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Science and Public Policy, 35(5), June 2008, pages 361–371
                                                                      DOI: 10.3152/030234208X317133; http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/beech/spp




      The dynamics of science in a small country:
              the case of Luxembourg

                                                  Morgan B Meyer


                This paper examines the scientific landscape in Luxembourg, one of the smallest countries in Europe.
                Three themes are analysed: the professionalisation of research; diversification and cooperation between
                the actors; and the Luxembourg Foresight Exercise. The paper argues that in small countries
                cooperation and collaboration is not necessarily better than in larger countries. It further suggests that,
                compared to larger countries, small countries seem to share three characteristics: a less mature research
                infrastructure and science policy; a shorter distance between researchers and science policy; and a need
                to import expertise.




I   n the social sciences, studies on science usually
    focus on ‘big science’. Large projects such as the
    CERN or the Human Genome project and large
countries such as the USA, the UK, Germany or
France have received most attention. ‘Small sci-
                                                                         their knowledge base. Small countries further have
                                                                         the advantage that their national innovation system
                                                                         can be more holistically and more rapidly analysed.
                                                                         The need for a thorough understanding of national
                                                                         contexts is also paramount for policy makers. Science
ence’, in contrast, has so far been given scant atten-                   policy cannot simply be ‘translated’ from one country
tion. The smaller the country, the research                              to another, let alone from large to small countries,
institution, or the discipline, the smaller is the num-                  since each country’s scientific infrastructure is shaped
ber of academic works devoted to it, so it seems.                        by historical, political, cultural and geographical con-
   There are, however, good reasons to try to redress                    tingencies (see Collins and Pontikakis, 2006: 757–
this situation. From a practical, empirical perspective,                 758). Indeed, “size does matter”, as Thorsteinsdóttir
there is much insight to be gained from studying small                   (2000) has argued in her discussion about science in
countries1 and comparing them to larger ones. In do-                     small countries. Furthermore, theoretically, many
ing so, a more fine-grained understanding of differ-                     authors have argued that science and space are inher-
ences in national science can thus be achieved. In the                   ently interrelated (see Livingstone, 2003; Shapin,
‘national systems of innovation’ tradition, for in-                      1998). In sum, for empirical, policy-related and theo-
stance, it is argued that nation states can differ in                    retical reasons, a situated (yet not essentialising) un-
terms of the relationship between their economy and                      derstanding of science is useful, including science in
                                                                         small countries.
                                                                            This paper is intended to contribute to the bur-
                                                                         geoning literature on science in small countries, by
Morgan Meyer is a Post-doctoral Research Associate at the                focusing on Luxembourg, one of the smallest
Department of Sociological Studies, University of Sheffield,
                                                                         countries in Europe. The methods I use are based on
Elmfield, Northumberland Road, Sheffield S10 2TU, UK;
Email: M.Meyer@sheffield.ac.uk.                                          document analysis, ethnographic work and my per-
   The author wishes to thank Sonja Kmec, Susan Molyneux-                sonal experience. Key documents on Luxembourg’s
Hodgson, Pit Péporté, Kate Woodthorpe as well as three                   research system (published by various ministries, the
anonymous referees for their helpful comments. He is grateful            Luxembourg National Research Fund, and the
to the National Research Fund of Luxembourg and the Luxem-
                                                                         Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Devel-
bourg Ministry of Research for all the information they have
provided. Special thanks are due to Josée Hansen and Peter               opment (OECD)) were selected and analysed. My
Feist. Parts of this paper are adaptations from popular articles         personal experience stemmed from a traineeship at
previously published in d’Lëtzebuerger Land.                             the Ministry of Research (in 2001), from acting



Science and Public Policy June 2008                  0302-3427/08/050361-11 US$08.00 © Beech Tree Publishing 2008                                361
Dynamics of science in Luxembourg

                                                                always been, essentially, tributary on exterior factors
  Morgan Meyer is a sociologist of science whose primary
  research interests include boundaries and boundary-work,
                                                                and influences”. Thus, there are many material and
  actor-network theory, epistemic communities, museum stud-     social flows across Luxembourg’s national borders:
  ies, science policy and culture and science in Luxembourg.    workers, money, languages, products, services, poli-
  He joined the University of Sheffield, Department of Socio-   cies etc.
  logical Studies in 2007, having previously been a PhD stu-
  dent and a graduate teaching assistant in this same              In the last few decades, Luxembourg has devel-
  department. He currently works as a post-doctoral research    oped from an industry-based economy towards a
  associate on the EU FP6 project ‘Knowledge, Institutions      service-based economy. To sum up its socio-
  and Gender’ which examines the contexts and cultures of
  knowledge production from an ‘East–West’ perspective. He      economic evolution, Luxembourg was known for its
  occasionally works as an expert consultant for the National   steel industry (one of the largest steel producers in
  Research Fund of Luxembourg.                                  the world, Arcelor-Mittal, still has its headquarters
                                                                in Luxembourg), yet it is now best known for its
                                                                financial sector and it aims to be better known for its
regularly as an expert consultant for the National              science and multiculturalism. Today, Luxembourg
Research Fund (since 2006), and from having done                explicitly wants to play its part in worldwide re-
an in-depth ethnographical study on the Luxem-                  search: it takes part in the Lisbon Agenda and
bourg Museum of Natural History (2002–2006, see                 thereby aims to contribute to the objective of turning
Meyer, 2006). I will explore three interrelated is-             Europe into the most dynamic and competitive
sues. First, I will present a brief history of science in       knowledge economy in the world. Such a European
Luxembourg and discuss the professionalisation of               and global context can conflict with Luxembourg’s
its scientific infrastructure. Secondly, I will discuss         smallness. This because the research capacity of
one of the chief challenges within the current re-              Luxembourg is limited. On a governmental level, for
search landscape: the problem of cooperation be-                instance, few employees are dealing with research:
tween research actors. Finally, I will analyse the              15 people work at Luxembourg’s National Research
Luxembourg Foresight Exercise, a key governance                 Fund; six people at the Ministry of Research; and
instrument that has recently been put in place, and in          five people at the Direction of Research and Innova-
which I have participated.                                      tion of the Ministry of Economy.2 Luxembourg’s
   Before Malta joined the European Union in 2004,              public research community comprises around 600
Luxembourg was the smallest country in the Union                individuals, most of whom either work at one of the
in terms of geographic size (2.586 km2), population             four public research centres or the University of
(around 450,000 inhabitants) and gross domestic                 Luxembourg (the only university in the country).
product (GDP) (Fontagné, 2004: 59). At the same                 One of the government’s stated objectives is to in-
time, however, Luxembourgers earn twice as much                 crease the proportion of researchers from six re-
as the European average (Fontagné, 2004: 41). Lux-              searchers per thousand persons employed (in 2005)
embourg has been heavily dependent on external                  to ten researchers per thousand persons employed (in
investments to develop into such a prosperous                   2010).
country, which leads economists to describe the                    Nonetheless, small size is not solely unfavourable
country as a small space open economy (Schuller,                for research. The complexity of organisations and
1999). The most significant characteristic of Lux-              information pathways is less important in small
embourg’s economy, they argue, is an obligatory                 countries than in larger countries. Small countries
opening up and integration into a larger space. This            allegedly have several advantages: a transparent and
on the level of commodities and services and on the             flexible institutional system, easy contacts between
level of the factors of production: capital, technol-           people and good internal communication, a homo-
ogy and work (Schuller, 1999: 79). As a social histo-           geneous population rendering social consensus and
rian (Kieffer, 1997: 176) has written “The economic             stability easier, increased know-who, informal rela-
and social evolution of small Luxembourg has                    tionships, openness to world markets, rapid deci-
                                                                sion-making etc. (see De Biasio, 2001: 66–68).
                                                                Some suggest that “small countries may have an in-
                                                                herent advantage because of a greater density and
                                                                frequency of interaction between people and be-
Before Malta joined in 2004,                                    tween institutions” (Cogan and McDevitt, 2003).
Luxembourg was the smallest country                             Furthermore, in small countries, policy networks are
                                                                usually characterised by short communication lines,
in the EU in terms of geographic size                           informality, and interpersonal relations based upon
(2.586 km2), population (around                                 personal trust (Bruyninckx, 2005: 389; Freeman and
450,000 inhabitants) and GDP.                                   Lundvall, 1998). Size has contradictory effects on
                                                                innovation and research, both positive and negative
However, Luxembourgers earn twice                               (De Biasio, 2001; Allegrezza, 1992: 198, 219).
as much as the European average                                    One way, through which Luxembourg tries to
                                                                overcome some of its limitations (in terms of human
                                                                and material resources), is to collaborate with


362                                                                                   Science and Public Policy June 2008
Dynamics of science in Luxembourg

foreign researchers and research institutions. Thus            Professionnelle (MENFP), 1997: 17). As a result, de-
Luxembourg is not so different from other small                spite these initial efforts, by the 1980s research was
countries, which have a relatively high level of inter-        still not well organised in Luxembourg. “Scientific
national research collaboration, due to a lack of local        research [...] is hardly coordinated and remains scat-
colleagues, material and resources (Thorsteinsdottir,          tered” noted a booklet on research issued by the
2000: 438; Schøtt, 1987). For Luxembourg there is a            government in 1980 (Ministère des Affaires Cul-
strong propensity to collaborate with its three                turelles (MAC), 1980: 3). The activities of researchers
neighbours: Belgium, France and Germany (Frenken,              remained restrained, isolated and limited in scope.
2001). While in the past the drive to join forces with         Most research being done was one-man research
foreign researchers stemmed from individual re-                (Fayot, 1980a: 5). Research was allegedly deficient
searchers, in recent years, the Luxembourg govern-             in terms of: the recruitment, training and careers of
ment has started to actively encourage international           personnel; the organisation of research teams; and
research cooperation and a rather institutional open-          the absence of a system for decision and orientation
ing up and internationalisation of Luxembourg’s                of research (Christophory et al., 1984: 11). That the
research has taken place.3                                     government itself had difficulties issuing budget fig-
                                                               ures is telling: “It is practically impossible to tell the
                                                               part of the GDP of Luxembourg devoted to scientific
The late professionalisation of Luxembourg                     research” (MAC, 1980: 18). Budgets and human
                  research                                     resources dedicated to research were limited and ap-
                                                               parently only one professional researcher officially
            Institutional and policy background                existed in 1980 (Fayot, 1980b: 4).
                                                                  In the early 1980s there seems to have been an in-
In the 1960s, an OECD report stated that Luxem-                creasing recognition of the importance of research
bourg had a deficient scientific milieu: “There                and innovation for the growth of the economy
exists, on the governmental level, no organised                (STATEC, 2003: 97). The OECD (2006: 9) wrote
research nor scientific program” (OECD, 1963). In-             “In a historical perspective on science, technology
stitutions and individuals who carried out scientific          and innovation policy making in Luxembourg, mod-
research were a rarity. However, the creation of the           ern times began in the 1980s”. A first step in relation
Centre Universitaire in 1974 seems to have served as           to innovation policy was the creation in 1984 of
an impetus for research in Luxembourg.                         Luxinnovation, an agency for supporting innovation,
   Created in 1977, the Luxembourg Council for                 in particular in the sector of small and medium-sized
Scientific Research was the first structure dedicated          enterprises. This agency acts as a “bridging institu-
to science policy ever implemented in the country (to          tion” (Musyck and Hadjimanolis, 2005: 72–73) be-
contrast: in most industrial nations the creation of           tween public sector research and private enterprises.
science councils occurred in the immediate post-               In 1987 a law was passed in parliament which set up
World War II period (Elzinga and Jamison, 1995:                the legal framework for the organisation of research.
582)). This council aimed to better coordinate the             The remit of this law was to organise research and
multiform and wide-ranging research activities that            development (R&D) in the public sector and to en-
existed in Luxembourg at that time and to promote              sure technology transfer as well as scientific and
publications and international cooperation (Ternes,            technical cooperation between enterprises and the
1985: 2). Yet, it seems to have had little impact,             public sector. Three public research centres subse-
lacked means and so was abandoned in 1983 (Minis-              quently emerged and governmental research grants
tère de l’Education Nationale et de la Formation               for doctoral and post-doctoral students were intro-
                                                               duced (see Figure 1 for the main institutional devel-
                                                               opments in Luxembourg research). Another law was
•   1974:    Centre Universitaire
•   1977:    Luxembourg Council for Scientific Research        passed in 1993 in order to provide a legal framework
•   1979:    Institut Supérieur de Technologie                 for research in the private sector.
•   1983:    Institut Supérieur d’Etudes et de Recherches         Further developments occurred towards the end of
•            Pédagogiques                                      the 20th century. Especially from 1999 onwards
•   1984:    Luxinnovation
•   1987:    • Law on research and technology transfer
                                                               power and decision structures have been reconfig-
             • CRP Henri Tudor                                 ured. Prior to this, a “bottom-up” approach was the
             • CRP Centre Universitaire (renamed CRP Gabriel   norm; science policy was characterised by a “posi-
                 Lippmann)
•   1988:    CRP Santé
                                                               tive non-intervention” (Sharif, 2006: 508). In fact,
•   1989:    CEPS/INSTEAD
                               4                               the Luxembourg Council for Scientific Research did
•   1990:    Institut d’Etudes Educatives et Sociales          “not impose a determined direction to research”
•   1993:    Law on private sector research                    (MAC, 1980: 21). Consequently, research in Lux-
•   1999:    National Research Fund
                                                               embourg was marked by “wild growth, born out of
•   2003:    University of Luxembourg
•   2012:    Cité des Sciences, de la recherche et de          idealism and individualistic engagements” (Hansen,
             l’innovation (planned opening)                    2002). Over the years, the “bottom-up” approach
Figure 1. Key institutional developments in Luxembourg         was gradually complemented by a “top-down” ap-
          research                                             proach (Harpes, 2002: 22, 37).


Science and Public Policy June 2008                                                                                  363
Dynamics of science in Luxembourg

   The reorganisation of governmental structures is          to be finished by 2012. This large-scale development
evidence of this change. Before 1999 there was no            will become the home of some of the Public Re-
proper department of research within the Ministry of         search Centres, at least two of the three faculties of
Cultural Affairs, which was in charge of research            the University of Luxembourg, some start-ups, as
policy. But in 1999, a department of research was            well as cultural and social infrastructures.
created at the (renamed) Ministry of Culture, Higher            Research budgets have significantly increased. In
Education and Research. These reconfigurations of            the period 2000–2003, for instance, they increased
governmental structures put the state into a more            three-fold and they are due to double again by 2009.
powerful position to implement science policies and          In 2008, with 1.7% of the GDP, Luxembourg’s
to lead scientific research in specific directions. In       R&D intensity is below the EU average, and even
the same year, the creation of the National Research         further below the OECD average of 2.2% (OECD,
Fund indicated an even more proactive strategy by            2006: 68). This figure puts Luxembourg above other
the state.                                                   small European countries, such as Cyprus, Estonia,
   The National Research Fund was created in order           Latvia, Lithuania, or Slovakia; relatively close to
to provide an additional impetus for research in             Ireland or Slovenia; and far below Iceland (Musyck
Luxembourg by elaborating research programs, de-             and Hadjimanolis, 2005: 67). Luxembourg has one
fining a priority axis, promoting national and inter-        of the lowest ratios of government spending on pub-
national cooperation: thus aiming to create a more           lic research to GDP in the OECD: currently nearly
propitious environment for research. It allocates re-        0.4% of the GDP. Yet, with major increases in re-
search grants through a procedure based on inde-             cent years, and further planned increases in the near
pendent peer-review and emphasises that scientific           future, the ratio of public expenditure on R&D to
quality is the main criterion for assessing proposals.       GDP may move Luxembourg to the first quartile of
In 2007 its annual budget was 18 million Euros. A            the EU, and above the OECD average (OECD,
number of schemes were launched by the National              2006: 68). In terms of scientific publications, Lux-
Research Fund in the period 2005–2007 in order to            embourg does not perform well, with only the
improve the state of research.5 And, it was only in          equivalent of 196 publications per million inhabi-
2006/2007 that the National Research Fund under-             tants in 2002. While this puts the country far below
took its first foresight exercise in order to set, for the   the EU average and, for example, the productivity of
first time, priorities for future research in Luxem-         its neighbours (France, Germany and Belgium,
bourg (this will be discussed in more detail later in        count 712, 731 and 929 publications, respectively)
this paper). Finally, the creation of the University of      Luxembourg is nevertheless described as “catching
Luxembourg in 2003 was the most recent, important,           up rapidly” in terms of publications (OECD, 2006:
structural development in research.                          70). Concerning patents, however, Luxembourg
   Until the early 21st century, four disconnected in-       scores remarkably well, ranking sixth in the EU-15
stitutions were involved in both research and higher         (the 15 countries in the EU before the expansion on
education in Luxembourg (the Centre Universitaire,           1 May 2004). This favourable position is in part due
the Institut Supérieur de Technologie, the Institut          to the many firms that have their official headquar-
Supérieur d’Etudes et de Recherches Pédagogiques,            ters in Luxembourg (mainly for fiscal reasons) and
and the Institut d’Etudes Educatives et Sociales).6          who register patents in Luxembourg, while carrying
This ‘emerging’ university was a rather ‘loosely-            out research activities elsewhere.
coupled system’, a system characterised by a relative
lack of coordination; differences in methods, aims                    The professionalisation of research
and missions; infrequent inspection; a relative ab-
sence of regulations; little lateral interdependence;        Although during the 19th century and most of the
and the ‘invisibility’ of much that happens (Weick,          20th century there were very few scientists in Lux-
1976). State support, international recognition, and         embourg, there still was a certain kind of scientific
societal acceptance were low. In 2003, these four            tradition: “In the Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg, re-
institutions were merged into the University of              search, far from being inexistent, has developed
Luxembourg.
   Two years after the creation of the University of
Luxembourg, the Luxembourg government pub-
lished its National Plan for Innovation and Full Em-
ployment 2005–2008. The following objectives were            In 2008, with 1.7% of the GDP,
agreed upon: increasing public spending to 220 mil-          Luxembourg’s R&D intensity is below
lion Euros in 2009; raising investments in R&D to
3% of the GDP; promoting entrepreneurship and                the EU average, and even further
reinforcing innovation (particularly in small and            below the OECD average of 2.2%
medium-sized enterprises); increasing the number of          (OECD, 2006: 68)
graduates in science and engineering. Currently,
large investments are being made to create the City
of Sciences, Innovation and Research, which is due


364                                                                               Science and Public Policy June 2008
Dynamics of science in Luxembourg

since a long time in the scope of restricted structures          These shifts have been accompanied by a changing
[…]” (MENFP, 1997: 32). For a long time science               status for scientists. In the past, “‘researchers’ ha[d]
was embryonic and done by ‘amateurs’ (see Meyer,              other functions besides their research activity”
2006). But although Luxembourg science certainly              (MAC, 1980: 18, note that the word researchers is in
appeared ‘amateur-esque’ when compared to science             quotation marks). Those who did research often bene-
in neighbouring countries, to state, as some do, that         fited from the secondment (décharge) system, a sys-
there is no scientific tradition at all, is to miss all the   tem instituted in 1979 through which high school
individual and enthusiastic efforts to practice science       teachers, for example, could be seconded to another
with sparse resources and low governmental support            institution to carry out research activities. Yet, this
and in a difficult environment. It is to miss the scien-      system is in decline today. In 2002, the government
tific activities happening at the Centre Universitaire,       decided to end those secondments for research activi-
at the Centre Hospitalier, in museums, as well as at          ties and reallocated remunerated working hours to
the learned societies in Luxembourg, the characteris-         teaching activities alone. In other words, the perme-
tic locus of science in the second half of the 20th           ability that existed between university and secondary
century. Unfortunately, in most accounts on the his-          education institutions has been suppressed.
tory of science in Luxembourg, this ‘older’ history is           Also, until 1999, a systematic evaluation of re-
forgotten and a quite distorted picture is given of an        search projects was not common in Luxembourg; for
‘emergence’ of research in the 1980s.                         some the country has no ‘evaluation culture’. In-
    Furthermore, due to the scarcity of scientific insti-     creasingly, however, the National Research Fund is
tutions and a relatively unattractive academic envi-          asking foreign scientists to evaluate research pro-
ronment, researchers seem to have left Luxembourg             jects. Apart from increasing evaluations, there are
or never have come back after obtaining their uni-            other qualitative changes worth noting. Luxem-
versity degree: “our present and future professionals,        bourgish journals are putting together editorial
[…] some say they do not exist or are already gone            boards for scientific peer-review and there is a fur-
off to the bigger countries”, a commentator wrote in          ther trend towards meeting international standards
1985 (Ternes, 1985: 2). Until the mid-1980s, Lux-             by increasing the quality of published works and by
embourg research was barely visible. Before that              publishing articles (or at least abstracts) in English
time, scientific research was carried out by “a small         instead of French or German.
number of researchers who, in the institutions of the            Until recently, science in Luxembourg was
state and in the industry, assumed research works             relatively weakly structured due to the late institu-
beyond their professional task” (MAC, 1980: 3,                tionalisation and professionalisation of research, the
emphasis added).                                              drawing upon amateurs to produce scientific knowl-
    Consequently, science was hardly a ‘profession’.          edge and the recent creation of the University of
It has been argued that biological research, for ex-          Luxembourg. Regarding Luxembourg’s innovation
ample, “was tainted by amateurism in the sense that           system, the OECD (2006: 7) wrote
research was considered to be a leisure occupation.
This amateurism has prevented the establishment of              Science, technology, and innovation policy,
a structured tradition of biological research in Lux-           involving specialised institutions, specific regu-
embourg” (Christophory et al., 1984: 10, emphasis               lations, dedicated budgets, etc., and public sec-
added). However, many more factors also hampered                tor research in particular, is a fairly recent
the establishment of professional research. Political           phenomenon in Luxembourg. The country has
will, funding, legal frameworks, libraries: these fac-          long been missing a number of constitutional
tors too have been relatively ‘amateur-esque’ in the            elements of what is commonly conceived as a
past. The whole epistemic infrastructure of Luxem-              fully fledged innovation system, such as a uni-
bourg’s science (its museums, libraries, and ar-                versity sector, public research organisations,
chives, but also the buildings in which research was            and government programmes to promote both
undertaken) was rather unprofessional.                          private and public research.
    In addition, the use of the above term ‘leisure occu-
pation’ is problematic. Although for some people re-          As I have shown, over the last two decades there
search might have been a leisure occupation, for              have been significant changes. Research institutions
others it was what has been called “serious leisure”          have been created, the government has implemented
(an activity of enthusiasts who are more systematic,          a more informed science policy, funding has risen,
substantial and engaged in their activities than just         and words like ‘university’, ‘knowledge economy’,
doing casual leisure (Stebbins, 1992)). In fact, science      and ‘innovation’ are increasingly common in politi-
could only be practised as serious leisure since, until       cal discourse. There is a clear intention ‘to put Lux-
the mid-1980s, there simply was no ‘professional’             embourg on the map’ of international research, to
scientific field in Luxembourg, which makes the use           use a phrase commonly used by policy makers. Ef-
of terms such as ‘amateurism’ or ‘professionalism’            forts are being made to move Luxembourg research
inappropriate. It would be more accurate to say that          from a rather uncoordinated space towards a more
in the last 20 years a professional space for science         prescribed, rigid and predictable space to meet cur-
has gradually emerged (Meyer, 2005a).                         rent international standards.


Science and Public Policy June 2008                                                                                365
Dynamics of science in Luxembourg

      Entangled in the diversification trend                 technology transfer, but, on the other, this multiplic-
                                                             ity impedes the coherence of research efforts and
In current debates about research in Luxembourg, it          collaborations between teams whose competences
is often argued that Luxembourg is too small and             are too far apart (MENFP, 1997: 25). Likewise, the
that there is no critical mass of scientists. It has been    research activities of another research centre were
stated that, in general, small countries often lack suf-     also assessed as being too heterogeneous, and the
ficient critical mass or breadth of high-level techni-       dispersion of laboratories on various sites impeded
cal skills (Davenport and Bibby, 1999: 441).                 consultation between different groups, making a co-
However, for Luxembourg at least, I would argue              herent image of the centre difficult (MENFP, 1997:
that the real problem seems to be situated elsewhere.        35, 38). As a general conclusion, the report asserted
Not only is there only a small pool of researchers,          that research was uncoordinated and that the links
but research activities are thematically, spatially and      between the public research centres and other insti-
institutionally dispersed. Research seems to be en-          tutions have to be reinforced. A re-centring on a
tangled in the diversification trend in Luxembourg,          more limited number of research axes was recom-
an omnipresent force in governmental politics                mended, in order to develop multidisciplinary poles
(Meyer, 2005b).                                              (MENFP, 1997: 57).
   First, let us situate this diversification trend in its      What was missing, according to the report, is the
economic context. Diversification was emphasised             coherence of research efforts as well as collaboration.
by opposition to something: political economy                Similarly, it has been stressed that concerning Lux-
strove to rebalance the vulnerability of the mono-           embourg’s national innovation, the interactions
lithic industrial structure due to Luxembourg’s              within the public sector, as well as within the overall
dominant steel industry (STATEC, 2003: 13–15,                system, are low in number and quality and that there is
95–96). A first law to create a more balanced econ-          a lack of trust (De Biasio, 2001: 112–113). But how,
omy and improve its structure was passed in 1962.            we might ask, can a critical mass be obtained under
Another important milestone in the politics of diver-        such conditions? What if the components needed to
sification came with the 1977 law which enabled the          form a critical mass are already present, but the ‘ce-
creation of the National Society for Credit and              ment’ is missing, in other words the interconnected-
Investment.                                                  ness of the various actors in Luxembourg research?
   The deliberate policies thus implemented by the              Over the years, the situation does not seem to
public authorities were designed to encourage diver-         have improved much. In 2004, Luxembourg’s
sification. While regarding the economy this seems           Chamber of Commerce wrote:
reasonable, in matters of research there can be a con-
flict between efforts at diversification and the aim to        The high number of actors of Luxembourg
construct the so-called critical mass. Too great a             public research is largely disproportionate
diversity conflicts with the establishment of poles            compared to the size of the country. The multi-
of competence through the gathering of various ac-             plication of administrative structures and the
tors into one domain. How far should research                  double use of available resources don’t make it
be diversified? Or, in opposition to what should it            possible to reach the critical mass necessary to
be diversified? While there is not a monopoly                  follow a research policy under optimal condi-
regarding research in Luxembourg, research seems               tions .... (Chambre de Commerce, 2004: 41)
to be caught up in the momentum of the trend to
diversification.                                             In a similar vein, Luxinnovation recently wrote:
   Already in the early 1990s, pleas were made for a
non-dispersion of research efforts and resources,              Public research in Luxembourg can be regarded
deploring a natural tendency in Luxembourg to dis-             as relatively little structured; it thus appears
perse efforts too much (see Anon., 1992: 289). The             appropriate to reconsider the structuring of the
actual situation at the university and at the three pub-       various bodies which carry out research in the
lic research centres reveals these conflicting issues.         public sector. (Luxinnovation, 2005: 156)
The research and teaching facilities of the university,
for instance, are still dispersed on numerous sites,         Coordination both at the working level as well as
despite an improvement being in sight. Some see              at the management and governance level are today
this as a serious constraint upon developing                 key issues for Luxembourg’s National Plan of
interdisciplinary research (Harpes, 2002: 42).               Innovation (OECD, 2006: 50). According to the
   The same problem has been reported by a team of           OECD, there is “insufficient collaboration and co-
experts who evaluated research at the three public           ordination” between the Ministry of the Economy and
research centres in the mid-1990s. In their report           Foreign Trade and the Ministry of Culture, Higher
(MENFP, 1997), the experts stated that the diversifi-        Education and Research (OECD, 2006: 52). The
cation of research can be a dilemma as well as a             “weak relationships” between these two ministries
blessing. Concerning one of the research centres,            tend to create “policy gaps” (OECD, 2006: 54). On
they emphasised that, on the one hand, the multiplic-        the working level, there are, for example, overlaps
ity of competences ensures the centre’s mission of           between the CRP Henri Tudor and Luxinnovation


366                                                                                Science and Public Policy June 2008
Dynamics of science in Luxembourg

that have resulted in a certain number of tensions. A      time, science policy seems to have been understood
number of turf battles are being fought over some          as only a small part of a wider industrial and innova-
scientific areas. One of the challenges for the next       tion policy: a policy rather centred on the develop-
few years will thus be to improve collaboration be-        ment of technologies. There seems to have been a
tween the different researchers.                           ‘pensée unique’ concerning research, that is, that
   These assessments are quite similar to the situa-       research must be economically profitable, utilitarian,
tion observed in other small countries. In Slovenia,       applied. Small countries often focus on applied re-
for instance, it has been argued that the small size of    search and try to foster research that contributes to
the country “does not necessarily lead to a high de-       economic wealth. Yet in doing so, they overempha-
gree of co-operation between different R&D actors”         sise short-term problems (Thorsteinsdottir, 2000:
(Mali, 2003: 7). In her discussion about Hungary,          437). The Iceland model indicates that an overem-
Iceland and Ireland, Thorsteinsdóttir (2000: 439–          phasis on the direct applicability of research can be
440) has argued that:                                      detrimental in the long run and that there is a need
                                                           for a balanced approach (Thorsteinsdottir, 2000:
  The small size does, therefore, not seem to              437). There still is a need for basic research in small
  have led to a highly co-ordinated science policy         countries (Berghäll et al., 2002: 63).8
  […] On the contrary, with limited formal                    Currently, the main weaknesses of Luxembourg’s
  mechanisms for dialogue and co-ordination                innovation system are structural weaknesses and
  there is a risk that the system is poorly                imbalances and weak governance. According to the
  equipped to manage diversity and foster new              OECD:
  opportunities and challenges.
                                                             The governance of research and innovation is
What we can learn from each of these cases is that           not yet sufficiently developed to guarantee an
the myth of better collaboration in small countries          optimal contribution of public research institu-
does not always ring true.                                   tions to the development of the national innova-
   In Luxembourg in particular, research is produced         tion system. Objectives and strategies
in a ‘fragmented space’ that lacks homogeneity, that         governing the public research institutions are
contains many internal boundaries between compe-             largely absent. (OECD, 2006: 1)
tencies, research axes, institutions, people and activi-
ties. This is a typical barrier for regional innovation      The building of a strong public research system
systems, fragmentation, the fact that “relevant actors       calls for strengthening the governance of the
may be present without forming a working regional            research and innovation system. At present
innovation system” (Héraud and Isaksen, 2001: 54).           there seems to be a lack of explicit and binding
The lack of co-operation between research actors             strategy at the various levels of governance,
seems to be a major problem in Luxembourg. While             and sometimes confusion of strategy and im-
official discourses repeatedly stress the need to con-       plementation. (OECD, 2006: 97)
struct a critical mass of researchers, geographical
and cultural distances between researchers are still       In the light of this situation, the OECD report
substantial. To (re)centre research activities, fund-      recommends three main strategies: improving
ing, infrastructures, and students on a few specific       governance, improving complementarity between
domains is one way to counter the “surface handi-          research actors, and improving connectivity within
cap” of Luxembourg (Ternes, 1985) and to counter-          the innovation system (OECD, 2006: 4–6). It re-
balance the strong trend to diversification. Through       mains to be seen if, when, and how these recom-
the implementation of the Foresight Exercise and the       mendations will be translated into reality.
definition of national research priorities, some of
these problems will perhaps be tackled in the near
future (see next section).                                 Thinking about the future: the Luxembourg
   Prioritisation is a, if not the, major challenge for               Foresight Exercise
Luxembourg research (see Meyer, 2007a). This is
especially the case as small countries have to be          Having looked at the past and present state of Lux-
much more selective in what they focus their re-           embourg science, let us focus now on how science is
search on than larger countries (Thorsteinsdottir,         expected to evolve in the future. At the beginning of
2000: 433). They are under stronger pressure to            the 1980s foresight became one of the central new
specialise (Aichholzer, 2001: 5; Sharif, 2006:             policy methodologies in most Western industrialised
512–513).7                                                 countries (Elzinga and Jamison, 1995: 591). How-
   In Luxembourg, prioritisation seems to be ren-          ever, in most small countries, this generally hap-
dered particularly difficult as a narrow economic          pened in the 1990s (Aichholzer, 2001: 4). In
thinking and an overemphasis on diversification            Luxembourg, the first Foresight Exercise was offi-
seems to have colonised science policy in Luxem-           cially launched in January 2006. The main rationale
bourg. There is often a conflation between science         behind the Foresight Exercise was described by the
and technology (see OECD, 2006: 9). For a long             Fonds National de la Recherche (FNR) as follows:


Science and Public Policy June 2008                                                                             367
Dynamics of science in Luxembourg

  Especially in a small country with very limited         actors lack a forward-looking culture. However,
  human and financial resources, prioritization is        three other problems have also become apparent.
  essential. For only through prioritization can          First, many participants found the contractor who
  resources be sufficiently focused to enable in-         carried out the Foresight Exercise rather disappoint-
  ternationally competitive cutting-edge research.        ing for not really ‘giving a voice’ to researchers.
  (FNR et al., 2007b: 17)                                 Second, while participants were asked to reflect
                                                          about the future, there should perhaps have been
  Thus the challenge does not lie in distributing         more emphasis and concern placed on the present
  limited funds among its existing science com-           situation. Third, it seems that methods and processes
  munity. Rather, it is looking to identify new ar-       that work in larger countries, were not sufficiently
  eas to invest much of the spending increases            adapted to Luxembourg.
  with a view to developing future national                  After the final report of the first phase had been
  champions. (FNR et al., 2007a: 15–16)                   published in October 2006, the second phase of the
                                                          exercise began (a new contractor was hired). During
To undertake the study, the National Research Fund        this phase, the aim was to identify priority domains
had to import foreign expertise: from the Policy Re-      for the six fields retained, drawing upon the data
search in Engineering, Science and Technology Unit        collected during the first phase of the exercise. In
at the University of Manchester, CM International (a      June 2007 concrete priorities were submitted to the
European consulting group in innovation and tech-         government (FNR et al., 2007a) which then decided
nology management), as well as Z_Punkt and the            upon several domains which would become national
Verein Deutscher Ingenieure.                              research priorities. A first call for proposals was is-
   The stakes in this exercise were quite high: its aim   sued in early 2008. The final report of the Foresight
was to identify research domains and priority axes        Exercise states that “The research priorities […] aim
with a socio-economic interest for Luxembourg and         to constitute a well-balanced research portfolio
to develop future research programmes for the             which allows to tackle the major social-economic
National Research Fund from these domains. The            and environmental challenges faced by Luxembourg
main goal was to define “national research pri-           over the next 10 years” (FNR et al., 2007b: 44), with
orit[ies] [which] should address the challenges of the    the very last sentence being especially optimistic:
Luxembourg society, economy and/or environment”           “Despite its small size, the Grand-Duchy has the
(FNR et al., 2007b: 18). The various actors in Lux-       potential to become a powerhouse in research and
embourg research (research institutions, public au-       innovation” (FNR et al., 2007b: 47).
thorities, industry, non-governmental organisations)         One particularity of the Foresight Exercise is that
were consulted through a variety of techniques: in-       it will be translated into concrete actions and meas-
terviews, questionnaires, workshops and internet          ures (a stronger orientation towards implementation
forums.                                                   is common for foresight exercises in small countries
   The results of the first phase of the exercise were    (Aichholzer, 2001:6)). In other countries this is not
made public in October 2006. Six fields of research       always the case and foresight exercises do not al-
were identified as being of interest for Luxembourg.      ways have practical consequences (Keenan, 2006).
All of these domains have been assessed according         In Luxembourg, however, we can expect that fore-
to several criteria of feasibility and attractiveness.    sight exercises will be gaining in importance as a
The various methods that have been used for the           means to systematically deal with expectations and
Foresight Exercise have not been without their diffi-     future visions, as well as their strategic implications.
culties. In particular, the workshops proved to be        For foresight exercises hold the promise of ‘wiring
complicated. A workshop targeted at young re-             up’ innovation systems through the encouragement
searchers did not work well because, according to         of networking, the facilitation of learning, and the
the organisers, the young researchers seemed unable       creation of future-oriented attitudes.
to project themselves into the future. The explora-          Apart from the methods used, there are other
tory workshop (for senior researchers) provided           elements that make the Foresight Exercise a chal-
mixed results. Some of the working groups worked          lenging enterprise. Despite efforts to devise well-
quite well, whereas others failed to provide useful       balanced and participatory foresight methodologies
results. At the various workshops, many participants      to moderate expectations, foresight exercises are in
complained about the managerial and rigid methods         general always confronted with the problem of opin-
used and, to some extent, forced upon the partici-        ion leadership and the risk of reinforcement of hypes
pants. Some researchers felt that they were being         (Weber et al., 2006). Some challenges can be
used to legitimise and validate a political project.      expected in the near future, especially since “coordi-
   The initial contractor who carried out the fore-       nating actions of even small science communities
sight exercise found most interviews rather disap-        requires extra efforts and, to avoid heavy influences
pointing, since interviewees were often unable to         from more powerful groups […], this mechanism
project themselves into the future but instead largely    has to be formal and accountable” (Thorsteinsdottir,
focused upon imminent structural problems. One            2000: 441). As soon as visions become more con-
explanation for this is that Luxembourg research          crete, and involve deciding upon certain priorities,


368                                                                             Science and Public Policy June 2008
Dynamics of science in Luxembourg

conflicts of interest between stakeholder groups           small countries”. Discussing the case of Belgium
dominate the debate (Warnke, 2006).                        and the Netherlands he wrote “Not only are there
   All in all, there surely is some praise to be given     opportunities for academic researchers to influence
since, for the first time ever, priority setting and re-   policy decisions – there are high expectations that
search policy is being based on an informed practice,      they do so” (Bruyninckx, 2005: 387). Others write:
involving a broad range of actors and using partici-       “in a small state like Cyprus powerful individuals
pative methods. Luxembourg science policy is in the        and interest groups have more opportunities to use
process of becoming more democratic, more robust,          their influence during the process of policy formula-
more professional, more quality-oriented, more             tion than in a larger state” (Hadjimanolis and
transparent, and more reflexive. Yet, despite these        Dickson, 2001: 812). In my own case, I clearly had
positive trends, there are still lessons to be learned:    the sense that the distance between researchers and
Luxembourg’s researchers have to learn how to cul-         science policy is particularly small in Luxembourg.
tivate a productive dialogue on the future of science      And, I agree with Bruyninckx’s (2005: 391, 393)
and a critical appraisal of research. The National         assessment that becoming involved in policy is a
Research Fund has to learn how to best adopt the           pleasant and fulfilling role that provides the oppor-
tools of foresight exercises to Luxembourg while           tunity to gain insight. However, at the same time,
making sure that it will be an open, fair, transparent,    researchers have more difficulty in keeping at dis-
legitimate, effective and trustworthy exercise. Fi-        tance from policy in small countries.
nally, those foreign experts who assess the national
research landscape have to understand the particu-
larities of the country in order to best represent re-                        Conclusions
search actors without forcing rigid frames upon
them. The promise, at the end, will be an even better      The future of Luxembourg research is now emerging
Foresight Exercise next time.                              more explicitly. The increasingly codified, reflexive
   Let me briefly reflect on my own involvement in         and robust anticipations of the future (and represen-
the Foresight Exercise. I have taken part in the Fore-     tations of the past), however, reveal the need for a
sight Exercise both as a participant and as a consult-     couple of actions to be taken today: fostering
ant to proofread and write intermediate and final          stronger ties within Luxembourg’s research land-
reports. I was invited to take part in the Foresight       scape and improving governance. Further, a clear
Exercise’s Young Researchers Workshop, being               gap between science and science policy is apparent.
myself a ‘young researcher’. During the second             Science policy has been rather deficient during most
phase of the Foresight Exercise, I also participated in    of the history of Luxembourg research. Even after
two ‘senior’ workshops in which priorities were due        research institutions had emerged, agenda and prior-
to be set under the umbrella of social sciences and        ity setting was rare, if not fully absent. This gap be-
humanities. Apart from often feeling out of place in       tween the emergent and increasingly diversified
the midst of senior participants, I also had ethical       research infrastructure and the relative lack of top
dilemmas. Receiving payment, for example, clashed          down coordination has contributed to create a rather
with my academic philosophy of ‘free’ peer-review;         ‘wild’ and weakly interconnected research infra-
yet receiving money seemed to be the only solution         structure. Today, however, the gap seems almost to
to cater for an asymmetric and not purely academic         be reversed. Current science policy appears to be
relationship between the National Research Fund            almost too ambitious, too forward looking, too impa-
and myself. After participating in the workshops and       tient in wanting to implement change. While the
helping to write one particular report, I raised my        Foresight Exercise was intended to ambitiously map
dilemmas with the National Research Fund, wonder-          out the future of research, it has become apparent
ing if my involvement was ethical and fair. The re-        after the first phase of the exercise, that the present
sponse of the National Research Fund was that I            should have been visited first in much more depth.
could write what I wanted, as I was, after all, also a     Through creating the University of Luxembourg, the
participant.                                               government had (quite undemocratically) forced a
   So I came to give up my relatively comfortable          radical reform in higher education that created much
position of observing Luxembourg research ‘from a          discontent and a lack of trust. In general, much of
distance’ both professionally and geographically (I        the political discourse on ‘excellence’ and ‘interna-
currently work at a university in England) when ac-        tional competitiveness’ seems premature and insuf-
tively taking part in the Foresight Exercise and giv-      ficiently nuanced.
ing my view on why one particular domain should               Apart from these gaps between science and sci-
become a research priority. At the end, strangely          ence policy, there are three characteristics of science
enough, some of the things I said and wrote ended          in Luxembourg which seem to be specifically linked
up in the final report of the Foresight Exercise.          to its smallness.
   This very personal story might not be untypical
for researchers in other small countries. Bruyninckx       • Compared to larger countries, Luxembourg seems
(2005: 388) argued “that there are characteristics of        to have a less ‘mature’ research infrastructure and
academy–policy interactions that are typical for             a less ‘mature’ science policy. Luxembourg


Science and Public Policy June 2008                                                                             369
Dynamics of science in Luxembourg

  science has a relatively recent history, as it is        a clear need to import expertise. As only very few
  mostly over the last two decades that research has       studies on small countries exist, and as much could
  been institutionalised and professionalised and          be learned through sharing and comparing experi-
  that more efforts have been put into evaluation,         ences, more work on science in small countries
  and into improving the image and visibility of sci-      needs to be done.
  ence. In parallel, Luxembourg’s science policy is
  currently in the process of becoming a more pro-
  fessional and evidence-based enterprise with an
                                                           Notes
  increased focus on future-oriented policy planning
  that informs today’s action-taking. So far, the lack     1. In the literature, the term ‘small country’ is used in relation to
  of a strong governance of science and vision                 quite a range of small and not so small countries; from ‘very
  building has, however, contributed to a frag-                small’ countries such as Luxembourg and Cyprus, to substan-
                                                               tively larger ones, like Austria, Belgium or Ireland. In this pa-
  mented and weakly structured system in which                 per, I discuss countries that are explicitly described as being
  collaboration and cooperation is problematic.                small in the referenced literature. The population, surface area
• In Luxembourg, the distance between researchers              and GDP put Luxembourg among the very smallest countries
                                                               in Europe.
  and science policy is relatively short. Conse-           2. Numbers excluding scientific and administrative boards as well
  quently, policy making is strongly marked by a               as ministers.
  ‘bottom-up’ approach. As my own and other peo-           3. Luxembourg has joined the European Union Research Or-
                                                               ganisations’ Head of Research Councils, the European Sci-
  ple’s experience (Bruyninckx, 2005; Hadjimanolis             ence Foundation, the European Research Consortium in
  and Dickson, 2001) suggests, it is much more                 Informatics and Mathematics, the Coopération dans le do-
  likely that researchers will become involved in              maine de la recherche scientifique et technique programme
                                                               (all in 2002), the European Research Area Networks (in 2003),
  science policy in small countries than in larger             the International Council for Science (in 2004), and the Euro-
  ones. This short distance between science and pol-           pean Space Agency (in 2005). In December 2005, the INTER
  icy is both an opportunity and a problem. Re-                programme was launched by the National Research Fund in
                                                               order to further promote international scientific cooperation
  searchers can have the opportunity to inform                 through encouraging Luxembourg researchers to participate in
  policy, to gain insight and to make their knowl-             international programmes funded together with foreign re-
  edge travel beyond the boundaries of academic                search funds or councils.
                                                           4. CEPS/INSTEAD (Centre d’études de la population, de la pau-
  research. Yet, dilemmas with this short distance             vreté et de politiques socio-économiques/International networks
  are many: ethical and moral, legal, professional,            for studies in technology, environment, alternatives, develop-
  and pragmatic. For both parties, staying at ‘arm’s           ment). Initially created in 1978 and institutionalised in 1989.
                                                           5. These include: a series of television spots called quantastësch
  length’ is a tricky position to negotiate.                   and the initiative Fierwat nët Fuerscher? (Why not re-
• Luxembourg is dependent on foreign expertise.                searcher?) both targeted at improving the image of research
  Compared to larger and more research-intensive               within the public, especially among young people; the AT-
                                                               TRACT programme which aims to attract ‘outstanding’ young
  countries, Luxembourg is much less able to influ-            researchers to Luxembourg who are not yet established in
  ence European science policy, much less able to              Luxembourg; the INTER programme designed for researchers
  be a leader in any given field, much less likely to          in Luxembourg to cooperate more closely with international
                                                               researchers.
  attract foreign human resources and funding, and         6. The origins of the university date back to the creation of the
  much more dependent on external expertise and                Cours supérieur in 1817.
  policy making. In short, a small country is lim-         7. Yet, prioritisation needs to be carefully thought through, in
                                                               particular to avoid an overlarge path dependency and to pro-
  ited: in terms of surface, human and financial re-           vide sufficient room for new and promising areas to develop.
  sources, visibility, history, expertise etc. One         8. There are other reasons for not applying an economical ‘pen-
  consequence of this is a need for foreign exper-             sée unique’ in science policy. The rules of the market do usu-
                                                               ally not apply to science (economists describe this as ‘market
  tise, a need that surfaced on several occasions: to          failure’). This counts for a university “[t]he ‘academic market
  supervise and carry out the Foresight Exercise, to           place’ is not a typical labour market” (European Commission,
  evaluate research projects, to fill in senior staff          2004: 88), as well as for innovation in general, as “innovation
                                                               processes are affected by endemic market and system fail-
  vacancies at the University of Luxembourg etc. In            ures” (OECD, 2006: 2).
  general, “special measures may be needed to
  complement domestic resources with foreign ex-
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Science and Public Policy June 2008                                                                                                    371
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The dynamics of science in a small country luxembourg

  • 1. Science and Public Policy, 35(5), June 2008, pages 361–371 DOI: 10.3152/030234208X317133; http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/beech/spp The dynamics of science in a small country: the case of Luxembourg Morgan B Meyer This paper examines the scientific landscape in Luxembourg, one of the smallest countries in Europe. Three themes are analysed: the professionalisation of research; diversification and cooperation between the actors; and the Luxembourg Foresight Exercise. The paper argues that in small countries cooperation and collaboration is not necessarily better than in larger countries. It further suggests that, compared to larger countries, small countries seem to share three characteristics: a less mature research infrastructure and science policy; a shorter distance between researchers and science policy; and a need to import expertise. I n the social sciences, studies on science usually focus on ‘big science’. Large projects such as the CERN or the Human Genome project and large countries such as the USA, the UK, Germany or France have received most attention. ‘Small sci- their knowledge base. Small countries further have the advantage that their national innovation system can be more holistically and more rapidly analysed. The need for a thorough understanding of national contexts is also paramount for policy makers. Science ence’, in contrast, has so far been given scant atten- policy cannot simply be ‘translated’ from one country tion. The smaller the country, the research to another, let alone from large to small countries, institution, or the discipline, the smaller is the num- since each country’s scientific infrastructure is shaped ber of academic works devoted to it, so it seems. by historical, political, cultural and geographical con- There are, however, good reasons to try to redress tingencies (see Collins and Pontikakis, 2006: 757– this situation. From a practical, empirical perspective, 758). Indeed, “size does matter”, as Thorsteinsdóttir there is much insight to be gained from studying small (2000) has argued in her discussion about science in countries1 and comparing them to larger ones. In do- small countries. Furthermore, theoretically, many ing so, a more fine-grained understanding of differ- authors have argued that science and space are inher- ences in national science can thus be achieved. In the ently interrelated (see Livingstone, 2003; Shapin, ‘national systems of innovation’ tradition, for in- 1998). In sum, for empirical, policy-related and theo- stance, it is argued that nation states can differ in retical reasons, a situated (yet not essentialising) un- terms of the relationship between their economy and derstanding of science is useful, including science in small countries. This paper is intended to contribute to the bur- geoning literature on science in small countries, by Morgan Meyer is a Post-doctoral Research Associate at the focusing on Luxembourg, one of the smallest Department of Sociological Studies, University of Sheffield, countries in Europe. The methods I use are based on Elmfield, Northumberland Road, Sheffield S10 2TU, UK; Email: M.Meyer@sheffield.ac.uk. document analysis, ethnographic work and my per- The author wishes to thank Sonja Kmec, Susan Molyneux- sonal experience. Key documents on Luxembourg’s Hodgson, Pit Péporté, Kate Woodthorpe as well as three research system (published by various ministries, the anonymous referees for their helpful comments. He is grateful Luxembourg National Research Fund, and the to the National Research Fund of Luxembourg and the Luxem- Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Devel- bourg Ministry of Research for all the information they have provided. Special thanks are due to Josée Hansen and Peter opment (OECD)) were selected and analysed. My Feist. Parts of this paper are adaptations from popular articles personal experience stemmed from a traineeship at previously published in d’Lëtzebuerger Land. the Ministry of Research (in 2001), from acting Science and Public Policy June 2008 0302-3427/08/050361-11 US$08.00 © Beech Tree Publishing 2008 361
  • 2. Dynamics of science in Luxembourg always been, essentially, tributary on exterior factors Morgan Meyer is a sociologist of science whose primary research interests include boundaries and boundary-work, and influences”. Thus, there are many material and actor-network theory, epistemic communities, museum stud- social flows across Luxembourg’s national borders: ies, science policy and culture and science in Luxembourg. workers, money, languages, products, services, poli- He joined the University of Sheffield, Department of Socio- cies etc. logical Studies in 2007, having previously been a PhD stu- dent and a graduate teaching assistant in this same In the last few decades, Luxembourg has devel- department. He currently works as a post-doctoral research oped from an industry-based economy towards a associate on the EU FP6 project ‘Knowledge, Institutions service-based economy. To sum up its socio- and Gender’ which examines the contexts and cultures of knowledge production from an ‘East–West’ perspective. He economic evolution, Luxembourg was known for its occasionally works as an expert consultant for the National steel industry (one of the largest steel producers in Research Fund of Luxembourg. the world, Arcelor-Mittal, still has its headquarters in Luxembourg), yet it is now best known for its financial sector and it aims to be better known for its regularly as an expert consultant for the National science and multiculturalism. Today, Luxembourg Research Fund (since 2006), and from having done explicitly wants to play its part in worldwide re- an in-depth ethnographical study on the Luxem- search: it takes part in the Lisbon Agenda and bourg Museum of Natural History (2002–2006, see thereby aims to contribute to the objective of turning Meyer, 2006). I will explore three interrelated is- Europe into the most dynamic and competitive sues. First, I will present a brief history of science in knowledge economy in the world. Such a European Luxembourg and discuss the professionalisation of and global context can conflict with Luxembourg’s its scientific infrastructure. Secondly, I will discuss smallness. This because the research capacity of one of the chief challenges within the current re- Luxembourg is limited. On a governmental level, for search landscape: the problem of cooperation be- instance, few employees are dealing with research: tween research actors. Finally, I will analyse the 15 people work at Luxembourg’s National Research Luxembourg Foresight Exercise, a key governance Fund; six people at the Ministry of Research; and instrument that has recently been put in place, and in five people at the Direction of Research and Innova- which I have participated. tion of the Ministry of Economy.2 Luxembourg’s Before Malta joined the European Union in 2004, public research community comprises around 600 Luxembourg was the smallest country in the Union individuals, most of whom either work at one of the in terms of geographic size (2.586 km2), population four public research centres or the University of (around 450,000 inhabitants) and gross domestic Luxembourg (the only university in the country). product (GDP) (Fontagné, 2004: 59). At the same One of the government’s stated objectives is to in- time, however, Luxembourgers earn twice as much crease the proportion of researchers from six re- as the European average (Fontagné, 2004: 41). Lux- searchers per thousand persons employed (in 2005) embourg has been heavily dependent on external to ten researchers per thousand persons employed (in investments to develop into such a prosperous 2010). country, which leads economists to describe the Nonetheless, small size is not solely unfavourable country as a small space open economy (Schuller, for research. The complexity of organisations and 1999). The most significant characteristic of Lux- information pathways is less important in small embourg’s economy, they argue, is an obligatory countries than in larger countries. Small countries opening up and integration into a larger space. This allegedly have several advantages: a transparent and on the level of commodities and services and on the flexible institutional system, easy contacts between level of the factors of production: capital, technol- people and good internal communication, a homo- ogy and work (Schuller, 1999: 79). As a social histo- geneous population rendering social consensus and rian (Kieffer, 1997: 176) has written “The economic stability easier, increased know-who, informal rela- and social evolution of small Luxembourg has tionships, openness to world markets, rapid deci- sion-making etc. (see De Biasio, 2001: 66–68). Some suggest that “small countries may have an in- herent advantage because of a greater density and frequency of interaction between people and be- Before Malta joined in 2004, tween institutions” (Cogan and McDevitt, 2003). Luxembourg was the smallest country Furthermore, in small countries, policy networks are usually characterised by short communication lines, in the EU in terms of geographic size informality, and interpersonal relations based upon (2.586 km2), population (around personal trust (Bruyninckx, 2005: 389; Freeman and 450,000 inhabitants) and GDP. Lundvall, 1998). Size has contradictory effects on innovation and research, both positive and negative However, Luxembourgers earn twice (De Biasio, 2001; Allegrezza, 1992: 198, 219). as much as the European average One way, through which Luxembourg tries to overcome some of its limitations (in terms of human and material resources), is to collaborate with 362 Science and Public Policy June 2008
  • 3. Dynamics of science in Luxembourg foreign researchers and research institutions. Thus Professionnelle (MENFP), 1997: 17). As a result, de- Luxembourg is not so different from other small spite these initial efforts, by the 1980s research was countries, which have a relatively high level of inter- still not well organised in Luxembourg. “Scientific national research collaboration, due to a lack of local research [...] is hardly coordinated and remains scat- colleagues, material and resources (Thorsteinsdottir, tered” noted a booklet on research issued by the 2000: 438; Schøtt, 1987). For Luxembourg there is a government in 1980 (Ministère des Affaires Cul- strong propensity to collaborate with its three turelles (MAC), 1980: 3). The activities of researchers neighbours: Belgium, France and Germany (Frenken, remained restrained, isolated and limited in scope. 2001). While in the past the drive to join forces with Most research being done was one-man research foreign researchers stemmed from individual re- (Fayot, 1980a: 5). Research was allegedly deficient searchers, in recent years, the Luxembourg govern- in terms of: the recruitment, training and careers of ment has started to actively encourage international personnel; the organisation of research teams; and research cooperation and a rather institutional open- the absence of a system for decision and orientation ing up and internationalisation of Luxembourg’s of research (Christophory et al., 1984: 11). That the research has taken place.3 government itself had difficulties issuing budget fig- ures is telling: “It is practically impossible to tell the part of the GDP of Luxembourg devoted to scientific The late professionalisation of Luxembourg research” (MAC, 1980: 18). Budgets and human research resources dedicated to research were limited and ap- parently only one professional researcher officially Institutional and policy background existed in 1980 (Fayot, 1980b: 4). In the early 1980s there seems to have been an in- In the 1960s, an OECD report stated that Luxem- creasing recognition of the importance of research bourg had a deficient scientific milieu: “There and innovation for the growth of the economy exists, on the governmental level, no organised (STATEC, 2003: 97). The OECD (2006: 9) wrote research nor scientific program” (OECD, 1963). In- “In a historical perspective on science, technology stitutions and individuals who carried out scientific and innovation policy making in Luxembourg, mod- research were a rarity. However, the creation of the ern times began in the 1980s”. A first step in relation Centre Universitaire in 1974 seems to have served as to innovation policy was the creation in 1984 of an impetus for research in Luxembourg. Luxinnovation, an agency for supporting innovation, Created in 1977, the Luxembourg Council for in particular in the sector of small and medium-sized Scientific Research was the first structure dedicated enterprises. This agency acts as a “bridging institu- to science policy ever implemented in the country (to tion” (Musyck and Hadjimanolis, 2005: 72–73) be- contrast: in most industrial nations the creation of tween public sector research and private enterprises. science councils occurred in the immediate post- In 1987 a law was passed in parliament which set up World War II period (Elzinga and Jamison, 1995: the legal framework for the organisation of research. 582)). This council aimed to better coordinate the The remit of this law was to organise research and multiform and wide-ranging research activities that development (R&D) in the public sector and to en- existed in Luxembourg at that time and to promote sure technology transfer as well as scientific and publications and international cooperation (Ternes, technical cooperation between enterprises and the 1985: 2). Yet, it seems to have had little impact, public sector. Three public research centres subse- lacked means and so was abandoned in 1983 (Minis- quently emerged and governmental research grants tère de l’Education Nationale et de la Formation for doctoral and post-doctoral students were intro- duced (see Figure 1 for the main institutional devel- opments in Luxembourg research). Another law was • 1974: Centre Universitaire • 1977: Luxembourg Council for Scientific Research passed in 1993 in order to provide a legal framework • 1979: Institut Supérieur de Technologie for research in the private sector. • 1983: Institut Supérieur d’Etudes et de Recherches Further developments occurred towards the end of • Pédagogiques the 20th century. Especially from 1999 onwards • 1984: Luxinnovation • 1987: • Law on research and technology transfer power and decision structures have been reconfig- • CRP Henri Tudor ured. Prior to this, a “bottom-up” approach was the • CRP Centre Universitaire (renamed CRP Gabriel norm; science policy was characterised by a “posi- Lippmann) • 1988: CRP Santé tive non-intervention” (Sharif, 2006: 508). In fact, • 1989: CEPS/INSTEAD 4 the Luxembourg Council for Scientific Research did • 1990: Institut d’Etudes Educatives et Sociales “not impose a determined direction to research” • 1993: Law on private sector research (MAC, 1980: 21). Consequently, research in Lux- • 1999: National Research Fund embourg was marked by “wild growth, born out of • 2003: University of Luxembourg • 2012: Cité des Sciences, de la recherche et de idealism and individualistic engagements” (Hansen, l’innovation (planned opening) 2002). Over the years, the “bottom-up” approach Figure 1. Key institutional developments in Luxembourg was gradually complemented by a “top-down” ap- research proach (Harpes, 2002: 22, 37). Science and Public Policy June 2008 363
  • 4. Dynamics of science in Luxembourg The reorganisation of governmental structures is to be finished by 2012. This large-scale development evidence of this change. Before 1999 there was no will become the home of some of the Public Re- proper department of research within the Ministry of search Centres, at least two of the three faculties of Cultural Affairs, which was in charge of research the University of Luxembourg, some start-ups, as policy. But in 1999, a department of research was well as cultural and social infrastructures. created at the (renamed) Ministry of Culture, Higher Research budgets have significantly increased. In Education and Research. These reconfigurations of the period 2000–2003, for instance, they increased governmental structures put the state into a more three-fold and they are due to double again by 2009. powerful position to implement science policies and In 2008, with 1.7% of the GDP, Luxembourg’s to lead scientific research in specific directions. In R&D intensity is below the EU average, and even the same year, the creation of the National Research further below the OECD average of 2.2% (OECD, Fund indicated an even more proactive strategy by 2006: 68). This figure puts Luxembourg above other the state. small European countries, such as Cyprus, Estonia, The National Research Fund was created in order Latvia, Lithuania, or Slovakia; relatively close to to provide an additional impetus for research in Ireland or Slovenia; and far below Iceland (Musyck Luxembourg by elaborating research programs, de- and Hadjimanolis, 2005: 67). Luxembourg has one fining a priority axis, promoting national and inter- of the lowest ratios of government spending on pub- national cooperation: thus aiming to create a more lic research to GDP in the OECD: currently nearly propitious environment for research. It allocates re- 0.4% of the GDP. Yet, with major increases in re- search grants through a procedure based on inde- cent years, and further planned increases in the near pendent peer-review and emphasises that scientific future, the ratio of public expenditure on R&D to quality is the main criterion for assessing proposals. GDP may move Luxembourg to the first quartile of In 2007 its annual budget was 18 million Euros. A the EU, and above the OECD average (OECD, number of schemes were launched by the National 2006: 68). In terms of scientific publications, Lux- Research Fund in the period 2005–2007 in order to embourg does not perform well, with only the improve the state of research.5 And, it was only in equivalent of 196 publications per million inhabi- 2006/2007 that the National Research Fund under- tants in 2002. While this puts the country far below took its first foresight exercise in order to set, for the the EU average and, for example, the productivity of first time, priorities for future research in Luxem- its neighbours (France, Germany and Belgium, bourg (this will be discussed in more detail later in count 712, 731 and 929 publications, respectively) this paper). Finally, the creation of the University of Luxembourg is nevertheless described as “catching Luxembourg in 2003 was the most recent, important, up rapidly” in terms of publications (OECD, 2006: structural development in research. 70). Concerning patents, however, Luxembourg Until the early 21st century, four disconnected in- scores remarkably well, ranking sixth in the EU-15 stitutions were involved in both research and higher (the 15 countries in the EU before the expansion on education in Luxembourg (the Centre Universitaire, 1 May 2004). This favourable position is in part due the Institut Supérieur de Technologie, the Institut to the many firms that have their official headquar- Supérieur d’Etudes et de Recherches Pédagogiques, ters in Luxembourg (mainly for fiscal reasons) and and the Institut d’Etudes Educatives et Sociales).6 who register patents in Luxembourg, while carrying This ‘emerging’ university was a rather ‘loosely- out research activities elsewhere. coupled system’, a system characterised by a relative lack of coordination; differences in methods, aims The professionalisation of research and missions; infrequent inspection; a relative ab- sence of regulations; little lateral interdependence; Although during the 19th century and most of the and the ‘invisibility’ of much that happens (Weick, 20th century there were very few scientists in Lux- 1976). State support, international recognition, and embourg, there still was a certain kind of scientific societal acceptance were low. In 2003, these four tradition: “In the Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg, re- institutions were merged into the University of search, far from being inexistent, has developed Luxembourg. Two years after the creation of the University of Luxembourg, the Luxembourg government pub- lished its National Plan for Innovation and Full Em- ployment 2005–2008. The following objectives were In 2008, with 1.7% of the GDP, agreed upon: increasing public spending to 220 mil- Luxembourg’s R&D intensity is below lion Euros in 2009; raising investments in R&D to 3% of the GDP; promoting entrepreneurship and the EU average, and even further reinforcing innovation (particularly in small and below the OECD average of 2.2% medium-sized enterprises); increasing the number of (OECD, 2006: 68) graduates in science and engineering. Currently, large investments are being made to create the City of Sciences, Innovation and Research, which is due 364 Science and Public Policy June 2008
  • 5. Dynamics of science in Luxembourg since a long time in the scope of restricted structures These shifts have been accompanied by a changing […]” (MENFP, 1997: 32). For a long time science status for scientists. In the past, “‘researchers’ ha[d] was embryonic and done by ‘amateurs’ (see Meyer, other functions besides their research activity” 2006). But although Luxembourg science certainly (MAC, 1980: 18, note that the word researchers is in appeared ‘amateur-esque’ when compared to science quotation marks). Those who did research often bene- in neighbouring countries, to state, as some do, that fited from the secondment (décharge) system, a sys- there is no scientific tradition at all, is to miss all the tem instituted in 1979 through which high school individual and enthusiastic efforts to practice science teachers, for example, could be seconded to another with sparse resources and low governmental support institution to carry out research activities. Yet, this and in a difficult environment. It is to miss the scien- system is in decline today. In 2002, the government tific activities happening at the Centre Universitaire, decided to end those secondments for research activi- at the Centre Hospitalier, in museums, as well as at ties and reallocated remunerated working hours to the learned societies in Luxembourg, the characteris- teaching activities alone. In other words, the perme- tic locus of science in the second half of the 20th ability that existed between university and secondary century. Unfortunately, in most accounts on the his- education institutions has been suppressed. tory of science in Luxembourg, this ‘older’ history is Also, until 1999, a systematic evaluation of re- forgotten and a quite distorted picture is given of an search projects was not common in Luxembourg; for ‘emergence’ of research in the 1980s. some the country has no ‘evaluation culture’. In- Furthermore, due to the scarcity of scientific insti- creasingly, however, the National Research Fund is tutions and a relatively unattractive academic envi- asking foreign scientists to evaluate research pro- ronment, researchers seem to have left Luxembourg jects. Apart from increasing evaluations, there are or never have come back after obtaining their uni- other qualitative changes worth noting. Luxem- versity degree: “our present and future professionals, bourgish journals are putting together editorial […] some say they do not exist or are already gone boards for scientific peer-review and there is a fur- off to the bigger countries”, a commentator wrote in ther trend towards meeting international standards 1985 (Ternes, 1985: 2). Until the mid-1980s, Lux- by increasing the quality of published works and by embourg research was barely visible. Before that publishing articles (or at least abstracts) in English time, scientific research was carried out by “a small instead of French or German. number of researchers who, in the institutions of the Until recently, science in Luxembourg was state and in the industry, assumed research works relatively weakly structured due to the late institu- beyond their professional task” (MAC, 1980: 3, tionalisation and professionalisation of research, the emphasis added). drawing upon amateurs to produce scientific knowl- Consequently, science was hardly a ‘profession’. edge and the recent creation of the University of It has been argued that biological research, for ex- Luxembourg. Regarding Luxembourg’s innovation ample, “was tainted by amateurism in the sense that system, the OECD (2006: 7) wrote research was considered to be a leisure occupation. This amateurism has prevented the establishment of Science, technology, and innovation policy, a structured tradition of biological research in Lux- involving specialised institutions, specific regu- embourg” (Christophory et al., 1984: 10, emphasis lations, dedicated budgets, etc., and public sec- added). However, many more factors also hampered tor research in particular, is a fairly recent the establishment of professional research. Political phenomenon in Luxembourg. The country has will, funding, legal frameworks, libraries: these fac- long been missing a number of constitutional tors too have been relatively ‘amateur-esque’ in the elements of what is commonly conceived as a past. The whole epistemic infrastructure of Luxem- fully fledged innovation system, such as a uni- bourg’s science (its museums, libraries, and ar- versity sector, public research organisations, chives, but also the buildings in which research was and government programmes to promote both undertaken) was rather unprofessional. private and public research. In addition, the use of the above term ‘leisure occu- pation’ is problematic. Although for some people re- As I have shown, over the last two decades there search might have been a leisure occupation, for have been significant changes. Research institutions others it was what has been called “serious leisure” have been created, the government has implemented (an activity of enthusiasts who are more systematic, a more informed science policy, funding has risen, substantial and engaged in their activities than just and words like ‘university’, ‘knowledge economy’, doing casual leisure (Stebbins, 1992)). In fact, science and ‘innovation’ are increasingly common in politi- could only be practised as serious leisure since, until cal discourse. There is a clear intention ‘to put Lux- the mid-1980s, there simply was no ‘professional’ embourg on the map’ of international research, to scientific field in Luxembourg, which makes the use use a phrase commonly used by policy makers. Ef- of terms such as ‘amateurism’ or ‘professionalism’ forts are being made to move Luxembourg research inappropriate. It would be more accurate to say that from a rather uncoordinated space towards a more in the last 20 years a professional space for science prescribed, rigid and predictable space to meet cur- has gradually emerged (Meyer, 2005a). rent international standards. Science and Public Policy June 2008 365
  • 6. Dynamics of science in Luxembourg Entangled in the diversification trend technology transfer, but, on the other, this multiplic- ity impedes the coherence of research efforts and In current debates about research in Luxembourg, it collaborations between teams whose competences is often argued that Luxembourg is too small and are too far apart (MENFP, 1997: 25). Likewise, the that there is no critical mass of scientists. It has been research activities of another research centre were stated that, in general, small countries often lack suf- also assessed as being too heterogeneous, and the ficient critical mass or breadth of high-level techni- dispersion of laboratories on various sites impeded cal skills (Davenport and Bibby, 1999: 441). consultation between different groups, making a co- However, for Luxembourg at least, I would argue herent image of the centre difficult (MENFP, 1997: that the real problem seems to be situated elsewhere. 35, 38). As a general conclusion, the report asserted Not only is there only a small pool of researchers, that research was uncoordinated and that the links but research activities are thematically, spatially and between the public research centres and other insti- institutionally dispersed. Research seems to be en- tutions have to be reinforced. A re-centring on a tangled in the diversification trend in Luxembourg, more limited number of research axes was recom- an omnipresent force in governmental politics mended, in order to develop multidisciplinary poles (Meyer, 2005b). (MENFP, 1997: 57). First, let us situate this diversification trend in its What was missing, according to the report, is the economic context. Diversification was emphasised coherence of research efforts as well as collaboration. by opposition to something: political economy Similarly, it has been stressed that concerning Lux- strove to rebalance the vulnerability of the mono- embourg’s national innovation, the interactions lithic industrial structure due to Luxembourg’s within the public sector, as well as within the overall dominant steel industry (STATEC, 2003: 13–15, system, are low in number and quality and that there is 95–96). A first law to create a more balanced econ- a lack of trust (De Biasio, 2001: 112–113). But how, omy and improve its structure was passed in 1962. we might ask, can a critical mass be obtained under Another important milestone in the politics of diver- such conditions? What if the components needed to sification came with the 1977 law which enabled the form a critical mass are already present, but the ‘ce- creation of the National Society for Credit and ment’ is missing, in other words the interconnected- Investment. ness of the various actors in Luxembourg research? The deliberate policies thus implemented by the Over the years, the situation does not seem to public authorities were designed to encourage diver- have improved much. In 2004, Luxembourg’s sification. While regarding the economy this seems Chamber of Commerce wrote: reasonable, in matters of research there can be a con- flict between efforts at diversification and the aim to The high number of actors of Luxembourg construct the so-called critical mass. Too great a public research is largely disproportionate diversity conflicts with the establishment of poles compared to the size of the country. The multi- of competence through the gathering of various ac- plication of administrative structures and the tors into one domain. How far should research double use of available resources don’t make it be diversified? Or, in opposition to what should it possible to reach the critical mass necessary to be diversified? While there is not a monopoly follow a research policy under optimal condi- regarding research in Luxembourg, research seems tions .... (Chambre de Commerce, 2004: 41) to be caught up in the momentum of the trend to diversification. In a similar vein, Luxinnovation recently wrote: Already in the early 1990s, pleas were made for a non-dispersion of research efforts and resources, Public research in Luxembourg can be regarded deploring a natural tendency in Luxembourg to dis- as relatively little structured; it thus appears perse efforts too much (see Anon., 1992: 289). The appropriate to reconsider the structuring of the actual situation at the university and at the three pub- various bodies which carry out research in the lic research centres reveals these conflicting issues. public sector. (Luxinnovation, 2005: 156) The research and teaching facilities of the university, for instance, are still dispersed on numerous sites, Coordination both at the working level as well as despite an improvement being in sight. Some see at the management and governance level are today this as a serious constraint upon developing key issues for Luxembourg’s National Plan of interdisciplinary research (Harpes, 2002: 42). Innovation (OECD, 2006: 50). According to the The same problem has been reported by a team of OECD, there is “insufficient collaboration and co- experts who evaluated research at the three public ordination” between the Ministry of the Economy and research centres in the mid-1990s. In their report Foreign Trade and the Ministry of Culture, Higher (MENFP, 1997), the experts stated that the diversifi- Education and Research (OECD, 2006: 52). The cation of research can be a dilemma as well as a “weak relationships” between these two ministries blessing. Concerning one of the research centres, tend to create “policy gaps” (OECD, 2006: 54). On they emphasised that, on the one hand, the multiplic- the working level, there are, for example, overlaps ity of competences ensures the centre’s mission of between the CRP Henri Tudor and Luxinnovation 366 Science and Public Policy June 2008
  • 7. Dynamics of science in Luxembourg that have resulted in a certain number of tensions. A time, science policy seems to have been understood number of turf battles are being fought over some as only a small part of a wider industrial and innova- scientific areas. One of the challenges for the next tion policy: a policy rather centred on the develop- few years will thus be to improve collaboration be- ment of technologies. There seems to have been a tween the different researchers. ‘pensée unique’ concerning research, that is, that These assessments are quite similar to the situa- research must be economically profitable, utilitarian, tion observed in other small countries. In Slovenia, applied. Small countries often focus on applied re- for instance, it has been argued that the small size of search and try to foster research that contributes to the country “does not necessarily lead to a high de- economic wealth. Yet in doing so, they overempha- gree of co-operation between different R&D actors” sise short-term problems (Thorsteinsdottir, 2000: (Mali, 2003: 7). In her discussion about Hungary, 437). The Iceland model indicates that an overem- Iceland and Ireland, Thorsteinsdóttir (2000: 439– phasis on the direct applicability of research can be 440) has argued that: detrimental in the long run and that there is a need for a balanced approach (Thorsteinsdottir, 2000: The small size does, therefore, not seem to 437). There still is a need for basic research in small have led to a highly co-ordinated science policy countries (Berghäll et al., 2002: 63).8 […] On the contrary, with limited formal Currently, the main weaknesses of Luxembourg’s mechanisms for dialogue and co-ordination innovation system are structural weaknesses and there is a risk that the system is poorly imbalances and weak governance. According to the equipped to manage diversity and foster new OECD: opportunities and challenges. The governance of research and innovation is What we can learn from each of these cases is that not yet sufficiently developed to guarantee an the myth of better collaboration in small countries optimal contribution of public research institu- does not always ring true. tions to the development of the national innova- In Luxembourg in particular, research is produced tion system. Objectives and strategies in a ‘fragmented space’ that lacks homogeneity, that governing the public research institutions are contains many internal boundaries between compe- largely absent. (OECD, 2006: 1) tencies, research axes, institutions, people and activi- ties. This is a typical barrier for regional innovation The building of a strong public research system systems, fragmentation, the fact that “relevant actors calls for strengthening the governance of the may be present without forming a working regional research and innovation system. At present innovation system” (Héraud and Isaksen, 2001: 54). there seems to be a lack of explicit and binding The lack of co-operation between research actors strategy at the various levels of governance, seems to be a major problem in Luxembourg. While and sometimes confusion of strategy and im- official discourses repeatedly stress the need to con- plementation. (OECD, 2006: 97) struct a critical mass of researchers, geographical and cultural distances between researchers are still In the light of this situation, the OECD report substantial. To (re)centre research activities, fund- recommends three main strategies: improving ing, infrastructures, and students on a few specific governance, improving complementarity between domains is one way to counter the “surface handi- research actors, and improving connectivity within cap” of Luxembourg (Ternes, 1985) and to counter- the innovation system (OECD, 2006: 4–6). It re- balance the strong trend to diversification. Through mains to be seen if, when, and how these recom- the implementation of the Foresight Exercise and the mendations will be translated into reality. definition of national research priorities, some of these problems will perhaps be tackled in the near future (see next section). Thinking about the future: the Luxembourg Prioritisation is a, if not the, major challenge for Foresight Exercise Luxembourg research (see Meyer, 2007a). This is especially the case as small countries have to be Having looked at the past and present state of Lux- much more selective in what they focus their re- embourg science, let us focus now on how science is search on than larger countries (Thorsteinsdottir, expected to evolve in the future. At the beginning of 2000: 433). They are under stronger pressure to the 1980s foresight became one of the central new specialise (Aichholzer, 2001: 5; Sharif, 2006: policy methodologies in most Western industrialised 512–513).7 countries (Elzinga and Jamison, 1995: 591). How- In Luxembourg, prioritisation seems to be ren- ever, in most small countries, this generally hap- dered particularly difficult as a narrow economic pened in the 1990s (Aichholzer, 2001: 4). In thinking and an overemphasis on diversification Luxembourg, the first Foresight Exercise was offi- seems to have colonised science policy in Luxem- cially launched in January 2006. The main rationale bourg. There is often a conflation between science behind the Foresight Exercise was described by the and technology (see OECD, 2006: 9). For a long Fonds National de la Recherche (FNR) as follows: Science and Public Policy June 2008 367
  • 8. Dynamics of science in Luxembourg Especially in a small country with very limited actors lack a forward-looking culture. However, human and financial resources, prioritization is three other problems have also become apparent. essential. For only through prioritization can First, many participants found the contractor who resources be sufficiently focused to enable in- carried out the Foresight Exercise rather disappoint- ternationally competitive cutting-edge research. ing for not really ‘giving a voice’ to researchers. (FNR et al., 2007b: 17) Second, while participants were asked to reflect about the future, there should perhaps have been Thus the challenge does not lie in distributing more emphasis and concern placed on the present limited funds among its existing science com- situation. Third, it seems that methods and processes munity. Rather, it is looking to identify new ar- that work in larger countries, were not sufficiently eas to invest much of the spending increases adapted to Luxembourg. with a view to developing future national After the final report of the first phase had been champions. (FNR et al., 2007a: 15–16) published in October 2006, the second phase of the exercise began (a new contractor was hired). During To undertake the study, the National Research Fund this phase, the aim was to identify priority domains had to import foreign expertise: from the Policy Re- for the six fields retained, drawing upon the data search in Engineering, Science and Technology Unit collected during the first phase of the exercise. In at the University of Manchester, CM International (a June 2007 concrete priorities were submitted to the European consulting group in innovation and tech- government (FNR et al., 2007a) which then decided nology management), as well as Z_Punkt and the upon several domains which would become national Verein Deutscher Ingenieure. research priorities. A first call for proposals was is- The stakes in this exercise were quite high: its aim sued in early 2008. The final report of the Foresight was to identify research domains and priority axes Exercise states that “The research priorities […] aim with a socio-economic interest for Luxembourg and to constitute a well-balanced research portfolio to develop future research programmes for the which allows to tackle the major social-economic National Research Fund from these domains. The and environmental challenges faced by Luxembourg main goal was to define “national research pri- over the next 10 years” (FNR et al., 2007b: 44), with orit[ies] [which] should address the challenges of the the very last sentence being especially optimistic: Luxembourg society, economy and/or environment” “Despite its small size, the Grand-Duchy has the (FNR et al., 2007b: 18). The various actors in Lux- potential to become a powerhouse in research and embourg research (research institutions, public au- innovation” (FNR et al., 2007b: 47). thorities, industry, non-governmental organisations) One particularity of the Foresight Exercise is that were consulted through a variety of techniques: in- it will be translated into concrete actions and meas- terviews, questionnaires, workshops and internet ures (a stronger orientation towards implementation forums. is common for foresight exercises in small countries The results of the first phase of the exercise were (Aichholzer, 2001:6)). In other countries this is not made public in October 2006. Six fields of research always the case and foresight exercises do not al- were identified as being of interest for Luxembourg. ways have practical consequences (Keenan, 2006). All of these domains have been assessed according In Luxembourg, however, we can expect that fore- to several criteria of feasibility and attractiveness. sight exercises will be gaining in importance as a The various methods that have been used for the means to systematically deal with expectations and Foresight Exercise have not been without their diffi- future visions, as well as their strategic implications. culties. In particular, the workshops proved to be For foresight exercises hold the promise of ‘wiring complicated. A workshop targeted at young re- up’ innovation systems through the encouragement searchers did not work well because, according to of networking, the facilitation of learning, and the the organisers, the young researchers seemed unable creation of future-oriented attitudes. to project themselves into the future. The explora- Apart from the methods used, there are other tory workshop (for senior researchers) provided elements that make the Foresight Exercise a chal- mixed results. Some of the working groups worked lenging enterprise. Despite efforts to devise well- quite well, whereas others failed to provide useful balanced and participatory foresight methodologies results. At the various workshops, many participants to moderate expectations, foresight exercises are in complained about the managerial and rigid methods general always confronted with the problem of opin- used and, to some extent, forced upon the partici- ion leadership and the risk of reinforcement of hypes pants. Some researchers felt that they were being (Weber et al., 2006). Some challenges can be used to legitimise and validate a political project. expected in the near future, especially since “coordi- The initial contractor who carried out the fore- nating actions of even small science communities sight exercise found most interviews rather disap- requires extra efforts and, to avoid heavy influences pointing, since interviewees were often unable to from more powerful groups […], this mechanism project themselves into the future but instead largely has to be formal and accountable” (Thorsteinsdottir, focused upon imminent structural problems. One 2000: 441). As soon as visions become more con- explanation for this is that Luxembourg research crete, and involve deciding upon certain priorities, 368 Science and Public Policy June 2008
  • 9. Dynamics of science in Luxembourg conflicts of interest between stakeholder groups small countries”. Discussing the case of Belgium dominate the debate (Warnke, 2006). and the Netherlands he wrote “Not only are there All in all, there surely is some praise to be given opportunities for academic researchers to influence since, for the first time ever, priority setting and re- policy decisions – there are high expectations that search policy is being based on an informed practice, they do so” (Bruyninckx, 2005: 387). Others write: involving a broad range of actors and using partici- “in a small state like Cyprus powerful individuals pative methods. Luxembourg science policy is in the and interest groups have more opportunities to use process of becoming more democratic, more robust, their influence during the process of policy formula- more professional, more quality-oriented, more tion than in a larger state” (Hadjimanolis and transparent, and more reflexive. Yet, despite these Dickson, 2001: 812). In my own case, I clearly had positive trends, there are still lessons to be learned: the sense that the distance between researchers and Luxembourg’s researchers have to learn how to cul- science policy is particularly small in Luxembourg. tivate a productive dialogue on the future of science And, I agree with Bruyninckx’s (2005: 391, 393) and a critical appraisal of research. The National assessment that becoming involved in policy is a Research Fund has to learn how to best adopt the pleasant and fulfilling role that provides the oppor- tools of foresight exercises to Luxembourg while tunity to gain insight. However, at the same time, making sure that it will be an open, fair, transparent, researchers have more difficulty in keeping at dis- legitimate, effective and trustworthy exercise. Fi- tance from policy in small countries. nally, those foreign experts who assess the national research landscape have to understand the particu- larities of the country in order to best represent re- Conclusions search actors without forcing rigid frames upon them. The promise, at the end, will be an even better The future of Luxembourg research is now emerging Foresight Exercise next time. more explicitly. The increasingly codified, reflexive Let me briefly reflect on my own involvement in and robust anticipations of the future (and represen- the Foresight Exercise. I have taken part in the Fore- tations of the past), however, reveal the need for a sight Exercise both as a participant and as a consult- couple of actions to be taken today: fostering ant to proofread and write intermediate and final stronger ties within Luxembourg’s research land- reports. I was invited to take part in the Foresight scape and improving governance. Further, a clear Exercise’s Young Researchers Workshop, being gap between science and science policy is apparent. myself a ‘young researcher’. During the second Science policy has been rather deficient during most phase of the Foresight Exercise, I also participated in of the history of Luxembourg research. Even after two ‘senior’ workshops in which priorities were due research institutions had emerged, agenda and prior- to be set under the umbrella of social sciences and ity setting was rare, if not fully absent. This gap be- humanities. Apart from often feeling out of place in tween the emergent and increasingly diversified the midst of senior participants, I also had ethical research infrastructure and the relative lack of top dilemmas. Receiving payment, for example, clashed down coordination has contributed to create a rather with my academic philosophy of ‘free’ peer-review; ‘wild’ and weakly interconnected research infra- yet receiving money seemed to be the only solution structure. Today, however, the gap seems almost to to cater for an asymmetric and not purely academic be reversed. Current science policy appears to be relationship between the National Research Fund almost too ambitious, too forward looking, too impa- and myself. After participating in the workshops and tient in wanting to implement change. While the helping to write one particular report, I raised my Foresight Exercise was intended to ambitiously map dilemmas with the National Research Fund, wonder- out the future of research, it has become apparent ing if my involvement was ethical and fair. The re- after the first phase of the exercise, that the present sponse of the National Research Fund was that I should have been visited first in much more depth. could write what I wanted, as I was, after all, also a Through creating the University of Luxembourg, the participant. government had (quite undemocratically) forced a So I came to give up my relatively comfortable radical reform in higher education that created much position of observing Luxembourg research ‘from a discontent and a lack of trust. In general, much of distance’ both professionally and geographically (I the political discourse on ‘excellence’ and ‘interna- currently work at a university in England) when ac- tional competitiveness’ seems premature and insuf- tively taking part in the Foresight Exercise and giv- ficiently nuanced. ing my view on why one particular domain should Apart from these gaps between science and sci- become a research priority. At the end, strangely ence policy, there are three characteristics of science enough, some of the things I said and wrote ended in Luxembourg which seem to be specifically linked up in the final report of the Foresight Exercise. to its smallness. This very personal story might not be untypical for researchers in other small countries. Bruyninckx • Compared to larger countries, Luxembourg seems (2005: 388) argued “that there are characteristics of to have a less ‘mature’ research infrastructure and academy–policy interactions that are typical for a less ‘mature’ science policy. Luxembourg Science and Public Policy June 2008 369
  • 10. Dynamics of science in Luxembourg science has a relatively recent history, as it is a clear need to import expertise. As only very few mostly over the last two decades that research has studies on small countries exist, and as much could been institutionalised and professionalised and be learned through sharing and comparing experi- that more efforts have been put into evaluation, ences, more work on science in small countries and into improving the image and visibility of sci- needs to be done. ence. In parallel, Luxembourg’s science policy is currently in the process of becoming a more pro- fessional and evidence-based enterprise with an Notes increased focus on future-oriented policy planning that informs today’s action-taking. So far, the lack 1. In the literature, the term ‘small country’ is used in relation to of a strong governance of science and vision quite a range of small and not so small countries; from ‘very building has, however, contributed to a frag- small’ countries such as Luxembourg and Cyprus, to substan- tively larger ones, like Austria, Belgium or Ireland. In this pa- mented and weakly structured system in which per, I discuss countries that are explicitly described as being collaboration and cooperation is problematic. small in the referenced literature. The population, surface area • In Luxembourg, the distance between researchers and GDP put Luxembourg among the very smallest countries in Europe. and science policy is relatively short. Conse- 2. Numbers excluding scientific and administrative boards as well quently, policy making is strongly marked by a as ministers. ‘bottom-up’ approach. As my own and other peo- 3. Luxembourg has joined the European Union Research Or- ganisations’ Head of Research Councils, the European Sci- ple’s experience (Bruyninckx, 2005; Hadjimanolis ence Foundation, the European Research Consortium in and Dickson, 2001) suggests, it is much more Informatics and Mathematics, the Coopération dans le do- likely that researchers will become involved in maine de la recherche scientifique et technique programme (all in 2002), the European Research Area Networks (in 2003), science policy in small countries than in larger the International Council for Science (in 2004), and the Euro- ones. This short distance between science and pol- pean Space Agency (in 2005). In December 2005, the INTER icy is both an opportunity and a problem. Re- programme was launched by the National Research Fund in order to further promote international scientific cooperation searchers can have the opportunity to inform through encouraging Luxembourg researchers to participate in policy, to gain insight and to make their knowl- international programmes funded together with foreign re- edge travel beyond the boundaries of academic search funds or councils. 4. CEPS/INSTEAD (Centre d’études de la population, de la pau- research. Yet, dilemmas with this short distance vreté et de politiques socio-économiques/International networks are many: ethical and moral, legal, professional, for studies in technology, environment, alternatives, develop- and pragmatic. For both parties, staying at ‘arm’s ment). Initially created in 1978 and institutionalised in 1989. 5. These include: a series of television spots called quantastësch length’ is a tricky position to negotiate. and the initiative Fierwat nët Fuerscher? (Why not re- • Luxembourg is dependent on foreign expertise. searcher?) both targeted at improving the image of research Compared to larger and more research-intensive within the public, especially among young people; the AT- TRACT programme which aims to attract ‘outstanding’ young countries, Luxembourg is much less able to influ- researchers to Luxembourg who are not yet established in ence European science policy, much less able to Luxembourg; the INTER programme designed for researchers be a leader in any given field, much less likely to in Luxembourg to cooperate more closely with international researchers. attract foreign human resources and funding, and 6. The origins of the university date back to the creation of the much more dependent on external expertise and Cours supérieur in 1817. policy making. In short, a small country is lim- 7. Yet, prioritisation needs to be carefully thought through, in particular to avoid an overlarge path dependency and to pro- ited: in terms of surface, human and financial re- vide sufficient room for new and promising areas to develop. sources, visibility, history, expertise etc. One 8. There are other reasons for not applying an economical ‘pen- consequence of this is a need for foreign exper- sée unique’ in science policy. The rules of the market do usu- ally not apply to science (economists describe this as ‘market tise, a need that surfaced on several occasions: to failure’). This counts for a university “[t]he ‘academic market supervise and carry out the Foresight Exercise, to place’ is not a typical labour market” (European Commission, evaluate research projects, to fill in senior staff 2004: 88), as well as for innovation in general, as “innovation processes are affected by endemic market and system fail- vacancies at the University of Luxembourg etc. In ures” (OECD, 2006: 2). general, “special measures may be needed to complement domestic resources with foreign ex- pertise in the small countries” (Berghäll et al., References 2002: 65). The specific challenges for a small country are thus at least threefold: first, to be able Aichholzer, Georg 2001. Delphi Austria: An Example of Tailoring to afford foreign expertise; secondly, to be able to Foresight to the Needs of a Small Country. Vienna: Institute of legitimise its use; and thirdly, to be able to attract Technology Assessment. Anon. 1992. Table Ronde. In Recherche et innovation dans un foreign researchers. très petit pays: session d'études économiques luxembourgeoi- ses: Mai/Juin 1991, pp. 193–250. Luxembourg: Institut univer- These seem to be aspects that set small countries sitaire international Luxembourg. Berghäll, Elina et al. 2002. The role of science and technology apart (Meyer, 2007b). What I would suggest is that, policy in small countries. Helsinki, Finland: Government Insti- compared to larger countries, most small countries tute for Economic Research. will probably share these three characteristics: a less Bruyninckx, Hans 2005. Academic research in a small country: called to serve! International Environmental Agreements: Poli- mature research infrastructure and policy; a shorter tics, Law and Economics, 5(4), 387–393. distance between researchers and science policy; and Chambre de Commerce 2004. Entreprise Luxembourg. Priorités 370 Science and Public Policy June 2008
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