPLY-SIDK SUSHI 79
Figure 1. Trophy for Sale: Selling a 600-pound bluefm on a
Massa-
chusetts dock.
the 1960s, the development of highly efficient commercial
refrigeration and the expansion of high-speed trucking
throughout Japan brought almost the entire country within
one days driving time from Tokyo, which enabled major
urban markets like Tsukiji to command the best-quality
11. domestic seafood. The impact on consumer tastes was pro-
found. Old-fashioned specialties of pre-refrigeration days,
such as tuna pickled in soy sauce or heavily salted, gave
way to preferences for simple, unadorned, but absolutely
fresh fish. The massive pollution and overfishing of Japa-
nese waters during the high-speed growth decades of the
1950s and 1960s had depleted local production, and just as
demand for fresh fish began to rise, jumbo jets brought
New England tuna into reach.
Also, in the 1970s the expansion of 200-mile fishing
limits around the world excluded foreign fleets from the
coastal fishing grounds of many nations. Japanese distant
water fleets, including many that pursued tuna, were forced
out of prime fishing waters. International environmental
campaigns brought fishing to the forefront of global atten-
tion, and the fishing industries in many countries, Japan
among them, began to scale back their distant water fleets,
seeing reliance on local fishing industries as a perhaps
lower-profile, less economically risky means of harvesting
seafood. With Japanese fishing operations beginning to be
downsized and the country's yen for sushi still growing,
the Japanese seafood industry turned more and more to for-
eign suppliers in the 1970s and 1980s.
During the 1980s, Japan's consumer economy—a
byproduct of the now disparaged "bubble" years—went
into hyperdrive. The tuna business boomed. Japanese imports
of fresh bluefin tuna worldwide increased from 957 metric
tons (531 from the United States) in 1984 to 5,235 metric
tons (857 from the United States) in 1993 (Sonu 1994).
The average wholesale price peaked in 1990 at 4,900 yen
per kilogram, bones and all, which trimmed out to approxi-
mately US$34 wholesale per edible pound. (Roughly 50%
of the gross weight of a tuna is lost during trimming, so the
12. effective wholesale price per edible kilogram is approxi-
mately twice the auction price. By the time tuna reaches a
restaurant's menu or a consumer's kitchen, the various
margins and mark-ups generally double this price again.)
Not surprisingly, this Japanese demand for prime blue-
fin tuna created a gold-rush mentality on fishing grounds
across the globe wherever bluefin tuna could be found.
Rising yen prices were magnified by fluctuating exchange
rates that created added bonanzas for foreign producers.
For example, between 1975 and the peak in 1990, the
wholesale price in yen rose 327%, but with foreign ex-
change rate shifts, the price in dollars rose a staggering
671%, and even though the yen price plunged by 43% be-
tween 1990 and 1995, the dollar price declined only 8% '
In the 1990s, as the U.S. bluefin industry was taking off
and was riding a favorable combination of prices and ex-
change rates, the Japanese economy went into a stall, then
a slump, then a dive. U.S. producers were vulnerable as
their sole market collapsed. Fortunately for them, alternate
domestic markets were growing, fueled by, and in turn fur-
ther fueling, the North American sushi craze. An industry
built around Japanese tastes survived with American cus-
tomers when Japanese buyers retreated in economic disar-
ray.
Visible Hands
A 40-minute drive from Bath, down a winding two-lane
highway, the last mile on dirt road, the ramshackle wooden
fish pier at West Point stands beside an empty parking lot.
At 6:00 p.m. on a clear August day, nothing much is hap-
pening. In a huge tub of ice on the loading dock, three blue-
fin tuna caught earlier in the day also wait. Between 6:45
and 7:00, the parking lot suddenly fills up with cars and
13. trucks with license plates from New Jersey, New York,
Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Maine. Twenty tuna
buyers clamber out—half of them Japanese. The three
bluefin tuna—ranging from 270 to 610 pounds—are
winched out of the tub, and the buyers swarm around them,
extracting tiny core samples to examine the color, finger-
ing the flesh to assess the fat content, sizing up the curve of
the body to guess what the inside of each fish would look
like when cut open, and checking carefully the condition of
the bodies for damage from harpoons or careless handling.
They pay little attention to the fishing crews, except to ask
a few pointed questions about where, when, and how each
fish was caught and handled.
Dozens of onlookers—many of them "summer folk"—
watch the whole scene, some of them with video cameras.
80 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST • VOL. 103, No. 1 •
MARCH 2001
After about 20 minutes of contemplative milling, many
of the buyers return to their trucks to call Tokyo by cellular
telephone to get the morning's prices—the Tsukiji market
has just concluded its tuna auctions for the day. The buyers
look over the tuna one last time and give written bids to the
dock manager, who then passes the top bid on to the crews
of the three boats that landed them. Each bid is anxiously
examined by a cluster of young men, some with a father or
uncle looking on to give advice, others with a young
woman and a couple of toddlers trying to see Daddy's fish.
Fragments of concern float above the parking lot: "That's
all?" "We'd do better if we shipped it ourselves!" "Yeah,
but my pickup needs a new transmission now!"
14. No one knows what prices are offered because the auc-
tion bids are secret; only the dock manager knows the
spread. After a few minutes, the crews all come to terms
with the deals offered them. Someone poses a crew mem-
ber for one last snapshot next to the fish that made the
mortgage payments. The buyers shake hands. The fish are
quickly loaded onto the backs of trucks in crates of crushed
ice, known in the trade as "tuna coffins." As rapidly as they
arrived, the flotilla of buyers sails out of the parking
lot—three bound for JFK where the tuna will be air-
freighted to Tokyo for sale the next day, the others looking
for another tuna to buy—leaving behind three Maine fish-
ing crews maybe $14,000 richer.
Scapes and Chains
Appadurai's emphasis is on the fluid nature of motion
along each dimension in his global flows of conjuncture,
focusing on the visual imagery of "-scapes." His terminol-
ogy reminds us—just as a landscape embodies a particu-
larly situated point of view—that people experience global
processes in particular locations, from which they derive
their understanding and definition of the (global-yet-seem-
ingly-local) processes themselves. People perceive their
positions in global processes from partial and inherently
local—inherently cultural—points of view. As often as
not, interactions with global forces are plotted against con-
stellations of local circumstance, fragmentary to an outside
observer but forming a coherent, fixed view—a "scape"—
to a local.
Appadurai's approach is abstract, but concrete examples
of the kinds of global linkages he looks toward are easy to
find (perhaps, in this context, as "tradescapes" and "culi-
nascapes"). From a structural perspective, the global trade
in seafood products can be seen as a complex network of
15. "commodity chains" (Gereffi and Korzeniewicz 1994).
Their analysis (directly drawing on the "world systems"
approach of Immanuel Wallerstein) often focuses on the
production of manufactured goods through the coordinated
activities of far-flung components of the so-called "global
factory." It examines the international division of labor
into specialized realms that are integrated or coupled in
multiply contingent ways, rather than by executive fiat or
managerial omniscience. The structure of a commodity
chain—the links, stages, phases, and hands through which
a product passes as it is transformed, combined, fabricated,
and distributed between ultimate producers and ultimate
consumers—is a highly fragmentary and idiosyncratic so-
cial formation, itself the product of the often minutely cali-
brated linkages, the provisioning relationships, that exist
between every pair of hands along the way.
Commodity chains are often discussed in terms of
widely dispersed industrial production characteristic of
contemporary transnational trade. But the concept is
equally useful for understanding the fluidity of other kinds
of global production and distribution, including the social
roles of small-scale entrepreneurship (Dannhaeuser 1989)
and the global distribution of agricultural commodities
(Alvarez 1994, 1999, 2001; Goldfrank 1994). And al-
though commodity chains are often examined in economic
and trade terms—Dannhaeuser, for example, writes about
"channel domination" as the power held by key actors or
institutions to define the basic terms of trade (1989)—one
can also see domination of commodity chains in terms of
the exploitation, deployment, or negotiation of cultural
meanings and influences connected to commodity flows.
In the cases that Alvarez examines, the cultural power is
held by producers, whose influence thus extends through-
out the commodity chains to distant urban markets. In the
16. case of Atlantic bluefin tuna, the dominant cultural power
extends outward from a uniform market core to diverse
production peripheries, but the accommodations of core
and local systems of economic and cultural production are
locally specific.
Tuna Ranchers of Trafalgar
Two miles off the beach at Barbate, a huge maze of nets
snakes several miles out into Spanish waters on the Atlan-
tic approaches to the Straits of Gibraltar. A high-speed
workboat (imported from Japan) heads out to the nets. On
board are five Spanish hands, a Japanese supervisor, 2500
kilograms of frozen herring and mackerel from Norway
and Holland, and two American researchers. The head-
lands of Morocco are a hazy purple in the distance, and just
off Barbate's white cliffs to the northwest the light at the
Cape of Trafalgar blinks on and off. For twenty minutes,
the men toss herring and mackerel over the gunwales of the
workboat while tuna the size (and speed) of motorcycles
dash under the boat, barely visible until with a flash of sil-
ver and blue they wheel around to snatch a drifting morsel.
The nets, lines, and buoys are part of an almadraba, a
huge fish trap or weir. The almadraba consists of miles of
set nets anchored to the channel floor and suspended from
thousands of buoys, all laid out to cut across the migration
routes of bluefin tuna into and out of the Straits. This al-
madraba is put in place for about six weeks in June and
BESTOR / SUPPLY-SIDE SUSHI 81
July to intercept tuna leaving the Mediterranean, after the
spawning season is over. Those tuna who lose themselves
17. in the maze end up in a huge pen, with a surface area
roughly the size of a football field. By the end of the tuna
run through the Straits, about 200 tuna are in the pen. For
the next six months, they are fed twice a day, their nets
tended by teams of scuba divers and watched over by
guard boats sent out by the owner of the almadraba, the
venerable patron of Barbate harbor, who has entered into a
joint venture with a small Japanese fishing company. In
November and December—after the season in New Eng-
land and Canada is well over—the tuna are harvested and
shipped by air to Tokyo in time for the end-of-the-year
spike in seafood consumption.
Two hundred fish may not sound like a lot, but if the fish
survive, if the fish hit their target weights, if the fish hit the
market at the target price, these two hundred tuna are worth
$1.6 million dollars. Cold, wet cash. Liquid assets.
The pens—feed-lots for tuna—are relatively new, but
almadraba are not, and these waters have been transna-
tional since time immemorial, since before there was na-
tion. A couple of miles down the coast from Barbate is the
evocatively named settlement of Zahara de la Atunes—Za-
hara of the Tuna—where Cervantes lived for two years in
the late sixteenth century. The centerpiece of the village is
a huge stone compound that housed the men and nets of
Zahara's almadraba in Cervantes' day, when the port was
only a seasonally occupied tuna outpost. Today, the crum-
bling remains enclose a parking lot, an outdoor cinema,
and several ramshackle cafes that cater to Zahara's con-
temporary seasonal visitors: Euro-kids in dreadlocks who
come to Zahara for the windsurfing and the …
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Slow food and the politics of pork fat: Italian food and
European identity
Alison Leitch a
a Sydney, Australia.
Online Publication Date: 01 December 2003
To cite this Article: Leitch, Alison (2003) 'Slow food and the
politics of pork fat: Italian
food and European identity', Ethnos, 68:4, 437 - 462
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21. Italian Food and European Identity
Alison Leitch
Sydney, Australia
abstract This paper explores the emergence of the Slow Food
Movement, an in-
ternational consumer movement dedicated to the protection of
‘endangered foods.’
The history of one of these ‘endangered foods’, lardo di
Colonnata, provides the
ethnographic window through which I examine Slow Food’s
cultural politics. The
paper seeks to understand the politics of ‘slowness’ within
current debates over European
identity, critiques of neo-liberal models of rationality, and the
significant ideological
shift towards market-driven politics in advanced capitalist
societies.
keywords Slow Food, Italy, consumption, European identity,
social movements
I n April 1998 I returned to Carrara in central Italy where, a
decade earlier,I had conducted ethnographic research on the
subject of craft identityamong marble quarry workers and the
history of local labour politics (Leitch
1993). I hoped to renew my associations with local families and
update my
previous research by revisiting the quarries, reinterviewing
marble workers I
knew, and tracking any other significant transformations to the
local marble
industry.
Pulling out my notebook as I arrived in Milan’s Malpensa
24. 7
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Adding to my initial disorientation were the visual
manifestations of other
recent changes in Italian national politics, with fading posters
promoting Umberto
Bossi’s Northern League and its call for the formation of a
separate regional
entity called Padania, as well as those for Silvio Berlusconi’s
Forza Italia party.
My sense that the cultural and political landscape had indeed
changed in ten
years was later confirmed in conversations with Milanese
friends, who admit-
ted to me that they themselves were confused. The old
categories of ‘left’
and ‘right’ in their imagination had somehow merged or become
indistinct
and, among other things, they mentioned the growing popularity
of New
Age philosophies amongst their friends.
I arrived in Carrara to find the marble industry in crisis, with
the price of
high-quality stone at its lowest point and unemployment figures
at their high-
est in ten years. However, much to my surprise, I found that a
much humbler,
and decidedly more proletarian local product had become newly
controversial:
25. pork fat, locally known as lardo di Colonnata, had apparently
been nominated
as the key example of a nationally ‘endangered food’ by an
organization called
Slow Food.
At the time of my original fieldwork, neither lardo nor Slow
Food had par-
ticularly high media profiles. Indeed, my own interest in the
subject of pork
fat stemmed from local reverence towards such an obviously,
elsewhere, de-
spised food, one often associated, for example, with the notion
of fat as ‘poison’
in modern American diets (Rozin 1998; Klein1996).1 Every
summer since
the mid-1970s a festival dedicated to this specialty had been
held in Colonnata,
a tiny village located at the end of a narrow, winding mountain
road travers-
ing one of the three marble valleys of Carrara. And during the
years I spent
in Carrara, lardo-tasting visits to Colonnata became one of the
ways I entertained
foreign visitors who, more often than not, registered the
appropriate signs of
disgust at the mere mention of feasting on pork fat. However by
the late 1990s,
Colonnata had become a major destination for international
culinary tourism.
Venanzio, a restaurant named eponymously after its owner, a
local gourmet
and lardo purveyor, was one attraction, but Colonnata’s pork fat
was also being
promoted with great acclaim by Pecks, Milan’s epicurean
mecca. Moreover,
26. it had even been nominated as a delicious, albeit exotic,
delicacy by writers
as far afield as the food columns of The New York Times (La
Nazione 18/2/
1997) and Bon Appétit (Spender 2000).
Similarly, the organization now called Slow Food had limited
public visibility
in the mid-1980s. Founded by Carlo Petrini, a well-known food
and wine
writer associated with specific elite intellectual circles of the
1960s Italian
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left, it was known then as a loose coalition opposed to the
introduction in
Italy of American-style fast-food chains. This relatively small
group achieved
some initial national notoriety in the context of a spirited media
campaign
28. waged in 1986 against the installation of a new McDonalds
franchise near
the Spanish Steps in Rome. And in 1987, taking a snail as its
logo, Slow Food
emerged with its first public manifesto signed by leading
cultural figures of
the Italian left outlining its dedication to the politics and
pleasures of ‘slow-
ness’ and its opposition to the ‘fast life.’
Colonnata and the quarries. Photo by Joel Leivick.
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In the late 1980s, Slow Food began to intervene within the
growing circuits
of a vigorous national debate concerning the widening
application of new
uniform European Union food and safety legislation.
30. Theoretically designed
as a measure of standardization for the European food industry,
this legislation
threatened the production of artisanal foods linked to particular
localities
and cultural traditions. Thus, whereas elsewhere in the world,
anxiety about
the homogenizing practices of post-industrial capitalism had
taken the form
of movements around endangered species, environments and
people, in Europe
there was a growing concern for ‘endangered foods.’ In 1989
Petrini launched
the International Slow Food Movement at the Opéra Comique in
Paris, and
during the 1990s, Slow Food gradually developed into a large
international
organization, now in 83 countries.
From its inception Slow Food mixed business and politics. In
Italy, for ex-
ample, it developed an extremely successful commercial wing
publishing books
and travel guides on cultural tourism, food and wine. It has also
initiated taste
education programmes in primary schools and has recently
proposed a univers-
ity of gastronomy. An explicit organizational strategy has been
the cultivation
of an international network of journalists and writers. To this
end Slow Food
sponsors a star-studded annual food award — a food Oscar —
that recognizes
outstanding contributions to international food diversity.
Although its
headquarters remain in Bra, a small Piedmont town of about
31. 70,000 people
where Petrini grew up, an indication of Slow Food’s
institutional and econ-
omic weight may be glimpsed in its rapid expansion, with
additional offices
opening in Switzerland, Germany, New York and most recently
in Brussels,
where it lobbies the European Union on agriculture and trade
policy.
What accounts for this current explosion of public interest in
European
food politics? There is, of course, a rich body of literature on
the potency of
food as a political symbol particularly in periods of great
economic and social
change. Indeed one need only recall the unfortunate
consequences of Marie
Antoinette’s remark about eating cake in the context of a
ferocious battle
over the production of bread in Paris. Similarly, in the late 19th
century, when
socialism vied with republicanism as feudalism finally gave way
to industrial
capitalism, attempts to raise the bread tax in Italy provided the
impetus for
wide-scale revolts against the monarchy. Social historians
researching in this
arena have been influenced in particular by E. P. Thompson’s
(1971) path-
breaking study of English food rioters in pre-industrial England;
he argued
that peasants protesting the rising price of bread were
responding not just to
increased economic hardship but to the abandonment of a ‘just
price’ system
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which guaranteed prices on certain basic commodities for the
poor in the feu-
dal economy. A common thread in many subsequent historical
studies is that
food protests, disturbances, and other forms of collective action
around food
are often motivated by ideas of social justice within moral
economies, rather
than more pragmatic concerns such as hunger or scarcity
(Hobsbawm 1959;
Gailus 1994; Gilje 1996; C. Tilly 1975; L. Tilly 1983; Taylor
1996; Orlove 1997).
Food and other items of consumption have also been central as
cultural
symbols in colonial and post-colonial nationalist struggles. In
colonial America
tea took on a radical symbolic function uniting colonists of
34. different classes
and regions, to eventually become a catalyst for boycotts, riots
and even revo-
lution (Breen 1988; Bentley 2001). Under British rule, Ghanian
elites increas-
ingly turned from European to African foods as an expression of
nationalist
sentiment (Goody 1982). In Mexico, corn, a product which was
associated
with the peasantry and denigrated by colonial elites as
nutritionally inferior
to wheat, later became central to the development of a national
cuisine (Pilcher
1998). Similarly in Algeria, French bread is imbued with
complex meanings
reflecting post-colonial ambivalence (Jansen 2001). Equally
numerous are
examples of the political appropriation of food as a symbol of
collective or
contested national identity. Familiar recent cases include the
wide-scale Indo-
nesian protests in 1998 over imf demands to remove subsidies
on basic food
items such as oil and rice; the 1990s protests by the French over
American
tariffs on foie gras; and, of course, McDonalds as a focal protest
symbol for
anti-globalization activists.
My assumption in this paper is that deepening concerns in
Europe over
food policy are linked to questions of European identity, indeed
with moral
economies and with the imagination of Europe’s future as well
as its past.
Nadia Seremetakis, for example, has discussed how the
35. disappearance of speci-
fic tastes and local material cultures of production
accompanying widening
European Union regimes of standardization constitutes a
massive ‘reorganiza-
tion of public memory’ (1994:3), a rationalizing project which
potentially limits
the capacity of marginalized rural communities to reproduce
themselves as
active subjects of history. The Slow Food movement, with its
emphasis on
the protection of threatened foods and the diversity of cultural
landscapes is,
perhaps, one response.
In the context of transformations to the global economy, these
debates
are inevitably also caught up in what has been called the
politics of risk discourse
(Beck 1986). Issues such as the introduction of genetically
modified foods
and crops, the widespread use of antibiotics and growth
hormones in animal
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fodder, the spread of diseases such as Bovine Spongiform
Encephalopathy
(bse, colloquially known as mad cow’s disease), the 1999
Belgium chicken
dioxin scandal or the more recent foot and mouth scare in
Britain, are now
central topics of conversation in most European nations. I
would suggest that
public anxiety over these risks, both real and imagined, is
symptomatic of
other widespread fears concerning the rapidity of social and
economic change
since the Maastricht Treaty of 1992. In sum, food and identity
are becoming
like the ‘Euro,’ a single common discursive currency through
which to debate
Europeaness and the implications of economic globalization at
the begin-
ning of the twenty-first century.
Two other sets of questions also frame this inquiry. One
concerns the genesis
of the Slow Food movement within the broader context of
transformations
to Italian political life over the past two decades. This is a
period associated
with a significant decline in the cultural influence of political
parties, labour
unions and the Catholic Church, institutions that until recently
38. have been
the recognized political voice for collective interests in Italian
society. It is
also a period marked by tremendous economic growth, the
expansion of
commercially organized leisure and the passage of cultural
power into the
hands of the economic elite. Coinciding with these trends has
been the rapid
emergence of an influential independent non-profit sector of the
economy
and the development of new civil spaces fostering alternate
forms of civic
associationism. The appearance of the Slow Food movement at
this specific
historical conjuncture must, therefore, be tracked in relation to
these more
general transformations to Italian institutional politics and
cultural life.
Finally my analysis is positioned alongside recent attempts to
understand
consumption as a relatively new ethnographic arena for the
analysis of the
capitalisms of late modernity. If we understand the global
economy of the
early twenty-first century to be an ‘economy of signs’ (Lash &
Urry 1994;
Baudrillard 1981), where the symbolic and aesthetic content of
commodities
has become increasingly important, then potentially new
relationships may
be created between consumption and the market. There is
already ample
ethnographic evidence demonstrating the influence of global
cultural shifts
39. in consumer taste on the organization of production (Blim
2000b; Mintz 1985;
Roseberry 1996; Heyman 1997; Hernandez & Nigh 1998;
Schneider 1994).
More polemically, Daniel Miller (1995; 1997) has suggested
that consumption
has displaced production as the new ‘vanguard’ of the late-
capitalist motor
and that understanding the practices of consumption cross-
culturally may
reveal new roles for consumers as international political actors.
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Theorists of new social movements also argue for the priority of
culture
and ‘symbolically defined action spaces’ (Eder 1993:9) as the
basis for under-
standing new forms of collective action in post-industrial
societies. In a some-
what problematic, though intriguing analysis of new forms of
41. middle-class
consciousness, Klaus Eder has argued that middle-class
collective action often
manifests itself in struggles for an ‘identitarian’ form of social
existence, in-
volving the idea of an authentic life-form where people interact
as equals
(1993:181). These kinds of struggles for identity and expressive
social relations
can, of course, also occur within the market.2 The growth of
consumerist
forms of identity-production in liberal democratic societies thus
coincides
with the development of new possibilities for consumer politics
in which cul-
ture has become a favoured idiom of political mobilization.3
Leaving aside for the moment these larger questions, let me now
return to
the local ethnographic context. The first section of this essay is
grounded in
what might be termed a phenomenology of pork fat.4 In other
words, I am
interested in exploring the meanings of pork fat for local people
and how
these meanings may have changed in relation to its later
appropriation as a
key symbol of an ‘endangered food’ for the Slow Food
movement. I focus on
this example since it fortuitously coincides with my previous
research and
also because it provides an ethnographic window onto the
promotional politics
and origins of the Slow Food movement outlined in the second
section.
42. Eating Lardo
At the time of my original research pork fat was not commonly
eaten in
any of the households I regularly visited for meals. Lardo was,
however, al-
most always nominated in the oral histories I collected detailing
the condi-
tions of work over past generations. Many households
maintained small vege-
table gardens, which kept them going during periods of
unemployment, and
some households, with access to land, kept pigs or cows. One of
the by-products
of these pigs, lardo or cured pork fat, thus constituted a kind of
food safe for
families in the region and was an essential daily source of
calorific energy in
the quarry worker’s diet. Like sugar and coffee, lardo was a
‘proletarian hunger
killer’ (Mintz 1979). Eaten with a tomato and a piece of onion
on dry bread,
it was a taken-for-granted element in the worker’s lunch. Lardo
was thought
to quell thirst as well as hunger and was appreciated for its
coolness on hot
summer days. Given its dietary importance, it is perhaps not
surprising that
it was also adopted as a cure for any number of health ailments
from an upset
stomach to a bad back.
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Apart from its nutritional or curative value, lardo can easily be
seen as the
perfect culinary analog of a block of marble (Leivick 1999).
Firstly, both mate-
rials convey parallel ideas of metamorphosis. Elsewhere I have
written about
the ways in which quarry workers utilize organic metaphors to
talk about
the transformative properties of the stone (Leitch 1993, 1996,
1999). Lardo
embodies similar ideas of metamorphosis. It is transformed
from its natural
state as pig fat through the curing process, and this process is
also narrated as
one that encapsulates ideas of craft and individual skill.
Secondly, although
recipes for lardo vary in their finer details, marble, preferably
quarried from
near Colonnata at Canalone, is always cited as an essential
production in-
gredient. Its qualities of porosity and coolness are vital,
45. especially because
lardo makers do not use any kind of preservative apart from
salt. Apparently
the crystalline structure of Canalone marble allows the pork fat
to ‘breathe,’
while at the same time containing the curing brine. If at any
stage the lardo
goes bad, it is simply thrown out. Just like marble workers who
have often
suggested to me that marble dust is actually beneficial to the
body because it
is ‘pure calcium,’ lardo makers say that the chemical
composition of marble,
calcium carbonate, is a purificatory medium which extracts
harmful substan-
ces from pork fat, including cholesterol.
The curing process begins with the raw fat, cut from the back of
select
pigs. It is then layered in rectangular, marble troughs
resembling small sarco-
phagi, called conche. The conche are placed in the cellar,
always the coolest
part of the house. The majority of these cellars are quite dank
and mouldy.
Lard making with the conche. Photo by Luigi Biagini
([email protected]) in the book ‘Il Lardo
di Colonnata’. Federico Motta Editore, Milano (forthcoming).
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Some still contain underground cisterns, which in the past
supplied water to
households without plumbing. Once placed in the troughs, the
pork fat is
covered with layers of rock salt and a variety of herbs,
including pink-jacketed
garlic, pepper, rosemary and juniper berries. Finally, a small
slab of bacon is
placed on top to start the pickling process, and six to nine
months later it is
ready to eat. Translucent, white, veined with pink, cool and soft
to touch, the
end product mimics the exact aesthetic qualities prized in high
quality marble.
But lardo is of course more than just marble’s visual culinary
analog. For
local people lardo is deeply reminiscent of a shared past
characterized by pov-
erty and food scarcity. In diets distinguished by protein
scarcity, lardo was an
essential calorific food for men who, in the past, laboured up to
fifteen hours
a day cutting and hauling huge blocks of marble. To eat lardo,
especially in
48. the carnevalesque space of an annual festival, where hundreds
of kilos of pork
fat are consumed over four hot days in late August, is to
remember and celebrate
this past as collective history and corporeal memory. This is a
performance
of sensuous display and consumption where the skin, fat, and
flesh of lardo is
counterpoised to that of its consumers. The juxtaposition of two
kinds of
beautiful bodies and flesh, lardo and human, rephrases, or
resculpts, two kinds
of smooth, sensuous, luxuriousness: lardo and marble. And so
just as lardo
tastes of marble, it also mimics it. Through the curing process,
lardo and marble
metaphorically become one and the same. Through its physical
incorporation,
memories of place and self are actually ingested.
The Politics of Pork Fat
The events that led to Slow Food’s declaration of lardo di
Colonnata as an
‘endangered food’ began two years before my return to Carrara.
In March of
1996 the local police force had descended on the Venanzio
Restaurant in
Colonnata, ‘the temple of lardo’ (La Nazione 1/4/1996).
Protected by the con-
stabulary, local health authority personnel proceeded to remove
several sam-
ples of Venanzio’s lardo and subsequently placed all of his
conche under quaran-
tine. Later, samples were also taken from several other small
lardo makers in
49. the village, but Venanzio and one other wholesaler, Fausto
Guadagni, were
singled out for special attention.
This action led to a barrage of media commentary that soon
reached the
national dailies. At the local level, the main preoccupation was
the possible
threat to the 1996 lardo festival. Nationally, the quarantine and
subsequent
application of new European hygiene legislation led to debates
over the power
of the European Union to regulate Italian food production and
determine
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51. fect media opportunity for the political aspirations of the Slow
Food Movement.
According to Carlo Petrini, coinage of the term ‘endangered
food’ dated to
the mid-1990s, just before the lardo controversy erupted. Up
until then, Slow
had been perceived by the public as an association of gourmets
mostly concerned
with the protection of national cuisines. But by the mid-1990s
— a period
which coincided with a number of high-profile food scares in
Europe and
public loss of trust in national food regulatory authorities —
Slow began to
imagine itself as an international organization concerned with
the global pro-
tection of food tastes.
For Slow, lardo di Colonnata became the example par
excellence in a long
list of ‘endangered foods’ which included, for example, red
onions from Tropea
in Calabria, an ancient legume from the region of Le Marche
called la cicerchia,
and a plum and apricot hybrid called il biricoccolo. Several
‘endangered foods’
were imagined as under threat, from trends towards farming
monocultures,
from the disintegration of traditional rural foodways, from
pollution of water-
ways, or from the dearth of alternate distribution networks. In
the case of
lardo, salamis and cheese, the threat was standardization and the
imposition
of new hygiene legislation, which would considerably diminish
the economic
52. viability of many of these artisanal producers.
Pork fat was singled out for a number of other reasons apart
from timing.
Firstly, due to the success of the lardo festival over twenty
years and the
promotional efforts of people like Venanzio, it had already
acquired a certain
exotic caché, especially among a group of celebrity chefs to
whom Venanzio
himself was connected. More importantly, however, lardo
presented an un-
ambiguous test case for new European Union hygiene rules,
which insisted
on the utilization of non-porous materials in food production.
Although there
are certainly good techniques for sterilizing the conche, marble
is porous and
its porosity is clearly essential to the curing process as well as
to lardo’s claims
to authenticity. Local lardo makers involved in this dispute thus
had a vested
interest in lobbying for exceptions to the generic rules designed
for large food
manufacturers. Their interests coincided perfectly with Slow
Food’s own poli-
tical agenda, in particular its campaign to widen the debate over
food rules
to include cultural issues.
Slow Food’s appropriation of lardo di Colonnata as a key
symbol of its
‘endangered foods’ campaign also had great rhetorical value. In
the numerous
publicity materials that subsequently appeared in the press,
Petrini often likened
53. the protection of pork fat made by local people in dank and
mouldy cellars
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to other objects of significant national heritage, including major
works of art
or buildings of national architectural note. In valorizing the
traditional tech-
niques of lardo producers, Petrini was rhetorically distancing
his organization
from accusations of gourmet elitism, while simultaneously
challenging norm-
alizing hierarchies of expert scientific knowledge, including
those of the Euro-
pean health authorities. In this kind of strategic symbolic
reversal, the food
artisan is envisaged not as a backward-thinking conservative
standing in the
way of progress, but rather, as a quintessential modern subject,
a holder par
55. excellence of national heritage.
Ironically, the publicity surrounding these events subsequently
amplified
into yet another threat: copying. Much to the dismay of local
lardo whole-
salers, big butcheries from all over Italy began manufacturing a
product, which
they …
FOOD INSECURITY
IN SANTA CRUZ COUNTY
David Amaral
Heather Bullock
Tracking the Meal Gap in Santa Cruz County: An Index of Food
Insecurity, 2014-18
NOVEMBER 2019
Food insecurity is a major public health issue in the United
States, with an estimated 11.1%
(14.3 million) U.S. households experiencing food insecurity in
2018 (U.S. Department of
Agriculture, n.d.). Food insecurity refers to limited or uncertain
access to nutritious, safe food
necessary to lead a healthy, active life (Coleman-Jensen,
Rabbitt, Gregory, & Singh, 2018).
Common indicators of food insecurity include the inability to
access sufficient food for
balanced, nutritious meals, fear of running out of food due to
56. financial constraints, and
skipping meals, cutting down on portions, or hunger
experienced as a result of insufficient
access to food (Coleman-Jensen et al., 2018). Experiences of
food insecurity may be
temporary or persist over long periods of time, and have been
found to negatively impact
health and well-being, child development, and academic
performance (Gundersen, 2013;
Jyoti, Frongillo, & Jones, 2005).
To gain a deeper understanding of these issues in our
community, the Blum Center on
Poverty, Social Enterprise, and Participatory Governance and
Second Harvest Food Bank
Santa Cruz County partnered to calculate an estimate or index
of food insecurity in Santa
Cruz County. Utilizing published data from the U.S. Census
Bureau, the U.S. Bureau of Labor
Statistics, and administrative records from California food
assistance programs, the index
provides a metric for estimating the extent of food insecurity
experienced by county
residents, for measuring food assistance provided by
governmental and nonprofit sources,
and for tracking both over time.
This report describes the methodology we used to calculate the
index, presents findings
related to food insecurity in Santa Cruz County for fiscal year
2017-18, and tracks trends in
missed meals and food assistance provisions from 2014 through
2018. These findings,
which deepen and expand our understanding of food insecurity
57. in Santa Cruz County,
provide a new resource for informing local nutritional
assistance initiatives and assessing
our county’s progress toward reducing food insecurity.
Methodology
The Need for An Index of Food Insecurity in Santa Cruz County
Calculating Key Components of the Index
The index is based on a methodology that was developed by a
research team at Santa Clara
University (visit
https://www.scu.edu/business/cfie/research/food-insecurity/).
We adapted
their methodology for Santa Cruz County. Four key components
are used to calculate the
index:
(1) total meals required by the population at risk for food
insecurity;
(2) number of meals purchased by this population;
(3) amount of food assistance provided by state agencies, the
county food bank, and its
community partners; and
(4) missing meals or the gap between the total meals required
and the number of meals
acquired (either through purchase or food assistance provision)
by the population at risk.
1
58. We describe in greater detail how each of these components was
constructed.
Total Meals Required and Purchased. Total meals required is
calculated by multiplying
the number of individuals at risk for food insecurity multiplied
by three meals a day for
each day of the year. To estimate the total population at risk, we
draw on estimates from
the American Community Survey of the number of households
in Santa Cruz County
earning less than $50,000 annually, and multiply that number by
the average household
size in the county for a given year. Although income is only one
of the characteristics
associated with the likelihood of experiencing food insecurity
(Coleman-Jensen et al.,
2018), we believe that focusing on households in this income
range provides a useful and
conservative indicator of the population at risk of food
insecurity, especially given high
housing and living costs in Santa Cruz County.
Focusing on income groups to construct our population at risk
also allows us to draw on
data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Consumer
Expenditure Survey (BLS CEX) to
calculate the average amount spent on food by households in
our focal income range (i.e.,
under $50,000 annually). By dividing the average food
expenditure (in dollars) by the price
of a low-cost meal, we arrive at the total meals purchased by the
population at risk.
59. Food Assistance Provided. Food assistance provided is
calculated by drawing on data
published by state food assistance programs from the following
programs: CalFresh;
Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants,
and Children (WIC); School
Nutrition Program (SNP); Child and Adult Care Food Program
(CACFP); and Summer Meals.
Data was also provided by the Second Harvest Food Bank of
Santa Cruz County and its
major community partners (i.e., Grey Bears, Community
Bridges, and Valley Churches
United Missions).
To make our calculations and comparison possible, all food
assistance is converted into a
common unit of analysis - meals. To do so, total expenditures
by state assistance
programs are divided by the estimated price of a low-cost meal.
For Second Harvest Food
Bank and its community partners, total meals provided is
calculated by dividing the total
poundage distributed by 1.2, the number of pounds in an
average meal according to the
U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA).
1
2
3
______________________
Research indicates that a non-negligible portion of households
reporting food insecurity fall into middle- or upper-
60. income brackets (Nord & Brent, 2002).
For the most part, our analysis relies on BLS CEX estimates for
expenditures by residents of the western region of
the U.S. Western residents tend to spend more on food annually
than the U.S. population as a whole. Estimates
based on U.S. average expenditures are only used when the
USDA’s average cost of a meal is used to calculate low-
end range estimates, presented in figures A1-A4 in the
Appendix.
For assistance provided through School Nutrition Programs
(SNP), meal types (breakfast, lunch, supper, and snack)
are multiplied by state reimbursement rates to first calculate
total program expenditures on food assistance.
3
2
1
2
Missing Meals. The total missing meals is the difference
between the total meals required
and the sum of meals received through either purchase or food
assistance provision.
Understanding and Interpreting the Food Insecurity Index
61. The food insecurity index rating calculates the ratio of missing
meals to the number of meals
needed to bridge the gap between meals purchased and total
meals required:
Food Insecurity Index =
Total Meals Required - Meals Purchased
Missing Meals
_____________________________________________________
________________________________
The index rating for a particular year can be understood as the
percentage of food
assistance needed that goes unmet. For example, an index rating
of 0.5 indicates that food
assistance programs covered 50% of the meals the population at
risk needed but could not
afford to purchase. An index rating of 0 would indicate that
food assistance programs
completely filled the gap between the meals that could be
purchased and the meals needed
for a nutritious, healthy diet, while an index rating of 1 would
indicate that no assistance was
provided and 100% of this gap remained.
California state agencies report expenditures on food assistance
by fiscal year. To align with
this approach, we also base the index on fiscal year estimates,
spanning July through June
for any given year. Census numbers and other data calculated by
calendar year are drawn
from the year in which the fiscal year begins. A complete list of
data sources can be found in
the Appendix.
62. Calculating the Cost of a Meal (and Why it Matters)
The assumed “cost of a meal” plays a pivotal role in calculating
this food insecurity index.
Even a small change in estimated meal cost can substantially
impact estimates of the
number of meals that low-income households can purchase with
their own funds or with
assistance from CalFresh or WIC. Further, governmental
assistance (e.g., CalFresh benefits) is
calculated by converting dollars into meals, whereas assistance
from nongovernmental
sources (e.g., food banks) is calculated by converting pounds
into meals. This means that
shifts in the assumed cost of a meal influences our
estimates of the proportion of food
assistance provided by each source. For these reasons, choosing
an appropriate meal cost
is important to the accuracy of the index.
In constructing the index, we considered several different
options. Using the cost of a meal
designated by one of the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s
(USDA) food plans is one option.
For example, the USDA’s “low-cost meal plan” for a family of
four with two children,
estimated the price of a meal in June 2017 at $2.32. The major
problem with using USDA
meal plan costs is that these estimates are based on the national
averages and do not take
into account the substantial regional variation in food costs
(Leibtag & Kumcu, 2011; Todd,
Mancino, Leibtag, & Tripodo, 2010).
63. 4
The USDA’s four plans - thrifty, low cost, moderate cost, and
liberal - vary by meal cost.4
______________________
3
Other estimates of average meal costs take regional variability
in food prices into
account. Map the Meal Gap, calculated by Feeding America in
collaboration with the data
analytics firm Nielsen, is one such example. Using national
sales data derived from price
scans of a basket of food items linked to Universal Product
Codes (UPCs), Feeding
American and Nielsen calculated multipliers at both the state-
and county-levels to
assess regional variation in the average cost of a meal. For 2017
(the most recent year
for which data is available), the national average meal cost was
estimated at $3.02, while
average meal cost in California was $3.16. For Santa Cruz
County, the estimated average
meal cost was $3.89, or 1.28 times the national average.
According to Feeding America’s
estimates, Santa Cruz County ranks among the most expensive
counties in the nation,
with average meal costs that were more expensive that 98% of
all U.S. counties in 2017
(Gundersen, Dewey, Kato, Crumbaugh, & Strayer, 2019).
64. Drawing on both the USDA and Feeding America estimates, we
adopted a moderate
approach that we believe affords an accurate but likely
conservative estimate of meal
costs in Santa Cruz County. For each year included in the
analysis, we begin with the
price of a meal for one member of a family of four following
the USDA’s “low-cost meal
plan.” We then multiply this amount by the multiplier for Santa
Cruz County derived from
Feeding America’s Map the Meal Gap analysis (the average cost
of a meal in Santa Cruz
County divided by the national average meal cost) for the
respective year.
Estimated meal cost = USDA low cost meal × Santa Cruz
County multiplier
Since the meal cost used in index calculations exerts
considerable influence over the index’s
major components, it is informative to consider the range of
estimates possible based on
minimum and maximum meal costs. Based on alternate meal
costs, Figures A1 through A4
in the Appendix present the range of estimates for (1) meals
purchased; (2) food assistance
provided; (3) missing meals; and (4) the resulting index ratings
for each year. For these
figures, the price of a meal according to the USDA’s low-cost
meal plan for a family of four
(national average) serves as the low-end meal cost, while
Feeding America’s estimate for
average meal cost in Santa Cruz County serves as the upper-end
meal cost. The range of
potential estimates is included within the shaded zones in the
65. charts.
Findings
Food Insecurity In Santa Cruz County, 2017-18
In the most recent year analyzed (the fiscal year spanning 2017-
18), approximately 83,000
Santa Cruz County residents lived in households earning under
$50,000 per year. This group
– considered the population at risk of food insecurity for our
analysis – represented
approximately 30% of the county’s population. Based on
spending trends reported by the
U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics for residents of the western
region of the United States,
these households purchased an estimated 45% of the meals they
required for a low-cost
nutritious diet. An additional 31% of required meals were
provided through food assistance
programs.
4
Figure 1. Average Annual Food Expenditures by Household
Income Groups (Western region),
2017
Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics Consumer Expenditure
Survey, Table 3133
66. Figure 2. Total Meals Required by Population at Risk in 2017-
18: 91,341,133
5
CalFresh (California’s implementation of the federal
Supplemental Nutrition Assistance
Program or SNAP) and Second Harvest Food Bank were the
largest individual sources of
food assistance provided to Santa Cruz County residents.
CalFresh provided nearly half of all
food assistance in the county, with funds from the program
allowing residents to purchase
over 13 million meals. Second Harvest Food Bank was
responsible for providing roughly 20%
of all county food assistance, distributing the equivalent of an
additional 5.8 million meals to
county residents. Collectively, government programs provided
about 72% of food assistance,
while the food bank and community partners provided the
remaining 28% of food
assistance.
Figure 3. Food Assistance Provided in 2017-18
*See Figure A5 in the Appendix for details regarding food
assistance provided by nongovernmental organizations.
Despite over 28 million meals being distributed through food
assistance efforts, we estimate
that there remained over 21 million “missing meals” during
2017-18. If these missed meals
were distributed equally among the population at risk of food
insecurity, this would mean
67. that each person missed approximately five meals per week, and
was likely forced to seek
less expensive, less nutritious options.
The food insecurity index for 2017-18 measured 0.43, indicating
that 43% of the meal gap –
the difference between the number of meals that could be
purchased and the number of
meals required for a low-cost nutritious diet – remained even
after accounting for all food
assistance provided in the county. Food assistance provisions
would need to nearly double in
order to meet current needs in the county.
6
Within Santa Cruz County, there is considerable regional
variation in the concentrations of
residents at risk for food insecurity and participation in food
assistance programs such as
CalFresh. Figure 4 displays the varying densities of households
with annual incomes under
$50,000, while Figure 5 displays regional variation of CalFresh
(SNAP) participation. Figure 6
depicts regional distribution of the “SNAP-gap,” the difference
between the percent of the
population qualifying for SNAP and the percent reporting
participation in the program.
Neighborhoods characterized by high “SNAP-gap” rates may be
priority areas for advocacy
efforts aimed at increasing CalFresh enrollment.
Figure 4. Percent of Households with Annual Income Under
$50,000
68. 5
6
All data are drawn from the 2017 American Community Survey
(5-year) estimates at the block group level.
More detailed maps of “SNAP-gap” block groups are available
upon request from the Blum Center. Contact: [email protected]
5
6
_______________________
7
Figure 5. Percent of Households Reporting Participation in
SNAP
8
Figure 6. “SNAP-Gap:” Difference between Percent of
Population Eligible for SNAP and
Percent Reporting Program Participation
Santa Cruz County Food Insecurity Trends, 2014-2018
To identify food insecurity trends in the county, we calculated
index estimates for the three
years prior to the most recent year for which data is available.
69. Over these years, the index
rating declined from a high of 0.53 (or 53%) in 2015-16 to its
lowest level of 0.43 (or 43%) in
2017-2018, the most recent year analyzed. This indicates that a
larger percentage of the gap
between the meals residents purchase and the meals they need is
being filled by food
assistance programs. Before reaching this conclusion, it is
important to take a a closer look at
the individual components used to calculate the index.
Most notably, during this time period, the total meals required
by the population at risk for
food insecurity decreased substantially from over 115 million
meals in 2014-15 to 91 million
meals in 2017-18 (a 20% drop in meals required). This decline
appears to be primarily due to
changing demographics in the county. In 2014, an estimated
38,985 households in Santa
Cruz County earned under $50,000 per year; by 2017, that
number dropped to 30,444
households.
9
Because the index defines the population at risk of food
insecurity purely in terms of
household income, when the number of households in this
income bracket declines, so too
does the population at risk and the number of meals required.
Figure 7. Food Insecurity Trends, 2014-2018
Over the four years analyzed, the number of meals purchased by
70. this population declined
just as quickly, dropping by 22% over the four years analyzed.
Those at risk of food
insecurity in 2018 were able to purchase no larger a share of the
meals required to sustain a
nutritious diet than they were four years earlier.
Total food assistance provided, however, has remained
relatively stable despite the
decreasing population at risk. Importantly, food assistance
provided by government
programs and by the food bank and its community partners is
covering an increasingly
larger portion of the total meals required by the population at
risk, providing nearly 31% of
total meals required in 2017-18, up from 26% in 2014-15. While
the sum total of assistance
in the county has declined by approximately 7% over the years
analyzed, this change is
markedly slower than the reduction in households earning under
$50,000. As the
population at risk of food insecurity has dropped, relatively
stable food assistance has met a
greater portion of the county’s need. The proportions of food
assistance provided by various
sources has remained stable over the years analyzed, with
CalFresh consistently providing
roughly half of all food assistance, while Second Harvest Food
Bank provided approximately
20% of all assistance in each of the four years analyzed.
10
Explaining the underlying causes of such significant and rapid
71. demographic shifts in the
county is beyond the scope of this report. Still, it is illuminating
to consider these trends in
greater detail. The number of households residing in Santa Cruz
County has remained fairly
stable over the years included in the analysis. However, during
this time period, the
proportion of households earning under $50,000 dropped from
over 40% to about 32%.
Interestingly, the number of households earning under $15,000
has not declined (in fact, it
has increased slightly). The number of county households
earning $15,000 to $50,000, on
the other hand, has decreased rapidly over the years analyzed.
In 2014, over 29,000
households, roughly 30% of all households in the county, were
in this income range. By
2017, there were approximately 19,000 households with
incomes in this range, amounting
to only 20% of households in the county. During these same
years, the proportion of
households earning over $100,000 rose from 33% to nearly
42%, and the median income
rose from about $93,000 to over $110,000. Rising income has
been accompanied by rising
housing costs: the average monthly rent in the city of Santa
Cruz increased from an
estimated $1,910 in December 2014 to $2,405 in December
2017 (Rent Jungle, n.d.). In
October 2019, the average monthly rent in Santa Cruz was
$3,130 (Rent Jungle, n.d.). This
represents an increase of 64% in average rent over the last five
years, from $22,920 to
$37,560 annually. For families with annual earnings of $50,000
72. who are paying the average
rental cost and have no housing or other assistance, rental costs
would shift from spending
46% of their income on rent to 75%. An increase of this
magnitude ($14,640) would
profoundly strain renters in our community.
Figure 8. Population at Risk of Food Insecurity, 2014-2017
Source: American Community Survey (1-year estimates), Table
B19001
11
While it is possible that those earning under $50,000 in 2014
have moved into higher
household income brackets, it is more likely that these
households have moved out of the
county due to rising housing costs. For this reason, we caution
against interpreting the
change in the indices from 2014-15 to 2017-2018 as reflecting
reduced food insecurity in
Santa Cruz County. Rather, demographic changes raise the
possibility that food insecurity is
not being alleviated, but is instead being redistributed to other
counties by the relocation of
low-income residents.
Summary and Recommendations
We calculated this food insecurity index to estimate need in
Santa Cruz County and to track
73. trends in both insecurity and efforts to alleviate it. By
considering amounts and sources of
food assistance provided in the county, our approach offers a
more fine-grained portrait of
food insecurity in Santa Cruz County than nation-wide models
based only on county-level
demographics. Our analysis indicates that low-income
households in the county currently
miss fewer meals than they did several years ago due to the
relative stability of food
assistance provided by state programs, the county food bank,
and other nutrition resources.
Nevertheless, approximately 20% of county residents remained
at risk of food insecurity in
fiscal year 2017-18.
It is clear that substantial need for supplemental nutrition
assistance remains. Increasing
enrollment in the CalFresh program is an important strategy for
expanding access to
nutritious food in our county. California’s SNAP enrollment is
among the lowest in the United
States, prompting recent legislative efforts to increase
enrollment levels (Botts, 2019).
According to the California Food Policy Advocates (2019), if
all eligible residents of Santa
Cruz County were enrolled in CalFresh, an additional $14.9
million in federal nutritional
assistance would be distributed in the county. According to our
estimates, this would help
county residents access an additional five million meals,
reducing missing meals by about a
fifth.
Outreach efforts that raise awareness of food assistance
programs and assist with the
74. application process have been found to increase participation
among eligible individuals and
families (Finkelstein & Notowidigdo, 2019). Reducing the
stigma associated with food
assistance programs is also crucial (Schanzenbach, 2009).
Missed meals in Santa Cruz
County could be reduced by initiatives that educate residents
about available programs,
assist with the application process, and de-stigmatize nutrition
assistance. Focusing on
increasing CalFresh enrollment in high “SNAP-gap”
neighborhoods should be a priority.
7
8
9
Research by UC Berkeley’s Urban Displacement Project
(www.urbandisplacement.org) finds numerous census tracts in
Santa Cruz,
Capitola, and Watsonville that are at risk of or are experiencing
ongoing gentrification. This trend is also the focus of extensive
media coverage. As Levin (2016) observes, “Santa Cruz has
increasingly become unaffordable and inhospitable to many
longtime
low-income workers and middle-class families, and experts say
the tech boom and housing crunch in nearby Silicon Valley is
exacerbating the displacement.”
Additionally, Hanson’s (2010) analysis indicates that federal
food assistance programs benefit local economies, with each
SNAP
dollar translating into $1.79 of economic activity.
75. Research by Gundersen and Oliveira (2001, p. 884) finds that
“households associating stigma with the receipt of food stamps
are
less likely to participate [in the program] than households not
associating stigma with food stamp receipt.”
7
8
9
___________________________
12
elnish
Typewritten Text
In the years analyzed, Second Harvest Food Bank and its
network of nonprofit and
community partners distributed over a quarter of all food
assistance provided in the county.
These providers play an invaluable role in alleviating food
insecurity in Santa Cruz County
and must be fully supported. Additionally, receiving assistance
from food pantries may
encourage participation in other nutrition assistance programs
such as SNAP (Bhattarai,
Duffy, & Raymond, 2005). Importantly, government and
community-based assistance
programs should be viewed as complementary partners in
76. reducing food insecurity.
We plan to update the index annually and continue tracking the
factors that contribute to
food insecurity in Santa Cruz County. Our intent is to provide
useful, actionable information
that will inform, strengthen, and mobilize initiatives to reduce
food insecurity in Santa Cruz
County.
13
Appendix
Estimate Ranges Based on Different Meal Costs
The following four charts depict our index estimates for Meals
Purchased, Food Assistance
Provided, Missing Meals, and the resulting Food Insecurity
Indices based on the range of
possible meal costs. In each figure, the low-end meal cost is
drawn from the USDA’s low-cost
meal plan for a family of four, while the high-end meal cost
adopts Feeding America’s
estimate for the average cost of a meal in Santa Cruz County.
Figure A1. Estimated range of Meals Purchased
14
Figure A2. Estimated Range of Food Assistance Provided
77. Figure A3. Estimated Range of Missing Meals
15
Figure A4. Estimated Range of Food Insecurity Index Ratings
16
Detail of Nongovernmental Food Assistance Provided
Figure A5. Percent of Nongovernmental Food Assistance
Provided, by Organization, 2017-18
17
Data Sources
American Community Survey (1-year and 5-year estimates),
U.S. Census Bureau. Tables
B01003, S1101, B19001.
Consumer Expenditure Survey, U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Tables 1202 (U.S. average)
and 3133 (Western region).
Official USDA Food Plans: Cost of Food at Home at Four
Levels, U.S. Average, June 2014,
2015, 2016, 2017, United States Department of Agriculture.
78. Map the Meal Gap, Feeding America.
https://map.feedingamerica.org
California Women, Infants and Children (WIC) Program
Redemption by County, CA
Department of Public Health.
Food Stamp Program Participation and Benefit Issuance Reports
(DFA 256), CA Department
of Social Services.
Child and Adult Care Food Program (CACFP) County Profiles,
California Department of
Education.
Child Nutrition Program Reimbursement Rates, California
Department of Education.
School Nutrition Program County Profiles, California
Department of Education.
Summer Meal Programs County Profile, California Department
of Education.
For Food Assistance Provided by county nonprofit
organizations, provision estimates
provided directly by Second Harvest Food Bank, Grey Bears,
Community Bridges, and Valley
Churches United Missions.
18
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food pantries and food stamps in
low-income households in the United States. Journal of
Consumer Affairs, 39(2), 276–298.
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-6606.2005.00015.x
Botts, J. (2019, July 18). California could get $1.8 billion in
food stamp funding. It just needs
people to sign up. The Sacramento Bee. Retrieved from
https://www.sacbee.com/news/california/article232785452.html
California Food Policy Advocates. (2019). Lost dollars, empty
plates: What CalFresh means for
individuals & the economy. Retrieved from https://cfpa.net/lost-
dollars-empty-plates-2019/
Coleman-Jensen, A., Rabbitt, M. P., Gregory, C. A., & Singh,
A. (2018). Household food security
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Agriculture, Economic
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Gundersen, C., (2013). Food insecurity is an ongoing national
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Hanson, K. (2010). The food assistance national input-output
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19
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https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/gfc.2007.7.3.19
83. feast of Thanksgiving, the United States Department of
Agriculture (usda) announced that it was eliminating the
word hunger from its official assessment of food security in
America and replacing it with the term very low food secu-
rity. Not surprisingly, antihunger advocates condemned
this decision, as did the press. An article in the Sarasota
Herald-Tribune called it “a shallow attempt to sugarcoat a
serious national health problem,”1 while an editorial in the
Winston-Salem Journal suggested it was “an effort to satisfy
either some silly bureaucratic or sinister political motive.”2
An Augusta Chronicle columnist accused the usda of using
“semantics to sweep a dirty problem under the rug.”3
The media portrayed the substitution of food insecurity
for hunger as a political maneuver to deflect attention
from the persistence of hunger in the face of plenty. In
fact, the story is both more complicated and subtle than
that. It’s not that the United States has become less inter-
ested in food and politics. The popularity of books such as
Eric Schlosser’s Fast Food Nation, Michael Pollan’s The
Omnivore’s Dilemma, and Greg Critser’s Fat Land, and
films such as Morgan Spurlock’s Supersize Me, demon-
strates that Americans are increasingly interested in, and
conversant with, food issues.4 If sales figures are any indica-
tion, we are ready to pay attention to the character of our
food system and find ways to improve it. Although much
recent food writing is celebratory, many titles also point to
problems in the food system, such as food safety, nutrition,
and environmental degradation. Yet very little is said about
social justice issues, including the most obvious of all,
which is hunger in America.5
Nevertheless, the hiding of hunger is not a government
conspiracy. By eliminating the term hunger, the usda was
simply announcing an “innocent” statistical realignment.
84. Specifically, usda guidelines state that food insecurity is a
social condition of limited or uncertain access to adequate
food, whereas hunger is an individual physiological condition.6
In any case, since measuring hunger as an individual con-
dition requires the collection of different data from that
provided in the Current Population Survey, the usda decided
to eliminate the term rather than collect different data.
On the face of it, and as the editorials claim, this move
does look like a political decision to hide the shame of
hunger in the United States. However, it is more likely a
methodological decision, albeit one based on an arbitrary
distinction that appears to have no logical, etymological, or
historical basis. Ironically, the lack of conspiracy actually
makes the usda’s redefinition even more damaging, insidi-
ous, and difficult to combat, because it stalls, and perhaps
reverses, the progress that has been made over the past sev-
eral decades in the conceptualization of hunger and food
security. The new terminology defuses the outrage that the
term hunger elicits while disrupting the social progress that
has been made over the last few decades as the term food
security was developed and put into use.
The statistical elimination of the term hunger does
violence to hungry people and to the efforts to end hunger
in America. At the same time, the term food security should
not be dismissed. It is real and important, and it needs
to remain as a conceptual category when we talk about
inequalities surrounding food.
A Brief History of the Discourse
on Food Security
There has always been hunger. In some cases, hunger has been
the result of food shortages due to crop failures. More often
88. rary approaches to food security emerged during the world
food crisis of the early 1970s when the price of staple foods
skyrocketed. The term food security was introduced in 1974
at the United Nations World Food Conference, though the
change in discourse was not intended to diminish hunger
as a problem—quite the opposite. Food security became
a clear and central policy goal of most developing coun-
tries as the World Food Conference proclaimed people’s
inalienable right to freedom from hunger and resolved to
eliminate hunger and malnutrition completely.8 As poverty
increased in the United States during the 1980s,9 the us
government also adopted the term food security, defining it
as “a condition in which all people have access at all times
to nutritionally adequate food through normal channels.”10
However, the United States did not adopt a statement about
the inalienable human right to food.
In the 1990s, changes in economic and ideological con-
ditions spurred new efforts to conceptualize food security.
At the international level, this led to attempts to expand and
deepen the concept of food security. The 1996 World Food
Summit paid increased attention to the right to food. It also
broadened the scope of the analytical unit used to measure
food insecurity and for the first time considered not only the
quantity but also the quality of food.11 But it became clear
that defining food security on a national or global scale
resulted in aggregate measures that missed instances of food
insecurity within households, communities, and regions.
New approaches were needed to address these problems.
The combination of deteriorating food security con-
ditions, the insufficiency of private and public efforts to
combat hunger, and the conceptual innovations at the inter-
national level led in the United States to the development of
the concept of community food security. Within this context,
the food-system vulnerabilities revealed in Los Angeles fol-
89. lowing the Rodney King verdict in 1992 prompted a group
of environmental justice students from the University of
California at Los Angeles, led by Robert Gottlieb, to assess
the core issues facing the South Central Los Angeles com-
munity.14 What they discovered was that people’s greatest
concerns centered on food access, quality, and price. Of
course, many people had been working for decades to
improve local food security, but the group’s study, Seeds of
Change: Strategies for Food Security for the Inner City, pro-
vided a catalyst for taking food security work to a new level.15
In 1994 thirty organizations and individuals hoping to
influence upcoming farm bill legislation (which authorizes
funding for food and agriculture programs in the United
States) met to discuss new approaches to food security.
This group developed the 1995 Community Food Security
Empowerment Act, which proposed community food secu-
rity as the conceptual basis for solving food-system problems.
Endorsed by more than 125 organizations, the act defined
community food security as “all persons obtaining at all
times a culturally acceptable, nutritionally adequate diet
through local non-emergency sources.”16
A new social movement was born. The national
Community Food Security Coalition was established in
1996, and it continues to grow (the number of participants at
its annual conference has increased from a couple hundred
to more than one thousand in 2006). Part of what makes
community food security so compelling is that it is an inte-
grated approach that focuses not only on meeting people’s
food security needs in the present but also on a broad range
of food-system issues, including farmland loss, agriculture-
based pollution, urban and rural community development,
and transportation. The goal is to work toward the systematic
and long-term elimination of food insecurity.