This document discusses strategic developments during the Cold War between nations divided by communist and anti-communist ideology. It provides context on the military developments in divided states like East and West Germany. It outlines the hierarchy of defense leadership in Cold War nations from national leaders down to tactical units. It then analyzes the rearmament of East and West Germany's militaries following World War 2 demobilization and the need to defend against the Soviet Union amid early contingency planning by Western allies.
This document is a 14,983 word dissertation submitted by David John Fowler to the University of Aberdeen for the degree of M.Sc. in Strategic Studies. The dissertation argues that a failure to recognize the ubiquitous political nature of war and strategy can lead to strategic failure.
Chapter 1 discusses debates around whether war is a political or cultural phenomenon. It argues that while culture influences war, the underlying motivation is usually political - to gain or retain power. Chapter 2 examines differing views of "victory" between military and political actors. Chapter 3 shows how divergent views can damage civil-military relations and strategy.
The dissertation concludes that strategic failure results when either policymakers fail to understand strategy requires allocating resources,
1. The document summarizes Carl von Clausewitz's seminal book "On War" in 45 pages. It covers Clausewitz's views on key military concepts like strategy, tactics, the role of chance and friction in war.
2. Some of the key points summarized include that strategy deals with combining battles to achieve the overall war aim, while tactics concerns the conduct of individual battles. Strategy involves more complex moral factors compared to tactics. Surprise is also easier to achieve in tactics than in strategy.
3. The summary examines Clausewitz's distinction between strategy and tactics, and emphasizes that great tactical results are needed to achieve great strategic outcomes. It also discusses the importance Clausewitz placed on principles like concentration of force,
THE FALLACY OF LEADERSHIP REMOVAL STRATEGIES IN 21ST CENTURY COUNTERINSURGEN...Brett Hauenstein
This document is a thesis that argues leadership removal strategies are not effective ways to defeat an insurgency. It analyzes U.S. counterinsurgency doctrine and finds a predisposition to overemphasize the importance of targeting insurgent leadership. The thesis examines classical counterinsurgency theory, modern insurgent organizational models, and three historical case studies to demonstrate that insurgent groups can survive without key leaders and leadership removal rarely results in defeating the insurgency. The author aims to show policymakers and military planners should not view leadership removal as critical to counterinsurgency success and instead adopt a more comprehensive political and military approach.
This document provides an abstract and introduction for a capstone paper examining how the Vietnam and Iraq Wars were legitimized through public discourse in the United States. The paper will employ discourse analysis to examine the key representations and constructions that led to the legitimization of each war. The introduction reviews different theories on the causes of war and argues that a discursive approach is best for understanding how war gains acceptance. The paper will analyze textual data to discuss how dominant discourses legitimized the Vietnam and Iraq Wars and demonstrate the power of language in political debates around war.
Strategic Illiteracy - Inaugural Lecture Professor DuyvesteynUniversiteitLeiden
This document is the transcript of a lecture given by Prof.dr. I.G.B.M. Duyvesteyn on the acceptance of her position as Special Chair in Strategic Studies at Leiden University. In the lecture, she argues that there is a widespread problem of "strategic illiteracy" among political, military, and scholarly thinkers. She outlines Carl von Clausewitz's ideas on strategy, including that one must understand the nature of the war being fought, that strategy translates political objectives into military plans, that war is versatile, and results are rarely final. She asserts that strategic thinking is more of an art than a science. The lack of clear political objectives and realistic military plans to achieve them demonstrates
Why is war so central to the academic study of International Politics?FRANCISCO RUIZ
The human being, as a social animal has always been in the middle of a behaviorist crossroad. Cooperation and conflict have always been the two main options humans have had when socializing with other individuals. In the V century B.C., Thucydides had already studied conflict among individuals in its most extended and destructive form writing about the Peloponnesian war between Sparta and Athens. In the modern age, from Thomas Hobbes to Hans Morgenthau, we can see that war and its causes have been and continue to be one of the most important issues for the social sciences academia (Baldwin: 1979, p. 161). But, why war? Destruction, violence or competition seem to captivate the human being the same way fire does. Fire is the singularity of a chemical reaction that is only produced under certain exceptional conditions in nature. It needs fuel, a means to propagate and detonating. Fire has certain similarities with war. It is exceptional1, but because of its magnitude and power to transform the environment, its capacity attract the humans being’s attention is practically inevitable and even more so today, with the dramatic increase of the destructive ability of weapons.
This document provides background and instructions for a lesson on selecting George Washington as Commander-in-Chief of the Continental Army. The lesson asks students to identify the key characteristics and skills needed for an army commander, evaluate potential candidates, and decide if Washington was the right choice. It includes readings on generalship qualities and a profile of Washington to help students with their assessment. The overall goal is for students to understand Washington's qualifications and the rationale for his selection during the Revolutionary War period.
Presidents and Their Generals - Changes in Leadership RelationshipsMatthew Moten
A historian and author, Matthew Moten has published numerous books. In 2014, Matthew Moten published Presidents and Their Generals: An American History of Command in War.
This document is a 14,983 word dissertation submitted by David John Fowler to the University of Aberdeen for the degree of M.Sc. in Strategic Studies. The dissertation argues that a failure to recognize the ubiquitous political nature of war and strategy can lead to strategic failure.
Chapter 1 discusses debates around whether war is a political or cultural phenomenon. It argues that while culture influences war, the underlying motivation is usually political - to gain or retain power. Chapter 2 examines differing views of "victory" between military and political actors. Chapter 3 shows how divergent views can damage civil-military relations and strategy.
The dissertation concludes that strategic failure results when either policymakers fail to understand strategy requires allocating resources,
1. The document summarizes Carl von Clausewitz's seminal book "On War" in 45 pages. It covers Clausewitz's views on key military concepts like strategy, tactics, the role of chance and friction in war.
2. Some of the key points summarized include that strategy deals with combining battles to achieve the overall war aim, while tactics concerns the conduct of individual battles. Strategy involves more complex moral factors compared to tactics. Surprise is also easier to achieve in tactics than in strategy.
3. The summary examines Clausewitz's distinction between strategy and tactics, and emphasizes that great tactical results are needed to achieve great strategic outcomes. It also discusses the importance Clausewitz placed on principles like concentration of force,
THE FALLACY OF LEADERSHIP REMOVAL STRATEGIES IN 21ST CENTURY COUNTERINSURGEN...Brett Hauenstein
This document is a thesis that argues leadership removal strategies are not effective ways to defeat an insurgency. It analyzes U.S. counterinsurgency doctrine and finds a predisposition to overemphasize the importance of targeting insurgent leadership. The thesis examines classical counterinsurgency theory, modern insurgent organizational models, and three historical case studies to demonstrate that insurgent groups can survive without key leaders and leadership removal rarely results in defeating the insurgency. The author aims to show policymakers and military planners should not view leadership removal as critical to counterinsurgency success and instead adopt a more comprehensive political and military approach.
This document provides an abstract and introduction for a capstone paper examining how the Vietnam and Iraq Wars were legitimized through public discourse in the United States. The paper will employ discourse analysis to examine the key representations and constructions that led to the legitimization of each war. The introduction reviews different theories on the causes of war and argues that a discursive approach is best for understanding how war gains acceptance. The paper will analyze textual data to discuss how dominant discourses legitimized the Vietnam and Iraq Wars and demonstrate the power of language in political debates around war.
Strategic Illiteracy - Inaugural Lecture Professor DuyvesteynUniversiteitLeiden
This document is the transcript of a lecture given by Prof.dr. I.G.B.M. Duyvesteyn on the acceptance of her position as Special Chair in Strategic Studies at Leiden University. In the lecture, she argues that there is a widespread problem of "strategic illiteracy" among political, military, and scholarly thinkers. She outlines Carl von Clausewitz's ideas on strategy, including that one must understand the nature of the war being fought, that strategy translates political objectives into military plans, that war is versatile, and results are rarely final. She asserts that strategic thinking is more of an art than a science. The lack of clear political objectives and realistic military plans to achieve them demonstrates
Why is war so central to the academic study of International Politics?FRANCISCO RUIZ
The human being, as a social animal has always been in the middle of a behaviorist crossroad. Cooperation and conflict have always been the two main options humans have had when socializing with other individuals. In the V century B.C., Thucydides had already studied conflict among individuals in its most extended and destructive form writing about the Peloponnesian war between Sparta and Athens. In the modern age, from Thomas Hobbes to Hans Morgenthau, we can see that war and its causes have been and continue to be one of the most important issues for the social sciences academia (Baldwin: 1979, p. 161). But, why war? Destruction, violence or competition seem to captivate the human being the same way fire does. Fire is the singularity of a chemical reaction that is only produced under certain exceptional conditions in nature. It needs fuel, a means to propagate and detonating. Fire has certain similarities with war. It is exceptional1, but because of its magnitude and power to transform the environment, its capacity attract the humans being’s attention is practically inevitable and even more so today, with the dramatic increase of the destructive ability of weapons.
This document provides background and instructions for a lesson on selecting George Washington as Commander-in-Chief of the Continental Army. The lesson asks students to identify the key characteristics and skills needed for an army commander, evaluate potential candidates, and decide if Washington was the right choice. It includes readings on generalship qualities and a profile of Washington to help students with their assessment. The overall goal is for students to understand Washington's qualifications and the rationale for his selection during the Revolutionary War period.
Presidents and Their Generals - Changes in Leadership RelationshipsMatthew Moten
A historian and author, Matthew Moten has published numerous books. In 2014, Matthew Moten published Presidents and Their Generals: An American History of Command in War.
Marine Corps Small Unit Leaders Guide To CounterinsurgencyMarine Books
This document provides tactics, techniques and procedures for small unit leaders engaged in counterinsurgency operations. It begins with an overview of insurgency and counterinsurgency, describing their nature and root causes. The document then covers common insurgent approaches, preparation for counterinsurgency including intelligence gathering and training, mobilizing local populations, information and intelligence operations, and small unit operations in a counterinsurgency environment. While providing proven methods, the document stresses the need for adaptation to unique local circumstances and emphasizes that success requires a long-term, whole-of-government approach.
This document provides a summary of China's "Three Warfares" concept, which includes psychological warfare, media warfare, and legal warfare. It describes each type of warfare and provides examples. Psychological warfare aims to undermine the enemy's will through operations targeting morale. Media warfare seeks to influence domestic and international public opinion in China's favor. Legal warfare uses international and domestic law to advance Chinese interests. Taiwan is a primary target of Chinese psychological operations efforts to influence its military and citizens. The document evaluates Three Warfares as an information warfare concept employed during peacetime and wartime to maximize the effects of military force.
The purpose of this article is to analyze US foreign policy under the new White House administration and to present the most important aspects of Trump’s emerging doctrine, with the aim of
answering the following questions: what are the goals and tenets of, and the measures to implement,
the foreign policy outlined in the new US National Security Strategy? Which trends can be considered
dominant in Trump’s emerging doctrine? What challenges and threats to international security were
mentioned in the document? Do traditional US allies still play an important role in the superpower’s
security strategy? The thesis of this paper is that political realism is the main trend in Trump’s emerging
doctrine and that US foreign policy has taken a unilateral course, with a large dose of populism.
Integrating info ops in operational level planning (no backup slides)Ulrich Janßen
Presentation on Ensuring message Consistency (NATO StratCom and Military Info Ops in Comprehensive Operations Planning) provided at Information Operations Europe in June 2011
The document discusses China's growing military capabilities and its potential to become a peer competitor to the United States. It notes that China has significantly modernized and reorganized its military forces over the past decades through large increases in defense spending. While China still lags behind the U.S. in some areas, it is focusing on developing technologies like space weapons, attack submarines, and precision weapons. The document warns that a strategic conflict between the U.S. and China is a real possibility that cannot be ruled out, especially over Taiwan, and discusses China's continuing modernization efforts.
This document examines the continued applicability of Jomini's principles of war in light of changing warfare. It notes that the U.S. military has relied on Jomini's principles for over 200 years but that warfare is shifting away from conventional conflicts between armies toward unconventional threats like terrorism. The document aims to analyze Jomini's principles through the lens of unconventional warfare to determine if they are still suitable or if new principles are needed to prepare U.S. forces for current and future adversaries.
This document summarizes several strategic doctrines from the Cold War era:
1. Massive Retaliation called for nuclear retaliation to any communist aggression. Flexible Response provided conventional and nuclear options.
2. Deterrence aimed to discourage attacks through the threat of retaliation. Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) meant neither side would attack due to the threat of nuclear destruction.
3. The Strategic Defense Initiative proposed missile defense to make nuclear weapons obsolete.
This document provides an overview of key strategic thinkers and their contributions to strategic thought, including:
1. Kautilya and Sun Tzu emphasized indirect and deceptive approaches to warfare, exploiting weaknesses and achieving victory with minimal engagement.
2. Machiavelli stressed the importance of strong military forces under the ruler's control and the use of deception. He also saw military preparedness as important for defense and stability.
3. Jomini focused on concentrating forces at decisive points and maneuvering to engage enemy fractions.
4. Clausewitz viewed war as continuation of policy and emphasized popular support for war as well as concentrating maximum forces at decisive engagements. Technological aspects of war were not his primary
AY15 FS 6401 - Strategy, What is it, Why is it DifficultBob Poling
1. The document discusses the challenges of developing and implementing sound strategy. It defines strategy as connecting military means and tactics to the political objectives of a conflict.
2. Several experts are cited who note that strategy is more difficult than tactics or acquiring new weapons. Strategy requires understanding an enemy's capabilities as well as one's own national interests and capabilities.
3. The document aims to provide conceptual tools for strategic thinking rather than set rules. It will analyze historical case studies and cultivate critical thinking skills over prescriptive lessons.
The document discusses using game theory to analyze nuclear strategy between the US and USSR during the Cold War. It describes the "Chicken Game" where two cars drive towards each other and the first to swerve loses but avoids crashing, while the car that holds its position wins. This models the situation where both countries prefer not attacking but don't want to appear weak by backing down first. The optimal outcome is cooperation where neither attacks, but the worst outcome is if neither cooperates and a nuclear attack occurs, destroying both sides. Game theory provides insights but has limitations in fully capturing the complex real-world interactions between the superpowers.
Syria, Iraq, Libya: The Staged-Massacre Routine and False Flag Operations For...Chris Helweg
This document discusses staged massacres and false flag operations that have been used by Western powers to justify regime change in other countries. It provides examples from recent decades in Romania, Kuwait, and Iraq where manipulated media coverage of alleged massacres and weapons of mass destruction were used to build public support for military interventions and regime change. Regarding Syria, it questions the logic of the Syrian government carrying out a chemical attack in Khan Shaykhun while winning the war, and cites this and other incidents as following a pattern of false allegations made by groups like the White Helmets to promote Western intervention.
This document discusses strategic attack capabilities needed in the year 2025. It outlines four key elements: system analysis to determine an adversary's Locus of Values (LOV), target acquisition to locate the LOV, target engagement to affect the LOV, and feedback to determine results. For system analysis, it argues advanced artificial intelligence and vast databases will be needed to help decision makers understand diverse adversaries. Target acquisition will require novel sensors across multiple platforms. Target engagement must be able to impact LOVs in various ways, whether lethally, non-lethally, directly, or indirectly. Feedback will assess if strategic attacks achieved their intended effects.
This document provides a summary and analysis of Offensive Realism and Complex Interdependence theories and applies them to understand the Arab Spring uprisings. It argues that while the theories seem opposed, they share the strategic goal of rendering military conflict irrelevant. Offensively Realism aims to do this through hegemony while Complex Interdependence uses cooperation. The document then analyzes how elements of both theories help explain the exogenous and indigenous factors driving the Arab Spring - with Offensive Realism framing the regional geopolitical context and Complex Interdependence framing the social contagion and vulnerability of authoritarian regimes.
This document discusses the need for the US Army to develop capabilities for operating in the "human domain" as it did previously for the air, land, maritime, space, and cyber domains. It draws parallels between the development of AirLand Battle doctrine in the 1980s in response to the Soviet military threat and the current need to develop new strategies, organizations, training, and equipment for dealing with irregular and hybrid enemies. The document argues that success in modern "wars among the people" requires understanding and influencing populations, so the Army must develop human domain competencies alongside traditional land warfare skills. It also stresses the importance of building global partnerships and networks of allied forces to help address security challenges in a time of fiscal constraints.
This document provides an abstract for a project examining counterinsurgency doctrine through the US experience in Iraq from 2003-2008. It aims to assess two conflicting counterinsurgency approaches - direct and indirect. The direct approach focuses on hunting insurgents through conventional military tactics. The indirect approach focuses on winning over the local population to undermine insurgent support. The project will use the Iraq case study to argue the indirect approach is more effective by producing better security outcomes when population control is prioritized over targeting insurgents.
This document provides a summary of the forthcoming book "Call to Glory" which analyzes the strategic and economic value of the Convair B-58 Hustler supersonic bomber during the Cold War. The B-58 packed more nuclear firepower than the entire Soviet bomber force, carried 5 nuclear weapons per aircraft rather than the commonly reported one, and set numerous aviation records. Though more expensive than other bombers, its capabilities increased the effectiveness of Strategic Air Command and deterred the Soviet Union during critical events like the Cuban Missile Crisis. The book argues the B-58's value was greater than perceived based on traditional accounting and that it helped preserve US freedom during a dangerous era, though its service was cut short by new
This document outlines the research methodology used to analyze Canada's rules of engagement (ROE) architecture. The research included a literature review of Canadian ROE doctrine, other countries' doctrines, and Canadian national interests. It also involved a consultation with Canadian Forces senior officers who have experience with ROE. The consultation was designed to gather expert perspectives on past operations and the future of ROE. The research aims to develop a framework to determine when the transition between permissive and restrictive ROE is warranted based on national interests and military factors.
The article analyzes the structure, content, properties and effects of the
Russian-Ukrainian ‘hybrid war’ in its non-military dimension. Particular emphasis is
placed on the aspect of the information and propaganda war, as well as activities in
cyberspace. The Russian-Ukrainian conflict is described in the context of the new war
strategy of General Valery Gerasimov. Contemporary practice of hybrid actions in the
conflict in Ukraine has revealed that, for the first time, a stronger opponent, Russia,
uses the full spectrum of hybrid interaction on an opponent who is weak and unable
to defend the integrity of its territory. The military conflict of 2014 showed not only
the weakness of the Ukrainian state, but also, more importantly, the inefficiency of the
organizations responsible for ensuring international security: NATO, OSCE and the
UN. In the longer term, it should be noted that the escalation of hybrid activities in
Ukraine clearly threatens the states on the Eastern flank of the North Atlantic Alliance.
The analysis conducted refers to the problem defined in the form of questions: what
is the essence of hybrid operations? What is the nature of non-military hybrid operations? What was the course of these activities in Ukraine? How was international law
interpreted in relation to this conflict?
Group Epistemology and Irregular Warfare (the chickens come home to roost)Peter Ludlow
Most work in epistemology (the theory of knowledge) focusses on how individuals can acquire knowledge and eliminate error. But recently attention has been turned to how groups acquire knowledge and eliminate error. In this talk I take up the question of how groups can maximize knowledge acquisition in hostile environments -- for example, when they are the targets of irregular warfare.
NATION BUIDLING - A BAD IDEA WHO'S TIME HAS COME?Burt Thompson
This document is a student research paper analyzing challenges associated with post-conflict nation building operations. It provides a brief historical overview of US nation building efforts since the 19th century, noting common themes and lessons around establishing temporary governance, population control, and infrastructure reconstruction. The paper then examines more recent nation building operations in Somalia, Haiti, the Balkans, and Afghanistan/Iraq. It argues that planning for post-conflict stabilization and reconstruction has often been inadequate. The purpose is to better understand challenges facing the US Army and evaluate options to enhance success in future nation building missions.
NAC-DGERCGC16-0000207 Establécense las normas generales para la retención en la fuente del impuesto a la salida de divisas ISD en espectáculos públicos con la participación de extranjeros no residentes.
NAC-DGERCGC16-0000210 Apruébense los formularios para la declaración del impuesto al valor agregado
NAC-DGERCGC16-0000211 Modifíquese el formulario de “Declaración Informativa de Transacciones Exentas/No sujetas del Impuesto a la Salida de Divisas”
NAC-DGERCGC16-0000212 Apruébese el “Formulario para la declaración del impuesto redimible a las botellas plásticas no retornables”
Marine Corps Small Unit Leaders Guide To CounterinsurgencyMarine Books
This document provides tactics, techniques and procedures for small unit leaders engaged in counterinsurgency operations. It begins with an overview of insurgency and counterinsurgency, describing their nature and root causes. The document then covers common insurgent approaches, preparation for counterinsurgency including intelligence gathering and training, mobilizing local populations, information and intelligence operations, and small unit operations in a counterinsurgency environment. While providing proven methods, the document stresses the need for adaptation to unique local circumstances and emphasizes that success requires a long-term, whole-of-government approach.
This document provides a summary of China's "Three Warfares" concept, which includes psychological warfare, media warfare, and legal warfare. It describes each type of warfare and provides examples. Psychological warfare aims to undermine the enemy's will through operations targeting morale. Media warfare seeks to influence domestic and international public opinion in China's favor. Legal warfare uses international and domestic law to advance Chinese interests. Taiwan is a primary target of Chinese psychological operations efforts to influence its military and citizens. The document evaluates Three Warfares as an information warfare concept employed during peacetime and wartime to maximize the effects of military force.
The purpose of this article is to analyze US foreign policy under the new White House administration and to present the most important aspects of Trump’s emerging doctrine, with the aim of
answering the following questions: what are the goals and tenets of, and the measures to implement,
the foreign policy outlined in the new US National Security Strategy? Which trends can be considered
dominant in Trump’s emerging doctrine? What challenges and threats to international security were
mentioned in the document? Do traditional US allies still play an important role in the superpower’s
security strategy? The thesis of this paper is that political realism is the main trend in Trump’s emerging
doctrine and that US foreign policy has taken a unilateral course, with a large dose of populism.
Integrating info ops in operational level planning (no backup slides)Ulrich Janßen
Presentation on Ensuring message Consistency (NATO StratCom and Military Info Ops in Comprehensive Operations Planning) provided at Information Operations Europe in June 2011
The document discusses China's growing military capabilities and its potential to become a peer competitor to the United States. It notes that China has significantly modernized and reorganized its military forces over the past decades through large increases in defense spending. While China still lags behind the U.S. in some areas, it is focusing on developing technologies like space weapons, attack submarines, and precision weapons. The document warns that a strategic conflict between the U.S. and China is a real possibility that cannot be ruled out, especially over Taiwan, and discusses China's continuing modernization efforts.
This document examines the continued applicability of Jomini's principles of war in light of changing warfare. It notes that the U.S. military has relied on Jomini's principles for over 200 years but that warfare is shifting away from conventional conflicts between armies toward unconventional threats like terrorism. The document aims to analyze Jomini's principles through the lens of unconventional warfare to determine if they are still suitable or if new principles are needed to prepare U.S. forces for current and future adversaries.
This document summarizes several strategic doctrines from the Cold War era:
1. Massive Retaliation called for nuclear retaliation to any communist aggression. Flexible Response provided conventional and nuclear options.
2. Deterrence aimed to discourage attacks through the threat of retaliation. Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) meant neither side would attack due to the threat of nuclear destruction.
3. The Strategic Defense Initiative proposed missile defense to make nuclear weapons obsolete.
This document provides an overview of key strategic thinkers and their contributions to strategic thought, including:
1. Kautilya and Sun Tzu emphasized indirect and deceptive approaches to warfare, exploiting weaknesses and achieving victory with minimal engagement.
2. Machiavelli stressed the importance of strong military forces under the ruler's control and the use of deception. He also saw military preparedness as important for defense and stability.
3. Jomini focused on concentrating forces at decisive points and maneuvering to engage enemy fractions.
4. Clausewitz viewed war as continuation of policy and emphasized popular support for war as well as concentrating maximum forces at decisive engagements. Technological aspects of war were not his primary
AY15 FS 6401 - Strategy, What is it, Why is it DifficultBob Poling
1. The document discusses the challenges of developing and implementing sound strategy. It defines strategy as connecting military means and tactics to the political objectives of a conflict.
2. Several experts are cited who note that strategy is more difficult than tactics or acquiring new weapons. Strategy requires understanding an enemy's capabilities as well as one's own national interests and capabilities.
3. The document aims to provide conceptual tools for strategic thinking rather than set rules. It will analyze historical case studies and cultivate critical thinking skills over prescriptive lessons.
The document discusses using game theory to analyze nuclear strategy between the US and USSR during the Cold War. It describes the "Chicken Game" where two cars drive towards each other and the first to swerve loses but avoids crashing, while the car that holds its position wins. This models the situation where both countries prefer not attacking but don't want to appear weak by backing down first. The optimal outcome is cooperation where neither attacks, but the worst outcome is if neither cooperates and a nuclear attack occurs, destroying both sides. Game theory provides insights but has limitations in fully capturing the complex real-world interactions between the superpowers.
Syria, Iraq, Libya: The Staged-Massacre Routine and False Flag Operations For...Chris Helweg
This document discusses staged massacres and false flag operations that have been used by Western powers to justify regime change in other countries. It provides examples from recent decades in Romania, Kuwait, and Iraq where manipulated media coverage of alleged massacres and weapons of mass destruction were used to build public support for military interventions and regime change. Regarding Syria, it questions the logic of the Syrian government carrying out a chemical attack in Khan Shaykhun while winning the war, and cites this and other incidents as following a pattern of false allegations made by groups like the White Helmets to promote Western intervention.
This document discusses strategic attack capabilities needed in the year 2025. It outlines four key elements: system analysis to determine an adversary's Locus of Values (LOV), target acquisition to locate the LOV, target engagement to affect the LOV, and feedback to determine results. For system analysis, it argues advanced artificial intelligence and vast databases will be needed to help decision makers understand diverse adversaries. Target acquisition will require novel sensors across multiple platforms. Target engagement must be able to impact LOVs in various ways, whether lethally, non-lethally, directly, or indirectly. Feedback will assess if strategic attacks achieved their intended effects.
This document provides a summary and analysis of Offensive Realism and Complex Interdependence theories and applies them to understand the Arab Spring uprisings. It argues that while the theories seem opposed, they share the strategic goal of rendering military conflict irrelevant. Offensively Realism aims to do this through hegemony while Complex Interdependence uses cooperation. The document then analyzes how elements of both theories help explain the exogenous and indigenous factors driving the Arab Spring - with Offensive Realism framing the regional geopolitical context and Complex Interdependence framing the social contagion and vulnerability of authoritarian regimes.
This document discusses the need for the US Army to develop capabilities for operating in the "human domain" as it did previously for the air, land, maritime, space, and cyber domains. It draws parallels between the development of AirLand Battle doctrine in the 1980s in response to the Soviet military threat and the current need to develop new strategies, organizations, training, and equipment for dealing with irregular and hybrid enemies. The document argues that success in modern "wars among the people" requires understanding and influencing populations, so the Army must develop human domain competencies alongside traditional land warfare skills. It also stresses the importance of building global partnerships and networks of allied forces to help address security challenges in a time of fiscal constraints.
This document provides an abstract for a project examining counterinsurgency doctrine through the US experience in Iraq from 2003-2008. It aims to assess two conflicting counterinsurgency approaches - direct and indirect. The direct approach focuses on hunting insurgents through conventional military tactics. The indirect approach focuses on winning over the local population to undermine insurgent support. The project will use the Iraq case study to argue the indirect approach is more effective by producing better security outcomes when population control is prioritized over targeting insurgents.
This document provides a summary of the forthcoming book "Call to Glory" which analyzes the strategic and economic value of the Convair B-58 Hustler supersonic bomber during the Cold War. The B-58 packed more nuclear firepower than the entire Soviet bomber force, carried 5 nuclear weapons per aircraft rather than the commonly reported one, and set numerous aviation records. Though more expensive than other bombers, its capabilities increased the effectiveness of Strategic Air Command and deterred the Soviet Union during critical events like the Cuban Missile Crisis. The book argues the B-58's value was greater than perceived based on traditional accounting and that it helped preserve US freedom during a dangerous era, though its service was cut short by new
This document outlines the research methodology used to analyze Canada's rules of engagement (ROE) architecture. The research included a literature review of Canadian ROE doctrine, other countries' doctrines, and Canadian national interests. It also involved a consultation with Canadian Forces senior officers who have experience with ROE. The consultation was designed to gather expert perspectives on past operations and the future of ROE. The research aims to develop a framework to determine when the transition between permissive and restrictive ROE is warranted based on national interests and military factors.
The article analyzes the structure, content, properties and effects of the
Russian-Ukrainian ‘hybrid war’ in its non-military dimension. Particular emphasis is
placed on the aspect of the information and propaganda war, as well as activities in
cyberspace. The Russian-Ukrainian conflict is described in the context of the new war
strategy of General Valery Gerasimov. Contemporary practice of hybrid actions in the
conflict in Ukraine has revealed that, for the first time, a stronger opponent, Russia,
uses the full spectrum of hybrid interaction on an opponent who is weak and unable
to defend the integrity of its territory. The military conflict of 2014 showed not only
the weakness of the Ukrainian state, but also, more importantly, the inefficiency of the
organizations responsible for ensuring international security: NATO, OSCE and the
UN. In the longer term, it should be noted that the escalation of hybrid activities in
Ukraine clearly threatens the states on the Eastern flank of the North Atlantic Alliance.
The analysis conducted refers to the problem defined in the form of questions: what
is the essence of hybrid operations? What is the nature of non-military hybrid operations? What was the course of these activities in Ukraine? How was international law
interpreted in relation to this conflict?
Group Epistemology and Irregular Warfare (the chickens come home to roost)Peter Ludlow
Most work in epistemology (the theory of knowledge) focusses on how individuals can acquire knowledge and eliminate error. But recently attention has been turned to how groups acquire knowledge and eliminate error. In this talk I take up the question of how groups can maximize knowledge acquisition in hostile environments -- for example, when they are the targets of irregular warfare.
NATION BUIDLING - A BAD IDEA WHO'S TIME HAS COME?Burt Thompson
This document is a student research paper analyzing challenges associated with post-conflict nation building operations. It provides a brief historical overview of US nation building efforts since the 19th century, noting common themes and lessons around establishing temporary governance, population control, and infrastructure reconstruction. The paper then examines more recent nation building operations in Somalia, Haiti, the Balkans, and Afghanistan/Iraq. It argues that planning for post-conflict stabilization and reconstruction has often been inadequate. The purpose is to better understand challenges facing the US Army and evaluate options to enhance success in future nation building missions.
NAC-DGERCGC16-0000207 Establécense las normas generales para la retención en la fuente del impuesto a la salida de divisas ISD en espectáculos públicos con la participación de extranjeros no residentes.
NAC-DGERCGC16-0000210 Apruébense los formularios para la declaración del impuesto al valor agregado
NAC-DGERCGC16-0000211 Modifíquese el formulario de “Declaración Informativa de Transacciones Exentas/No sujetas del Impuesto a la Salida de Divisas”
NAC-DGERCGC16-0000212 Apruébese el “Formulario para la declaración del impuesto redimible a las botellas plásticas no retornables”
Milos Trkulja established the Public Sector business vertical at Microsoft's subsidiary in Serbia and Montenegro. Under his leadership over 8 years, the public sector business grew from unmanaged to over $10 million annually. He coached the public sector team on new strategies and change management to align with the dynamic market. Milos led several successful marketing projects that increased overall business growth. He is a strong leader with strategic vision and change management skills who would be an asset for companies seeking to grow in Southeast Europe.
This 5 step document outlines a process where the first 3 steps are completed, followed by step 4, and concluding with step 5. The steps are sequentially numbered but no other details are provided about the content or purpose of the process.
NACHA Payments 2016 Annual Conference
Driven by regulation, globalization and innovation, the acceptance of ISO 20022 is gaining traction across the globe. Where is the U.S. in ISO 20022 adoption and what are the implications for providers and participants? What are the major considerations? Hear from a panel of global experts as they discuss migration approaches, lessons learned at different stages of adoption, and strategies to avoid disruptive forces for effective ISO 20022 implementation.
El documento habla sobre los virus informáticos, describiendo qué son, los principales tipos, cómo se transmiten y los efectos que pueden causar. Explica que un virus es un programa malicioso que se propaga infectando otros programas y archivos, y que puede borrar o dañar archivos. Los virus se transmiten comúnmente a través de archivos adjuntos en correos electrónicos o en páginas web, y pueden tener efectos devastadores como destruir datos o dejar el sistema inutilizable. Un antivirus es la mejor forma de detectar y eliminar virus median
The Joint Concept for Human Aspects of Military Operations (JC-HAMO) document outlines a framework for understanding human behavior and influencing relevant actors to achieve strategic objectives. It recognizes that military success does not always translate to achieving political goals, and that the Joint Force needs to focus on how human factors like culture, society and psychology influence decisions. The framework identifies four imperatives: 1) identify relevant actors and their networks, 2) evaluate actor behavior in context, 3) anticipate actor decision-making, and 4) influence actor will and decisions. The goal is for the Joint Force to develop a deeper understanding of human aspects to conduct more effective operations that create enduring strategic outcomes.
Dr. Nadia Schadlow's book analyzes the importance of "governance operations" after combat to consolidate military victories. She argues that the US military, specifically the Army, has historically been effective at stabilizing territories and establishing governance but this ability has been neglected. When governance was done well in Germany, Japan, Italy and South Korea, it led to strategic success, but failures in Afghanistan and Iraq showed that without governance, victories cannot be sustained. Schadlow maintains that governance planning should be a major part of war planning and fall to the Army, but it has received little attention since the end of the Cold War.
This article discusses how future wars may be fought based on the strategic cultures of different actors. It uses a "2x2 matrix" methodology to categorize actors into four strategic cultures - the Bully, the Underdog, the Shape-Shifter, and the Survivor - based on their size and tendency towards warrior ideology or pragmatism. It provides examples of current actors that exhibit characteristics of each strategic culture, and argues that understanding these strategic cultures can provide insight into how future wars may be approached and fought by different actors through 2025.
Military Doctrine in International Relations Strategy for the Arab countries ...inventionjournals
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI) is an international journal intended for professionals and researchers in all fields of Humanities and Social Science. IJHSSI publishes research articles and reviews within the whole field Humanities and Social Science, new teaching methods, assessment, validation and the impact of new technologies and it will continue to provide information on the latest trends and developments in this ever-expanding subject. The publications of papers are selected through double peer reviewed to ensure originality, relevance, and readability. The articles published in our journal can be accessed online.
This document discusses the nature of war and conflict from theoretical perspectives. It examines Clausewitz's theory that war is an extension of politics and is influenced by the interaction between passion, chance and reason. The document also looks at Jomini's approach to understanding war through universal principles and strategies to achieve victory. Finally, it explores different approaches to analyzing and understanding conflict, including examining the sources of discontent, phases of escalation, and how conflicts can transform into more constructive relations or end in violence.
This document summarizes a strategy research project paper on operational art and operational shock. The paper argues that operational art is a connecting function between strategy and tactics, rather than a discrete level of war. At the core of operational art is the concept of operational shock - using tactical actions to undermine an enemy's will through disruption of their operational system, rather than needing to destroy all their forces. The paper discusses sources of operational art theory and limitations when forces grew too large in World War I. It proposes operational design can enhance operational shock by depriving the enemy of their ability to achieve objectives.
This document summarizes the history of international military relations, particularly between northern and southern states. It argues that while defence diplomacy is conducted between formally equal sovereign states, in reality international hierarchy and northern attempts to organize armed forces in the south have long shaped these relations.
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An archetype for european security 27 april 1993 - ramon martinezRamon Martinez
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The document discusses the future of Myanmar and the role of its military. It covers several topics:
1. The history of Myanmar's political system, shifting from parliamentary democracy to military dictatorship to the current transition period.
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CIVILIAN CONTROL OF THE MILITARY AND MYANMAR ROLEMYO AUNG Myanmar
CIVILIAN CONTROL OF THE MILITARY AND MYANMAR ROLE
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stratocracy
Stratocracy Dictatorship https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dictatorship https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/55845/17_bg_dem_control_armed_forces.pdf Democratic Control of Armed Forces https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Civilian_control_of_the_military Civilian control of the military Ultimate responsibility for a country's strategic decision-making in the hands of the civilian political leadership, rather than professional military officers. The reverse situation, where professional military officers control national politics, is called a military dictatorship. A lack of control over the military may result in a state within a state. the People's Republic of China. Mao Zedong stated that "Our principle is that the Party commands the gun, and the gun must never be allowed to command the Party," reflecting the primacy of the Communist Party of China (and communist parties in general) as decision-makers in Marxist–Leninist and Maoist theories of democratic centralism.
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Q- War is often said to be rooted in multiple sources located at various levels of analysis. For each level of analysis, discuss specific factors and theories that have contributed to the understanding of causes of war.
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This document is a dissertation submitted by Kieran Horan in April 2015 examining the effects of militarism on national policy. It contains an introduction outlining the paper's focus on examining the relationship between military development and national security policy in Switzerland, Prussia, and Revolutionary/Napoleonic France. The dissertation then provides in-depth case studies of each location, analyzing how military traditions and culture influenced domestic and foreign policy decisions over time in each area. It aims to qualitatively assess this relationship using historical records and perspectives from the time periods discussed.
20160919-Young A MPhil Thesis IR Amp POL-O.PdfTracy Drey
Strategy and Statecraft, Routledge, Abingdon, (2016), p.5
37
Mintzberg, H. Op cit, (1987), p.13.
38
Young, A. Op cit, (2015), p.23.
7 | P a g e
of force but also its 'threat' and 'diplomacy'.39
The SD is not a simple binary choice
between war and peace but a spectrum of tensions and relationships.40
As such,
strategy must be viewed as a process rather than a product; an iterative cycle of
learning, adapting and re-learning based upon feedback and experience.41
It is a
continuous process of matching Ends, W
The document discusses South Korea's use of soft power through cultural exports like K-pop and TV dramas known as the Korean Wave. It analyzes how the Korean government and corporations strategically promote Korean culture globally to improve the country's image and reputation internationally. The cultural products attract foreign tourists, students, and help brand Korea as modern and innovative. While boosting economic and cultural influence abroad, the policies also aim to establish South Korea as an influential middle power on the international stage through cultural diplomacy and soft power.
The document discusses the concepts of détente, escalation, and quagmires during the Cold War. It notes that détente was a strategy used by the US to implement containment by engaging with the Soviets to manage competition and reduce tensions. However, it failed partly due to the US abandoning diplomacy while still seeking arms agreements. Escalation was seen as dangerous if uncontrolled, but could be used to pressure opponents, while quagmires resulted from overcommitting militarily to interventions and being unable to withdraw. Political decision-making, not the tools themselves, determines outcomes like escalation and quagmires.
Similar to The_Development_of_Strategic_Theory_During_the_Cold_War__v2_(1)_PDF (20)
1. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 1
Matthew D. Abbott | Graduate Application Writing Sample | December 6, 2015
A SELECTED CHAPTER, WITH INTRODUCTION AND CONCLUSION,
COMPARING STRATEGY DEVELOPMENTS IN NATIONS DIVIDED BY
IDEOLOGY
The Development of Strategic
Theory During the Cold War
2. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 2
INTRODUCTION
“Military action is important to the nation--it is the ground of death and life, the
path of survival and destruction, so it is imperative to examine it” - Sun Tzu 1
In this modern age when the tools and mechanisms for warfare have become
industrialized; it is still man whom must wage wars, and the nations of man which must
endure its violence. With this human aspect in mind, we must acknowledge that there is
something beyond the mere statistics and raw numbers of tanks and planes and quantities of
soldiers. How these soldiers are employed and organized in the service of the nation, and how
they are deployed to combat their enemies, requires at least as much attention and scrutiny
as their quantitative or qualitative aspects.
In short, the relationship between the military and political establishments shapes the
strategies states adopt. This is because military power serves, to varying degrees, the political
objectives of that state. The depth to which the military and political apparatus are
intertwined also influence the type of strategy which will emerge. For example, the use of
violence to achieve political objectives, as in the “people’s war” strategic concept as outlined
by Mao Zedong – involves the allocation of the entire apparatus of state power towards the
offensive and defensive goals of that state. Put bluntly by Mao Zedong, “political power
1
Sun (Cleary), p. 40
3. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 3
comes from the barrel of a gun”;2
and this is most true in communist states where the party
permeates the entire fabric of society, in particular the military and government
establishments. In other forms of government, especially democratic ones, the relationship is
more nuanced, with the military role increasing as the role of other state organs decreases,
the further down the hierarchical structure. However the underlying political objectives are
supposed to be the same, which requires extra care by democratic states to coordinate. Carl
von Clausewitz, a pre-eminent strategist of his age, observed that warfare and policy are a
continuum of state power, writing that “war is the mere continuation of policy by other
means”, and regarded war itself as a “political act”.3
In the most straightforward terms, “carrying the fight to the enemy and the
destruction of his armed forces and his will to fight through the strategic offensive is the
classic way wars are fought and won”.4
However, of paramount concern is the development
of means towards that end, and the particulars of the employment of forces in pursuing that
end. In The Soldier and the State, Samuel P. Huntington defines political-military relations as
“the principal institutional component of military security policy”.5
These concepts evolved during the course of the Cold War, as each nation attempted
to develop their armed forces to fit the new ideologically polarized paradigm as defined by
the confrontation between the Soviet Union and the United States. The divided nations of
the Cold War give us the unique opportunity to compare and contrast the relative merits of
different methods of military organization, eliminating largely the factors of race, language,
2
張 Chang & Halliday, p. 49
3
Von Clausewitz (Graham), p. 22
4
Summers, p. 187
5
Huntington, p. 123
4. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 4
and culture within each divided state. Further underscoring the similarities of these
ideologically divided states in military terms, in some cases even relative manpower and
sophistication of arms are comparatively similar. This paradigm allows us, with hindsight, to
delve deeper into what makes effective military strategy and defense policy.
In the Cold War nations, the norm was for strategy planners were subordinate to the
policy planners. The properly functioning system of strategic leadership is supposed to
maintain a balance of power between policy makers and strategy makers, and is often
characterized in the West as between the civilian-military relationship. However, not all
military policy planners were civilians, and so this relationship can be more generally defined
as between the political structure and the military establishment, each with corresponding
roles which need to exist in a symbiotic relationship in order to produce effective strategy.
This dynamic is divided by Clausewitz into two concepts of policy and strategy, defined by
Clausewitz as preparing for war and the conduct of war proper, with each side of the
relationship representing the nation’s functional organization towards those tasks.6
This
dynamic is often the source for friction, which can arise from what Clausewitz described as
the “great chasm” between conception and execution.7
In a diametric relationship in which friction naturally arises, management and
leadership can overcome the inherent friction between the various levels of leadership and
adhere to a common functional framework in order that they can focus on strategy making,
rather than be made dysfunctional by friction. In a framework in which the balance of power
between these elements of decision making is lopsided, friction is more likely to arise.
6
Von Clausewitz (Graham) p. 50
7
Von Clausewitz (Graham), p. 45
5. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 5
Cold War successes were the result of the strategy and policy makers overcoming this
inherent friction and implementing their strategic vision through a robust and flexible
framework which was responsive to the needs of the conflict, while deviations in the balance
of power in the command hierarchy complicated or blocked effective planning and
management and often rendered tactical and organizational successes irrelevant. I assert that
the functionality of the military-political relationship is the most crucial factor in the
successful implementation of strategy and military policy, as demonstrated by the various
successes and failings of the Cold War nations discussed herein.
The Cold War Divided States
Communist Bloc:
German Democratic Republic, Socialist Republic of Vietnam,
People’s Republic of China, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea
Anti-Communist Allies:
Republic of Korea, Republic of China,
Republic of Vietnam, German Federal Republic
6. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 6
General Outline of the Hierarchy in Cold War Defense Leadership:
(National Leaders) President, Congress, Parliament, Secretariat, Standing Committee, etc.
Setting National Goals and Objectives based on interpreted and analyzed information provided by sensors
(Policy Planners) Secretary of Defense, Secretaries of Service Branches, Secretary of State, Prime Minister, Politburo, etc.
Outlining guiding principles, resource allocation, budget management, establishing priorities for stated national goals, interpreting
information produced by sensors
(Strategy Developers) Military Developers of Doctrine & Theory -- Joint Chiefs, General Staff, Stavka, Commissariat, etc.
Planning campaigns, outlining conduct, building organizations, outlining regional objectives of relevance to the national goals,
analyzing information consolidated by sensors
(Operational Leadership) Organizational Leaders – Front, Army, Corps, Division, Brigade, Regiment, Battalion, political cadre
Maneuvering and task-organizing groups of units, securing area objectives, exploiting tactical breakthroughs, gathering and
consolidating information from sensors
(Tactical Leadership) Combat Leaders - Company, Platoon, Section, Squad, Team, and Individual / associated party funtionaries
Maneuvering units and engaging in direct action, task organizing individuals, securing individual objectives, making tactical
breakthroughs, informational sensors
7. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 7
List of Abbreviations & Terms
AO – Area of Operations
ARVN – Lục quân Việt Nam Cộng hòa –
Army of the Republic of Vietnam (South)
CCP – Chinese Communist Party
– Zhōngguó Gòngchǎndǎng– 中國共產黨
CIA – Central Intelligence Agency
Comintern – Communist International
COMUS – Commander, United States forces
COSVN – Central Office, South Vietnam
(South Vietnamese communist headquarters)
CPSU – Communist Party of the Soviet Union
DMZ – De-Militarized Zone
DPRK –조선민주주의인민공화국- Chosŏn Minjujuŭi Inmin
Konghwaguk - Democratic People’s Republic
of Korea (North Korea)
EDC – European Defense Community
FRG – Federal Republic of Germany (West)
FSB – Fire Support Base
GDR – German Democratic Republic (East)
GMD – Guó Mín Dǎng (lit. National People’s
Party) also “KMT/Kuomintang” 國民黨
also “Nationalist Party”
Innere Führung – Inner Leadership
JCS – Joint Chiefs of Staff
JGS – Joint General Staff (South Vietnam)
KGB - (КГБ) Komitet Gosudarstvennoy
Bezopasnosti (Committee for State Security)
KPA –조선인민군Chosŏn inmin'gun
Korean People’s Army (North Korean Army)
KPD – Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands –
Communist Party o Germany
KVP – Kasernierte volkspolizei - Barracked People’s
Police (communist)
LZ – Landing Zone
MACV – Military Assistance Command, Vietnam
MBT – Main Battle Tank
NATO – North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NLF – Northern Liberation Front (Việt Cộng)
NRA – National Revolutionary Army (GMD Army)
NVA – Nationale VolksArmee – National People’s Army
8. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 8
(East German Army)
NKVD - Народный комиссариат внутренних дел –
Narodnyy komissariat vnutrennikh del -
People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs
OMG – Operational Maneuver Group
OSS – Office of Strategic Services
PAVN – Quân Đội Nhân Dân Việt Nam -
People’s Army of Vietnam (Communist, North)
also North Vietnamese Army
PLA – 中国人民解放军 – Zhōngguó Rénmín Jiěfàngjūn
People’s Liberation Army
(Chinese communist forces)
POL – Petroleum, Oil, and Lubricants
PRC – People’s Republic of China –
Zhōnghuá Rénmín Gònghéguó
中華人民共和國 (Chinese communist state)
ROC –中華民國 - Zhōnghuá Mínguó - Republic of China
ROK – 대한민국 - Daehan Minguk –
Republic of Korea (South Korea)
ROK-MAG-V – Republic of Korea Military
Advisory Group, Vietnam
RVN – Republic of Vietnam - Việt Nam Cộng Hòa
SAM – Surface to Air Missile
SED – Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands
(Socialist Unity Party of Germany)
SMAD – Soviet Military Administration, Germany
SOG – Studies and Observations Group
SPD – Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands
(German Social-Democrat Party)
Twentieth-of-July Plot –Failed coup against Hitler
UN – United Nations
USA – United States of America
USSR – Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
VC – Việt Cộng (National Liberation Front)
Wiederbewaffnung – German Rearmament
WPK – 조선로동당 - Chosŏn Rodongdang –
Worker’s Party of Korea
9. GERMANY
Germany is the only one of the four divided nations of this examination not to
have engaged in all-out fratricidal warfare during the Cold War. After an initial period
of direct foreign control, both East and West Germany formed armies of roughly
equivalent strength, a factor in Germany’s reaching and maintaining détente. The
inter-German conflict was relegated to espionage and information warfare, diplomatic
maneuvers for worldwide recognition, arms races, military posturing, and
competitions for economic and industrial superiority.
Established on May 23rd
of 1949 in the West, the Federal Republic of Germany
had a lead on their Eastern counterpart, the German Democratic Republic, which was
formed on October 7th
of the same year. Neither government had any military forces
and remained occupied nations. The German military had practically ceased to exist
after the Second World War and the Allies had mostly de-mobilized as well. This left
Europe dangerously open to Soviet military pressure, and impotent in the face of it.
Re-armament was required in order to preserve balance.
However, the German population was war-weary. In the West, the political
leadership was influenced by the new constitution, called the German Basic Law which
10. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 1
PAGE 1
underscored the limits of military power in German politics, the fact that the Allies
and the Soviets mutually distrusted each other intensely and were in their own arms
race affected German politicians. Ultimately, both German governments reformed
their laws to allow for the raising of national armies, a process referred to as
Wiederbewaffnung by Germans.
The Allies had demobilized significant portions of their military after the close
of the Second World War, including the forces occupying Germany. For example, at
the close of the Second World War, there had been 1.6 million American soldiers in
Germany alone, but several months later there were only three armored divisions and
seven infantry divisions, approximately 125,000 troops. After the drawdown, eight of
the divisions were at half-strength. Only a single American division was combat-ready,
according to General Omar Bradley.8
In the immediate post-war period, the Allies, in addition to their own
domestic policies of military reduction, limited the arms and military funding they
provided to client states. The intention of the policy was to prevent Allied aggression,
as well as to inhibit the re-emergence of former Axis powers as military threats. In
practice, this policy may have only invited further Communist aggression. The Soviet
Union’s policies, only marginally demobilized their domestic forces, and were
altogether more aggressive internationally – favoring the arms build-up of emerging
soviet client states and their incorporation into the Soviet sphere of influence by the
forced establishment of pro-Soviet governments to counter-balance any Soviet
8
Ross, p. 11-12
11. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 2
PAGE 2
domestic reductions. The Soviet Union also used the creation communist dominated
police forces in occupied territories to consolidate communist power and provide
expedients for development of national armed forces.9
The laws of both German governments did not allow for the creation of armed
forces in the immediate post-war period. The Allied Control Council had disbanded
the German Wehrmacht, leaving no military forces behind to replace them. The
question of who would defend Germany was a controversy for the West German
administration in the post war period, and even caused some debate in the East
German administration and in the Soviet Union. The leadership of Chancellor Konrad
Adenauer and the changing international situation allowed for German rearmament
and a more stable security situation to develop, while the strong influence of the
communist party of the Soviet Union and the East German administration under
Walter Ulbricht drove the GDR to rearm as well.
The first Western plans regarding a potential war with the Soviet Union were
based on US and UK contingency plans made in the closing stages of the Second
World War, such as Operation Unthinkable. In this contingency plan, about 100,000
German Wehrmacht troops would be mobilized immediately to fight alongside the
Allies against the massive Soviet military. This course of action was considered to
have immense risk of failure.10
The American contingency plan called Operation
Totality and drafted after the Potsdam Conference, was referred to as part of President
Truman’s “giant atomic bluff” and was equally inadequate. Other early contingency
9
Waldman, p. 13
10
Walker, p. 192
12. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 3
PAGE 3
plans were drafted to maintain “significant beachheads” in continental Europe in Sicily
and Spain, with the Rhine River being the first line of defense. The planners were
forced to choose between devoting strategic air assets primarily to destroying enemy
formations as they crossed the German frontier and attempted to breach the Rhine
River line, or to striking Soviet cities.
The importance of the Rhine River in European defense plans and the need for
large contingents of troops for a conventional force deterrent brought Germany once
more into the spotlight for both the Allies and Soviets.11
Reliance on nuclear assets
alone was an exceptionally dangerous policy, despite the developments in smaller,
more tactically relevant nuclear weapons.12
It was understood by Western intelligence
sources that the Soviets were deep into the development of their own nuclear weapons.
Allied demobilization left the Soviet Union with the strategic initiative.
Nuclear forces were, in the late 1940s and early 1950s, considered the only
option for Allied planners in preventing a Soviet occupation of all Eurasia, the Middle
East, and the British home islands, but it was worried that it would be easy for
communist forces to ascertain that the West was largely bluffing. According to
defense plans drawn up by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, such as Pincher, Broiler,
Bushwacker, Halfmoon, Offtackle, and Dropshot, drawn up in the post-war period,
Allied positions were completely untenable as a result of demobilization gutting the
necessary manpower and budget cuts causing a lack of parity in quality hardware. The
Allied position was further weakened by the declining power of the British Empire and
11
Ross, p. 11-49
12
Ross, p. 138
13. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 4
PAGE 4
the lack of a counterbalance in Eurasia as China was ravaged by civil war while both
Japan and Germany were still in ruins.13
More troubling, there were simply insufficient
nuclear bombs to carry out the campaign outlined in the war plans.14
The American
Joint Chiefs of Staff and their counterparts in allied nations all determined that
alternatives were needed, as soon as possible.15
This is not to say that they Allies planner were of the opinion that they needed
more firepower to accomplish their historical objectives, as there is no single weapon
more devastating than a nuclear bomb. The shortcoming that was most alarming to
them was the lack of parity or even a viable deterrent at lower levels of intensity – that
is, there was no credible Allied force between a state of peace and a state of full
nuclear combat. This would mean that the only response by the Allies to any
mobilization or offense by the Soviets would either be to fold and appease the Soviets,
or to retaliate with a nuclear counter-attack. The blockade of Berlin by Soviet forces
on June 24th
194816
and the subsequent Allied operation to relieve the city, commonly
referred to as the “Berlin Airlift”, further highlighted the necessity for West Germany
and the Allies to possess other-than nuclear responses to the aggressiveness of their
East German and Soviet counterparts.17
However, German opinions of these plans were abysmally low, for the obvious
fact that use of nuclear weapons against invading Soviet forces would involve a
13
Ross, p. 13
14
Ross, p. 29-44
15
Ross, p. 40-44
16
Burkhardt
17
Frohn
14. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 5
PAGE 5
nuclear the mass death of millions of German civilians in a nuclear holocaust.
Furthermore, defense planning theretofore lacked German participation and
represented a lack of German sovereignty which Adenauer sought to reclaim.18
The
creation of the East German “People’s Police” forces also prompted a shift in West
German political opinion, which had been strongly opposed to Wiederbewaffnung
before that time.19
It was not expected that Western Europe could be held for long without
additional forces. The Soviets, according to intelligence reports between 1945 and 1950
by the Joint Intelligence Committee, were alleged to have possessed roughly one
hundred and seventy-five divisions, with eighty-four of those divisions in Eastern
Europe. The Allied armies combined had only sixteen divisions to defend all of France,
Western Germany, Austria, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg.20
In order to remedy the unstable situation, Allied planners set about lobbying
their political leadership about the needs for a larger conventional force, where it
would come from, and how it was to be created. Also stressed was the need for Allied
demobilizations to be halted, and that a significant contribution from German forces
was needed to have any hope of deterring Soviet military adventurism.
Not existing in a vacuum, the West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer
understood that Communist military power, if unchecked, was an existential threat to
the regime in Bonn. Adenauer was keenly aware of the role that the military and
18
Mastny, Holtsmark, Wenger, p. 202
19
Waldman, p. 15
20
Ross, p. 40-47
15. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 6
PAGE 6
supporting industries played in terms of sovereignty, international credibility and also
in economic development. The whole of Germany’s economy and infrastructure had
been ravaged by war, and recovery was one of the administration’s most pressing
concerns. In addition to deterring the communist juggernaut, the Adenauer
administration endeavored to bring the Federal Republic of Germany into military and
political alliance with the western Allies.
For his people and the foreign press, Adenauer described the forces available to
the Soviet Union as posing an immediate, massive threat of invasion from the East.
This grim portrayal was what he described as “Zweckpessimismus”, or “strategic
pessimism …evoked in order to elicit quick political results”. His political message was
for not only local opponents to German rearmament, but also the Americans, French,
and British critics of his rearmament initiative.21
The budding of West Germany’s intelligence and strategic planning organs
began with the post-World War Two examination and accounting of Germany’s
military campaigns. Efforts to conduct these studies were organized and supported by
the US Office of Strategic Studies. The OSS recruited former German General Staff
officers, such as General Reinhard Gehlen, whom had, in the war, headed the
Abteilung Fremde Heer Ost, the General Staff’s agency dealing with Soviet and East
European armed forces. The OSS “Organization Gehlen” would become the “nucleus”
of West Germany’s future intelligence agency, the Bundesnachrichten Dienst.22
21
Large, p. 70
22
Large, p. 27
16. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 7
PAGE 7
Adenauer first developed his re-armament initiative by finding military and
intelligence advisors for his cabinet to help create national defense policies. Adenauer
appointed Count Gerhard Von Schwerin, a former Wehrmacht tank commander, as
his “National Security Advisor” on 24 May, 1950. Schwerin had been recommended to
Adenauer by the High Commissioner of the United Kingdom, Brian Robertson.
Adenauer, intent on not becoming a puppet, favored the appointment as an
alternative to the US recommendation of Gehlen23
.
Adenauer’s decisions to balance his government’s reliance between the major
allies, rather than allowing any single patron to have too much influence, helped
bolster the credibility and foster the independence of his regime. Ultimately, this
policy also allowed his government greater flexibility as the years went on and the FRG
grew. This can be compared to the Eastern GDR regime, which almost entirely
depended on the USSR alone, and thus did not have these strengths.
Adenauer described to Schwerin the “two strategic challenges” he believed the
Federal German Republic faced – East German influence and external vulnerability. In
facing these two challenges, Adenauer described the policies of the western Allies as
“totally inadequate”. Adenauer therefore wanted to create a “mobile federal police
force”, and instructed Schwerin that the creation and buildup of such an organization
was Schwerin’s top priority. The formation of such a force was to be a temporary
measure until the administration could build up political support for full rearmament
and the creation of national armed forces.
23
Large, p. 57
17. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 8
PAGE 8
Adenauer asked that Schwerin began compiling a list of former officers
Schwerin believed to be “untainted” by the former or East German regimes and might
one day form the core of a new military’s officer corps. Schwerin therefore prepared
for the Chancellor a lengthy memorandum entitled “An Outline of Practical Measures
for the Development of German Cadres within the Framework of a United European
Defense Force”, which outlined three broad options for Adenauer to consider.24
The first option: the creation of “mobile federal police” force, which according
to Schwerin “most reflected German national sensitivities”, but which required the
unlikely permission of Allied foreign ministers and the Bundestag (parliament). The
second option: transforming the Grenzhutz (Border Guard) into a centralized police
force. This internationally needed only the permission of the Allied High Commission,
but domestically also needed the unlikely acquiescence of the individual Länder
(German provinces). Schwerin also believed that the Grenzhutz personnel were “not
suited for military tasks”. The third option: involved the military coordination of
Labor Service Groups, which would not need the involvement of the Bundestag, but
were needed by the Allies for support duties and were also considered by Schwerin to
be of poor morale and “in no way suitable” for military duties.25
After forming a small staff, called the Zentrale für Heimatdienst (Center for
Domestic Affairs), Schwerin and his staff prepared a list of former Wehrmacht officers
for Adenauer, many of whom were involved in veterans organizations. Veterans’
24
Large, p. 57
25
Large, p. 58
18. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 9
PAGE 9
organizations were a significant influence on the political landscape of post-war West
Germany.
All of Schwerin’s activities were done in secrecy. At the time, anything
concerning “military planning” was technically still illegal under the Allied
disarmament regulations. Schwerin, despite the necessity for secrecy, insisted that
Adenauer keep the Bundestag informed of his efforts through Social Democrat Party
leader Kurt Schumacher and head of the Interior Ministry, Gustav Heinemann.26
Furthermore Schwerin set up another intelligence organization for the
chancellor under Jaochim Oster, the son of Twentieth-of-July conspirator Hans Oster
and former Stahlhelm leader Wilhelm Heinz. This organization gave the Chancellor
an alternative to the OSS organization under Gehlen, and also gave the FRG a method
of countering the other “strategic challenge” Adenauer had expressed concern over –
East German influence. Heinz was considered an “expert on East Germany” because of
his experiences there until he moved to the West later in the post-war period.27
Schumacher and Heinemann both objected to Adenauer’s rearmament plans,
but for different reasons. Heinemann favored reunification above Western integration
or rearmament, but the Prussian born First World War veteran Schumacher objected
because he strongly insisted that the organizational plan of producing armed forces in
the context of a Western European army was a sellout of German sovereignty.
Schumacher insisted on German reunification and creation of national armed forces.
26
Large, p. 58
27
Large, p. 59
19. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 10
PAGE 10
The domestic and international situation vis-à-vis West Germany’s patrons made this
impossible – at first.
Initially favoring the “reunification first” advocates like Minister of the Interior
Gustav Heineman and prominent German theologian Martin Niemöller, West German
political leaders in the West began to shift towards favoring German Chancellor
Konrad Adenauer’s initiative for German re-armament, especially after the resignation
of Heinemann. The opposition in the SPD largely dissipated after the German panic
caused by the Korean War, of China, and the exploding of the first Soviet atomic
device in the face of the unprepared Allies 28
.
The European Defense Community concept of an integrated European military
was put to rest in August 1954 when it was rejected by the French National Assembly,
on the grounds that it undermined French national sovereignty29
. This was not
necessarily a setback for the Germans. The efforts to join the EDC had laid the
groundwork for German leaders in the pursuit of eventual creation of a West German
military system.
In order to provide temporary security until winning the Federal Republic the
rights to rebuild the armed forces, Adenauer employed the stop-gap measure of
arming and equipping a national police force, this time with Bundestag support and
without the framework Schumacher loathed of integration into a European military.
28
Waldman, p. 22
29
Waldman, p. 17
20. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 11
PAGE 11
The creation of the national police forces also helped to establish credibility for West
Germany as a responsible and defensible nation.
A different alliance organization was created to provide for the defense of
continental Europe and provide an organizational framework for that task using
existing national militaries with a coalition command structure. This new
organization, called the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, or NATO, was
established on April 4th
, 1949.
By treaty obligation, each member nation was bound to the every other in a
mutual defense pact. Weapons and equipment would be standardized throughout the
organization, to ease in logistics. A NATO military command hierarchy would be
established, and member nations would semi-integrate their forces under that
command structure. Noticeably absent from the founding member, however, was
Germany. The first NATO Secretary General, Lord Ismay, stated in 1949 that the
objective of the alliance was “to keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the
Germans down”30
. However, a defense of the continent would not be possible without
German manpower and resources. Other prominent military leaders, including
American General Matthew Ridgeway and even such cautious leaders as General
Omar Bradley, advocated for West Germany’s re-armament31
. Adenauer seized on this
opportunity to join NATO and press for greater sovereignty and defense rights32
.
30
Large, p. 36
31
Large, p. 37
32
Large, p. 49
21. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 12
PAGE 12
In order to provide temporary security until winning the Federal Republic the
rights to rebuild the armed forces, Adenauer employed the stop-gap measure of
arming and equipping a national police force, this time with Bundestag support and
without the framework Schumacher loathed of integration into a European military.
The Adenauer administration used a modified version of Schwerin’s plan to use border
police, establishing the Bundesgrenzschutz (Federal Border Police) in 1951 under the
Ministry of the Interior. The deployment of these forces in 1953 also helped to
establish credibility for West Germany as a responsible and defensible nation.
The Bundesgrenzschutz was equipped with various light hardware, such as
armored cars, anti-tank guns, helicopters, trucks, jeeps, carbines, and pistols.
Intended to respond to small scale incursions and threats, the Federal Border Police
was intended to assert the sovereignty of the Federal German Republic. A coast guard,
called the Bundesgrenzschutz-See, was founded on January 7th, 1951. This force of
approximately 550 members of the Bundesgrenzschutz was placed under the control of
the Koordinierungsverbund Küstenwache (Coast Watch).
The Soviet nuclear detonation, the fall of China to the communists, and
particularly the invasion of South Korea by North Korea profoundly affected the
national psyche of the German people33
, particularly West Germans, fearful now of
becoming a “second Korea” in the face of the increasing Soviet threat34
. Many West
Germans, including prominent figures like Schwerin, became convinced that the Third
World War was imminent, and their efforts at rearmament escalated dramatically. No
33
Large, p. 65
34
Large, p. 62
22. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 13
PAGE 13
longer was an armed Federal Police Force adequate – German newspapers and
periodicals called for full rearmament, the Müncher Merkur insisted that in light of the
Korean War, it was imperative to form a “new Wehrmacht”.35
At Adenaur’s request, former Wehrmacht officers met quietly at the
Eifelkloster Himmerod in early October 1950 and the “Himmeroder Memorandum”
would become the blueprint for Germany’s contribution to the defense of Western
Europe and the creation of a new kind of military. Adenauer then appointed Theodor
Blank as the “Commissioner for Questions with Regard to the Strengthening of Allied
Troops” and established the secretive “Blank Office” which became the forerunner of
the German Ministry of Defense.36
The shocking series of communist aggressions did not affect Germany alone –
the other Allies became more supportive of German rearmament as well37
. The
problem still existed with Germany’s international agreements, but this was resolved
at the London and Paris Conferences, with the Americans urging the urging the
initially reluctant French diplomats to acquiesce38
. At the conferences, the Treaty of
Brussels (an expansion of the Dunkirk Treaty) was modified to include the Federal
Republic of Germany, and the newly allied nations would form the Western European
Union (WEU).
35
Large, p. 66
36
Macgregor, p. 3
37
Large, p. 130
38
Large, p. 132
23. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 14
PAGE 14
West Germany joined NATO on May 9th
, 1955.39
In line with her new treaty
obligations, the FRG would be allowed to amend the Basic Law and re-arm, but the
three Western Allies retained occupation powers in Berlin and western Germany as a
whole under status-of-forces agreements. Furthermore, the WEU would determine
the size of the armed forces allowed by each of its members. Germany’s effort to join
NATO and the WEU by the Adenauer administration was intended to be seen as an
effort to cooperate with the western Allies and to calm foreign critics of German
rearmament. Domestic critics would be calmed when the nature of the new military
was characterized.
Adenauer had first to negotiate the opposition to rearmament in the Bundestag,
wary of granting the chancellery further powers.40
The Bundestag would not fully
acquiesce to Adenaur’s perceived intentions to monopolize power over military affairs,
and so compromised with his administration after much inter-party debate and
controversy41
.
After the German Bundestag had ratified the First Amendment to the Basic
Law on February 26, 1954, establishing Germany’s right to military sovereignty, Amt
Blank publicly laid out concrete plans for the formation of a new German military and
Ministry of Defense. The Bundestag, as the legislative body in a democratic system,
would retain the fundamental war powers under the Basic Law for the Federal
Republic of Germany, as well as retaining the fundamental war powers, while the
39
Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the Accession of the Federal Republic of Germany
40
Searle, p. 37
41
Stahl, p. 40-63
24. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 15
PAGE 15
chancellery would be permitted to form a defense cabinet and set about organizing
the armed forces. The Bundestag would also define, through policy, what type of
soldiers the executive would be permitted to recruit and train, passing the “Law on the
Personnel Screening Board for the Armed Forces” on July 23rd
, 1955.42
The Bundeswehr was formed on November 12th
, 1955; the day way chosen in
commemoration of Prussian military theoretician and reformer General Gerhard von
Scharnhorst’s two-hundredth birthday. One-hundred and one initial volunteers were
presented their appointments to the new armed forces. The formation of national
armed forces, and their relationship with the state and German society, represented a
re-establishment of German sovereignty and national identity.43
The new civilian oversight concept was called Innere Führung, which roughly
translates as “Inner Leadership”. Drafted by military theoretician and General Wolf
Stefan Traugott Graf von Baudissin, whom had served on the General Staff of
esteemed Field Marshal Erwin Rommel, the new system of civilian oversight and
education instilled in Bundeswehr soldiers the core ethical concepts for the new
military’s culture.44
Innere Führung defined Bundeswehr soldiers as Staatsbürger in
Uniform, or “citizen-soldiers”. The embodiment of state power and identity, they were
the protectors of the new government’s democratic ideals.45
42
Searle, p. 188
43
Huntington, p. 123
44
Macgregor, p. 4
45
FM ZDv10/1
25. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 16
PAGE 16
The days of the Wehrmacht’s passivity and complicity in the face of gross
violations of political power and manipulation of legal authority were left to the
dustbin of history. The new Bundeswehr recognized its own position as a political
element within the legal system. German soldiers were subject to the German Basic
Law, as any other citizen;46
they were to place the law above all else – their orders
were to be made justifiable, and their responsibility was to view orders critically under
the law rather than to follow blindly.
German experience with the Nuremburg trials profoundly influenced the
notions of military intellectuals regarding the obligations, traditions, and
responsibilities of soldiers and officers, and the stress on the respect of human dignity
and rights by the new Bundeswehr are representative of the changed attitudes.
Dehumanization and oaths of absolute obedience to authority were no longer
conceivable – instead, Bundeswher recruits were inducted with pledges to uphold
democracy and follow the principles of guaranteeing the rule of law and respecting
human rights. Bundeswehr troops were to be seen first as citizens of the Federal
Republic, and there was to be no more “parade ground brutality” in the ranks.47
Innere Führung was not a merely a quaint system of political indoctrination for
Bundeswehr personnel to be taught their rights and responsibilities in the Federal
Republic; Innere Führung created a system of accountability and information feedback,
allowing the government to measure the degree to which policy had permeated the
military organization, but without the need for a partisan, party based apparatus.
46
German Ministry of Defense
47
Searle, p. 128
26. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 17
PAGE 17
Thusly, the West German model was on a whole a much more responsive, integrated
force than the East German force.
The Bundestag’s creation of the political pre-requisites for re-armament and
the effective use of legal policy to create a system with a balanced military-policy
relationship not only helped to characterize the FRG as an exemplary democratic state,
it ensured the stability and functionality of the FRG defense establishment. The FRG
benefited from this development and would be the most stable government of all the
Cold War divided states. As a result, the FRG could, when combined with the
economic power it developed, be considered as a sovereign state equal to the other
allied powers.
The Bundeswehr was to be composed of both drafted and volunteer recruits,
and the FRG government would have full sovereign control. However, the new
constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany, in the Bündnisfall clause, prohibits
any military actions, except in the case of defending an attack against Germany or its
allies. German citizens were also permitted to refuse service in the Bundeswehr if they
plead conscientious objector status – they would, however, still be subject to the draft
in the capacity of civil service instead.
Early in the formation of the Bundeswehr, military officers, such as former
Wehrmacht General Ramkce, stated bluntly that they “cannot be expected to supply
cannon-fodder”.48
Generals like Ramke, with the support of the Adenaur
administration, lobbied for West Germany to be treated as an equal party to any
48
Large, p. 50
27. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 18
PAGE 18
military alliance with the Western Allies, espousing the view that no German soldier
or officer should help the Western Allies by advising or rendering service as “cannon-
fodder” without the demanded equitable relationship49
.
Championing this sentiment, Adenauer went further to press for the right for
the Federal Republic of Germany to build up mechanized forces, including the latest
armor and air power. The Adenauer administration knew that additional security
measures in Central Europe were needed, and intended to press the Western powers
to consider why they should burden themselves by expanding their forces to protect
Germany when the Germans were willing to participate as partners50
. The “atomic
cannon fodder” issue was largely resolved when the FRG was allowed to rebuild the
arms industry, as the German military would be able to participate in a manner that
made them valuable contributors to the defensive enterprise and gave them
maneuverability and technology with which to confront the Soviet conventional and
nuclear threats.51
In this way, The Federal Republic of Germany established for itself in the
subsequent years of the Cold War as an integral part of the NATO Alliance and
checked the military and political maneuvers of the German Democratic Republic and
the Soviet Union. The Bundeswehr would remain an adaptive, flexible, and modern
force throughout the Cold War and, fully integrated into NATO, would serve as an
effective deterrent for their antagonistic East German neighbors.
49
Searle, p. 164
50
Large, p. 52
51
Searle, p. 35
28. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 19
PAGE 19
On the other side of the Inner German border, the Soviet Military
Administration in Germany (SMAD) at first set about exploiting occupied Germany
for the enrichment of the Soviet Union. The development of the GDR was hampered
by the huge war indemnity it was forced to pay the Soviet Union, compared to the
investment and aid the United States poured into the FRG under the Marshal plan.
The Soviets also extracted huge portions of East Germany’s manufacturing and
industrial resources, which further slowed its recovery – the USSR is estimated to have
stripped away about 14 billion dollars in assets, comparable to the Marshal Plan,
except in reverse.52
Despite this seemingly short-sighted economic policy, the SMAD
set up a fledgling security apparatus using ex-patriate pro-Russian German
communists, but most of the security functions were performed by the Soviet NKVD53
.
The small German communist party, the KPD, was forcefully merged with the
local Social-democrat (SPD) party elements. The KPD leaders retaining all leadership
functions. The new “united” party was dubbed the “Socialist Unity Party” (SED), and
was quickly organized to more closely function and resemble the Communist Party of
the Soviet Union.54
Shortly after occupation, the Soviet Union had East German heavy
industries nationalized – particularly the arms industries – and directed the SED to set
up a planned economy with quotas determined by the SED, and demands on specific
areas industrial production determined by the CPSU.
52
Terry, Marer, Stent, p. 156
53
Walker p. 65
54
Terry, Marer, Stent, p. 44
29. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 20
PAGE 20
Intending to secure their new holdings and begin the process of creating a loyal
satellite state, SMAG also created the Border Police and armed it with armored
personnel carriers, anti-tank weapons, and small-arms. Once the Border was secured,
the Soviets and the now SED controlled GDR government, set about further
consolidating power. To ensure the stability and security of the SED dominated
government in East Germany, a paramilitary police force was formed in October 1948,
called the Bereitschaftspolizei (Alert Police). This force consisted of forty armed units
with between one hundred and two-hundred and fifty men each, housed in barracks
and trained as paramilitary troops. The units of the Alert Police were subordinated to
the authority of the East German Lander (provincial authorities). Each Lander had its
own party apparatus. Many of the officers and men of the Alert Police were recruited
from former Wehrmacht POWs still held in the USSR.55
In November 1948 the SMAD turned over control of the paramilitary forces to
the East German Interior Administration, which also took control over the Border
Troops, combining the two into the umbrella organization called the Hauptabteilung
Grenzpolizei und Bereitschaften (HA GP/B) which translates to “Border Police and
Readiness Department”. After several name changes and reorganizations to ensure
political reliability and to incorporate new units and organizations into a larger whole,
it finally evolved into the Kasernierte Volkspolizei (KVP) on June 1, 195256
. This force
also included a separate naval and air arm.57
55
Lapp, p. 141-158
56
Diedrich, Wenzke, p. 72
57
Lapp, p. 141-158
30. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 21
PAGE 21
Following the unrest from 17th June 1953, when many East German citizens
rioted, staged protests, and conducted strikes, nearly 25,000 KVP members were
viewed as "politically unreliable", with some joining the revolt or either refusing or
ignoring SED directives. Afterword, anyone with family in West Germany, whom had
served in the Wehrmacht, had been a POW of any Allied power besides the Soviet
Union, or had been in the Nazi Party, were purged from the force so as to make it
more politically reliable and loyal to the SED controlled government.58
On May 14th
, 1955, a treaty of “friendship, cooperation, and mutual aid” was
signed between the USSR, East Germany, Poland, Hungary, Romania, Czechoslovakia,
Bulgaria, and Albania; commonly referred to in the West the “Warsaw Pact” after the
Polish city in which it was signed. Article Five of the Pact placed all of the military
forces of the signatories under a “joint command for their armed forces” which was at
the time to be chaired by Marshal of the Soviet Union Ivan S. Konev, and Article Seven,
which forbade signatories from entering into any other alliance. Though trampling
the concept of sovereignty, this provided a very formidable force, each nation being
guaranteed to have the entire might of the Soviet military behind it59
. The
introduction of the treaty stated in no uncertain terms the treaty’s raison d'être. The
treaty introduction stated “Western Germany, which is being remilitarized, and her
inclusion in the North Atlantic bloc, which increases the danger of a new war and
creates a threat to the national security of peace-loving states.”60
58
Giese, des Gruyter, p. 35
59
Hansell
60
US Department of State Publication 9446, p. 445-448
31. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 22
PAGE 22
To give the East Germans bigger teeth, the Soviets assisted the East German
efforts to build a new military by providing resources and limited economic support.
The East German People's Chamber passed a bill on January 18th 1956 merging the
Kasernierte Volkspolizei, Sea Police, and Air Police into a new organization; the
Nationale Volksarmee - East Germany's new armed forces.61
The new military would be placed under another new addition to East
Germany's establishment - the Ministry of National Defense, and would have ground,
naval, and air branches. To ensure total security and appease critics in the Ministry of
the Interior, a new Alert Police unit was created, similar in nature to the Soviet NKVD
called the Volkspolizei-Bereitschaft, subordinate to the Ministry of the Interior. These
Alert Police units would be armed in paramilitary fashion, equipped with wheeled
light armor vehicles, mortars, rifles, and anti-riot gear as well as some anti-tank and
combat engineer capabilities.62
All of these new forces were to be fully controlled by
the SED, which staffed political personnel at each level of command.
The SED indoctrination of the East German military was characterized by
strong anti-fascist and anti-imperialist rhetoric, but called deeply on traditional
Prussian military characteristics and virtues.63
Ironically, the need for immediate
expertise and manpower necessitated that the new NVA would recruit large numbers
of former Wehrmacht veterans. Indeed, the majority of NVA staff officers were former
Wehrmacht officers well into the 1960’s.
61
Burant, p. 421-428
62
Lapp, p. 141-158
63
Large, p. 146
32. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 23
PAGE 23
The Nationale Volkarmee was regarded by both the Soviet Union and NATO as
not only a credible military force by weight of weapons systems or number of troops,
but a highly professional and well equipped force. The Nationale Volkarmee was
second only to the Soviet Union in terms of equipment priority and quality and the
East German Nationale Volksarmee began its existence as a structurally and
doctrinally modern force from its inception.
The East Germans, being a Warsaw Pact member, adopted Soviet battle
doctrine and fit into the Soviet strategic scheme. Soviet Deep Battle, as developed by
Vladimir Triandafillov, Mikhail Tukhachevsky, Alexander Andreyevich Svechin,
Georgii Isserson, and Mikhail Frunze in the 1920’s and 1930’s64
, was designed to
account for the Soviet Union’s strengths and weaknesses, such as her vast manpower
and lack of technological sophistication, as well as the vastness of the Soviet Union’s
depth and breadth, which allowed for maneuver65
.
In the Soviet Deep Battle doctrine, the exploitation forces would follow up
tactical breakthroughs in the enemy’s front to exploit a breakthrough made by a
frontline tactical unit within a Front, made up of motorized infantry units, integrated
with armored units and heavily supported by artillery and close air support. This
breakthrough was not merely to exploit the flanks after a breakthrough, but to
penetrate the enemy strategic depth as much as possible so as to disrupt the enemy’s
ability to conduct war.
64
Harrison, p. 204
65
Cody and Krause, p. 229.
33. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 24
PAGE 24
Almost immediately after their formation, the East Germans began planning
for an operation to capture West Berlin in the event of a NATO-Warsaw Pact war.
These plans were updated often to keep pace with force-structure changes, and
technological developments, new plans were drafted well into the 1980’s. Troops and
supplies were pre-positioned, and rehearsals were conducted several times throughout
the history of the East German military establishment. Many documents containing
details of the extensive war plans were destroyed after reunification by the Stasi, but
some were preserved. Some documents outlined an outlandish assault of West Berlin
through the underground sewer systems.66
It was estimated that West Berlin would
only take three days to capture and pacify completely, divided into two sectors.67
The plans to conquer West Berlin also demonstrate how integrated the East
German and Soviet systems were with their respective party-dominated internal
security apparatuses. The East German Ministry of State Security compiled “extensive
files on West German citizens, which would have been of special interest during
selection procedures.”68
Immediately after capturing the city, the Stasi was to begin
consolidating power. According to a report signed by the District Leader of the Berlin
Area of the Ministry of State Security, Lieutenant-General Wolfgang Schwanitz, the
Stasi would detain members of the intelligence communities, leaders of anti-
communist organizations, senior police officials, leading politicians, senior civil
servants, and persons suspected of having knowledge of business, scientific, or
66
Schönbohm, p. 117
67
Dr. Wenzel, Peifer, p. 9
68
Stiller, p. 158
34. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 25
PAGE 25
technical secrets. Journalists known to have anti-leftist leanings would also be arrested.
Detainees were to be brought to internment camps69
. Similar plans were drawn up for
the potential occupation forces of Western Europe in the event of war.
In the 1960’s, East Germany’s development and maturation changed it from a
liability of the USSR and into a vital ally in Central Europe70
. In these years, East
Germany had reached a sort of equilibrium vis-à-vis West Germany as a result of
Soviet efforts to promote military détente with the Western Europeans. This allowed
the GDR to focus primarily on economic growth, which was the prime factor in
maintaining the GDR’s credibility and internal stability.71
After the détente years in the 1960s, the GDR increased military expenditures.
The GDR defense budget rose 73.5 percent between 1969 and 1977. Defense
expenditure increases between 1970 and 1975 were particularly sharp. Most of these
increases were non-personnel, indicating that the East German military was making
progress in mechanization and equipment modernization.72
These modernizations are evidenced in the large number of imported Soviet
tanks, such as T-62 Main Battle Tanks (MBTs) and later the new T-72 MBTs, artillery
and self-propelled guns, Mi-24 Hind gunships, MiG-23 fighter aircraft, and heavy
folding bridge laying vehicles and engineering equipment. At the same time the order
of battle and troop levels did not substantially grow until 1979, in order to keep costs
69
Dr. Wenzel, Peifer, p. 12
70
Brown, p. ix
71
Cline, Miller, Kanet, p. 48
72
MacGregor, p. 63
35. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 26
PAGE 26
from rising too far. The small rise in personnel in 1979 was largely from a few
equipment-related additions of personnel to the East German navy, and the addition
of East Germany’s first, and only, airborne unit – a parachute infantry battalion. It
must be noted that most of these modernizations and reforms were immediately
following the “Prague Spring” uprising in Czechoslovakia, which the SED may have
considered as a possibility in their own state if East Germans were provoked or if the
GDR lost credibility. Military readiness operations, doctrinal development, and “party
work” were also conducted by the Soviet and East German command to train and
regiment East German troops, which were featured prominently among the
participating Warsaw Pact forces.73
For example, the Comrades-in-Arms 70 exercise in the vicinity of Magdeburg in
October of 1970, with about 100,000 participating Soviet and Warsaw Pact troops,
Soviet and East German troops operated jointly under the nominal command of the
GDR Defense Minister. This demonstrates the trust which the Soviet Union placed in
the East Germans. Though there were communications issues in Comrades-in-Arms
70, these were gradually worked out during Shield 72, Visla-Elbe, and Sheild 76. These
large-scale cooperative military exercises also demonstrate the seriousness with which
the Soviets and East Germans approached their alliance and the challenges of military
cooperation and political integration. The reforms and training efforts also allowed
the Soviets and Warsaw Pact countries to further develop their concepts for offensive
military action and make improvements in mobilization, logistics and personnel
73
MacGregor, p. 64
36. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 27
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management, political indoctrination, and performance oriented training in simulated
combat conditions.74
The political work to be done was outlined in a secret meeting of Warsaw Pact
Leaders in Prague in 1973. At the meeting, the General Secretary of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Leonid Brezhnev, stated in
no uncertain terms that the Soviet objective was world détente. However, he also
stipulated that the communist powers reserved the right to fight a “just war” of
“national liberation”75
. This policy was largely abandoned at the end of the 1970’s,
with increasingly aggressive military posturing becoming once again the norm in the
1980’s.
Consistent “political work” by the Soviet Union to ensure the reliability of
Warsaw Pact formations, and the examples set by Pact reliability in suppressing local
movements and revolts in Pact states, demonstrates that in a combat situation East
German, Polish, and Czech troops would likely have followed deployment orders. The
party apparatuses served to integrate the military command structures, but they also
totally dominated their decision making apparatuses. The CPSU to SED liaison was an
integral part of the Nationale Volksarmee relationship with the Soviet Union and
other communist nations. Relationships with the rest of the Warsaw Pact were largely
through SED relations with the local communist parties of those other communist
74
MacGregor, p. 64-65
75
Cline, Miller, Kanet, p. 2
37. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 28
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bloc countries, and usually with CPSU oversight. The CPSU had a closer relationship
with the SED than any other party76
In the case of the Poles and Czechs only a part of their national militaries were
trained and equipped to operate with Soviet forces in combat operations. The
Warsaw Pact differentiated the readiness and effectiveness of its combat formations
between three different tiers, known as Category I, II, & III.77
East European Category
I units were those held at a high state of readiness, equipped with more modern
equipment, trained to a higher standard, and considered more “politically reliable”.
This being stated, it is important to note that even Category I units of the Warsaw
Pact were in general technologically a generation behind tier-one Soviet Forces
deployed to the German Inner-Border area.78
Many of the Category I formations were
East German units.79
As the East Germans reformed their military, they did so in the style of Soviet
Forces, to maximize interoperability under the Warsaw Pact and the strategy imposed
on it by the Soviet Union. The Soviet reorganization of forces was intended to prepare
the Soviet military for the new perceived threat of Western forces and also largely as a
result of noted deficiencies in the organizational structure of forces during the
previous conflict against Nazi Germany80
. It was assembled to fit within the Soviet
force structure, with the largest maneuver formation being the Front in wartime, and
76
Terry, Marer, Stent, p. 43
77
Simon, p. 360
78
Cordesman, p. 35
79
Cordesman, p. 36
80
Simpkin , p. 179
38. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 29
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administered as Groups of Forces within the Military District in peace-time. Each
Military District was under the authority of the CPSU. Each Front was roughly
equivalent to a Western Army Group,81
and was composed of three to five Combined
Arms Armies and one or two Tank Armies82
, and supported by the Soviet Operational
Maneuver Group.83
The Operational Maneuver Group was a development in the 1950’s of the
military structure for maneuver warfare more suitable for the strategic concept of
Soviet Deep Battle than the previous force structure. Implemented fully by the early
1980’s84
, the OMG replaced the previous structural scheme, organized around the
Cavalry Mechanized Group, which had performed deep operations against German
forces in the Second World War, but was believed by the Soviet Stavka to have had
several shortcomings the OMG was intended to replace85
. The OMG relied primarily
on the speed and shock of land forces for success, and were to be used as rapidly
deployable units for the exploitation of breakthroughs in the enemy front under the
Soviet Deep Battle doctrine. The OMGs could be followed-up by whole tank-armies,
but was not itself a tank army – there were several notable differences between the
two organizational units.86
Unlike Tank Armies, OMG’s had integrated Close Air
81
FM 100-2-3, United States Department of the Army, p. 161-163
82
Cline, Miller, Kanet, p. 30
83
CIA DLB 4351-7177 ref. # 22385 SOV 83-10034, p. 2
84
CIA DLB 4351-7177 ref. # 22385 SOV 83-10034, p. 1
85
Simpkin, p. 139-152
86
Simpkin, p.139-186
39. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 30
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support and support units87
, and were usually composed of three tank divisions and
two mechanized infantry divisions.88
Despite Soviet refinements over the years, US military and CIA analysis
estimated that the OMGs were vulnerable to ambush and destruction by support fires
from artillery or air support because of their dense packing of vehicles and personnel
along a narrow axis of advance, and increased vulnerability to NATO air power
because the air defenses included in an OMG did not include long-range SAMs89
.
Furthermore, it was believed that such a defeat of an OMG would allow NATO forces
an opportunity to counterattack through the gap in Warsaw Pact lines and collapse
the entire Front.
At first glance, the Warsaw Pact’s mobilization and reinforcement capabilities
appear to suffer less from some of the inter-national difficulties that NATO had to
deal with. In wartime the Soviet military would have assumed direct operational
control over Warsaw Pact units and mobilization would require a single order from
the Soviet Marshal chairing the joint Warsaw Pact command. However, the margin of
superiority in numbers of combat units was not overwhelming compared to NATO
forces. Several transportation, mobilization, and readiness issues would have
complicated Warsaw Pact reinforcement operations90
as a result of the Soviet policy
favoring the formation of combat units over service, sustainment, and support units,
which resulted in less logistical capacity.
87
CIA DLB 4351-7177 ref. # 22385 SOV 83-10034, p. 3
88
CIA DLB 4351-7177 ref. # 22385 SOV 83-10034, p. iii
89
CIA DLB 4351-7177 ref. # 22385 SOV 83-10034, p. 3
90
Simon, p. 360
40. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 31
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In 1961, the Soviet Union carried out Exercise Buria, which combined field and
command post drills in order to develop Warsaw Pact doctrine under a new Warsaw
Pact military organizational structure - the Unified Armed Forces. Exercise Buria was
the first large-scale joint field maneuvers of the Warsaw Pact. The results of the Buria
exercise resulted in a new Soviet war plan based on the doctrine of all-out nuclear war
with full commitment of armed forces in the event of war. The Soviet General Staff,
Soviet Defense Minister, East German Defense Minister, and military leadership of the
Warsaw Pact concurred that all of continental Europe must be brought under control
as quickly as possible, optimally within 10-15 days – and would necessitate the massive
use of nuclear weapons.91
The most comprehensive of the plans for war with NATO was dubbed Seven
Days to the River Rhine. Using the Soviet Deep Battle doctrine in conjunction with
their nuclear weaponry, The Soviet Union intended to use Soviet and Warsaw Pact
troops in an all-out assault on NATO forces, with coordinated tactical nuclear strikes
along the entire length of the Inner German border and several key military
installations and cities. East Germany would square-off against Dutch and Danish
troops in the North German Plain, providing a reconnaissance in force and screening
element for more powerful Soviet follow-on forces, as well as to serve in the vanguard
for less politically reliable Polish forces committed to the Northern sector.
Soviet and other Polish forces would assault across the centre and Southern
flanks of the Iron Curtain. Forces from the Hungarian People’s Army would storm
91
Mastny, Holtsmark, Wenger, p. 47
41. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 32
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into Northern Italy and Austria shortly after the Soviet assault annihilated Vienna and
Vicenza with 500-kiloton nuclear warheads. Recently declassified documents
pertaining to the war plan describe how Czechoslovakian mechanized forces were to
drive a spearhead through the blast zones along the inner-German border
immediately after detonation, despite the radioactive fallout, and strike deep targets
inside West Germany before they would succumb to radiation caused ailments.
Organizationally, the Nationale Volksarmee and Warsaw Pact armies
paralleled the armed forces of the Western Allies in their major functions, but less
flexibly. Despite the aggressive nature and intentions of East German forces, they
were never able to achieve the prerequisites necessary to justify an invasion. This
allowed the competition for recognition and legitimacy to be played out through
geopolitical maneuverings worldwide, and for the military competition to be
determined by the arms race, since neither side had the organizational or strategic
initiative. Ultimately the East Germans could not keep up with the competition for
international recognition92
, nor could they match the economic or technologic
successes of the Western Allies. The recognizing the military stalemate and the
futility of further antagonism enabled diplomatic relations which eventually resulted
in the peaceful re-unification of Germany.
The East German and Soviet system, while somewhat successfully relying on
the party to provide a functional framework for control within the Warsaw Pact
military forces, could not rely on the party establishment to fulfill that role in
92
Holloway, Sharp, p. 148
42. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 33
PAGE 33
government. The party was inherently unresponsive to the people and inconsiderate
of the economic and social needs of the people – military included. The credibility of
the state was tied too closely to the credibility of the SED, and when the party’s
credibility faltered, many began to question the purpose of the armed forces and the
party-state itself.93
This credibility failure ultimately undermined the system which
the military relied on until the military could no longer function – it no longer had the
support of a functioning state. The East German government was wholly unprepared
for the collapse of the Soviet Union and had no plans that did not involve the support
of the Soviet Union
The Nationale Volksarmee and the GDR government were dominated by the
existence of the party organs at every level of command – this gave the force cohesion
and centralization, but left it at the whims of a party establishment which was not
necessarily representative of the needs and conditions of Germans living in the East,
and was considered to be out of touch with reality because of the SED and Soviet focus
on puritanical communist ideology. This would result in paralysis when the party was
rejected en-masse by East German civilians at the end of the Cold War.
In 1990, after massive civil movements, East Germany left the Warsaw Pact and
reunited with West Germany, ceasing to exist as the Federal Republic expanded to
include former GDR citizens and territories. The reunified Germany maintained
membership in NATO. The rise of non-communist governments in other eastern bloc
nations, such as Poland and Czechoslovakia, throughout 1990 and 1991 marked an
93
Schönbohm, p. 103
43. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 34
PAGE 34
effective end of the power of the Warsaw Pact. The Warsaw Pact remained intact
until 1991, when in March of that year, the military alliance component of the pact was
dissolved - in July 1991, the last meeting of the political consultative body took place.94
With the writing on the wall, the Soviet Union itself collapsed shortly thereafter, and
the Cold War, at least in the Europe, was over.
CONCLUSION
Through these lenses of conflict in the Cold War era, it has been demonstrated
how Policy and Strategy, as represented by the military-political relationship, affect
the overall performance of the state in conflict. These Cold War lenses allow us to
perceive the existence of a military-political framework that exists outside the Cold
War paradigm.
Maintaining static defenses and defense policies is insufficient, as warfare is
dynamic by nature. Policies must be implemented and constantly updated to reflect
reality, such as when West Germany had to adapt to the vacuum of power in the post-
war period. Successful adaptation is dependent on a unified command framework
with clearly defined roles and responsibilities, without undue overlap which could
94
History.com
44. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 35
PAGE 35
foster power struggles or factionalism to interfere with the operation of the command
structure.
Strategy must be designed relying on the conditions at hand. This information
is gained through the experiences of the tactical and operational leaders, and passed
up the chain of command so that the strategy can be refined, constantly. The
information must include, besides the details of terrain and other factors of military
significance, a study of the enemy. This information will allow the higher levels of
leadership to form a clear definition of how the war will be prosecuted. However,
equally important to the strategy is the study of the self, which will give clarity to the
priorities of the war, both short and long term, and allow the strategist the
opportunity to create plans that fit the resources available and set realistic
benchmarks for measuring progress. This is only accomplished by effective political
establishments. The military strategist relies on tactical and operational assets for the
information regarding conditions in the place of conflict, the state of the enemy, and
the condition of the military itself; but the condition of the state, its economy, and its
supporting assets can only be provided to the strategist by the political establishment.
The relationship between policy makers and strategy makers is made difficult
in a typical democratic country, because top military officials, in charge of strategy, are
subordinated to civilian leaders, which can be a source of friction. This friction can be
overcome in a healthy democracy through debate and in an environment where the
45. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 36
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military is integrated and supported by the state. In most of the communist countries
of the Cold War, the defense policy planners were often staffed by military officials;
however, the role of the party and the subordination of the state and the military in
decision making sometimes complicated the relationship between policy and strategy
makers – having such unchecked power left the party-dominated system prone to
systemic error and a lack of critical self-analysis, as well as a stifling of creative
thought and debate which resulted in paralysis.
Summing up, we can see that modern policy and strategy making is as much a
process as it is a plan, and is shaped by the hierarchy which created it as much as it
shapes the hierarchy it serves. We can therefore assume that the though the
hypothetical framework exists independently of ideological or cultural criterion, the
evidence demonstrates that these frameworks are subject to ideological and cultural
influence. These influences alternatively may interfere with or reinforce that
theoretical framework - the crucial factor being the relationship between military and
polity; between strategy and policy.
46. M . A b b o t t – P a g e | 37
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