The document summarizes events from Black Catholic Ministries including:
- The success of their Hour of Power revival series and announcement of dates for next year's series.
- Leon Dixon receiving the Presidential Volunteer Service Award for over 3,000 hours of community service.
- Three black Catholic parishes, Nativity of our Lord, St. Charles Borromeo, and St. Cecilia, marking milestones in their histories.
- An upcoming evangelization workshop in Toledo, Ohio on working with diverse communities.
- A prayer service for peace and healing in Detroit being co-hosted by Black Catholic Ministries.
- Sales of a debut gospel choir CD raising funds for a hymnal reaching over
The document summarizes the history of migration and cultural diffusion between Mexico and the United States. It discusses how territories in the southwest US were originally part of Mexico and discusses waves of migration over time as borders changed. It also provides examples of how Mexican holidays like Day of the Dead and cultural traditions have spread and blended with US culture over time through the movement of people between the two countries and the cultural diversity of the US.
The Watkinson Family has been involved in evangelism in Mexico since the 1950s. Led by Philip Watkinson, they seek to plant churches and disciple believers across Baja California. Their mission is challenging as religious diversity in Ensenada exposes believers to many denominations and sects. The Watkinson Family continues preaching and teaching with the help of Philip's wife Miriam, though they require additional support in the form of volunteers, donations, and prayer to sustain and expand their ministry.
The document discusses anti-immigrant sentiment in the US, focusing on differences between Protestant and Catholic traditions and their influence on democracy. It notes that Mexican Catholicism has different approaches to government, freedom of thought, and relations with others compared to European Protestantism. The Puritans valued exclusivity over assimilation, which led to segregating or exterminating native populations rather than converting them. Over time, these religious differences in traditions of deliberation and discussion had effects on the development of democratic institutions and intellectual freedom.
Mexico has a rich culture that blends indigenous traditions with Spanish influences. Some key aspects of Mexican culture include strong family ties, Catholicism as the dominant religion, and Spanish as the primary language along with many indigenous languages. Traditional Mexican clothing, music like mariachi, and food featuring corn and chilies are an important part of cultural identity. Mexican cultural norms are shaped by folkways like religious traditions and mores regarding drug laws and traffic rules. Symbols of Mexican culture include the national flag and anthem as well as body language gestures. Mexicans highly value family and hierarchy, and their worldviews incorporate myths and legends that interpret reality.
The document discusses Mexican culture and traditions. It notes that Mexican culture centers around family, food, and social lives. Many festivals revolve around food in their culture. The Mexican diet contains complex carbohydrates like corn and beans, as well as a large amount of protein from sources like pork and seafood. Common dishes include tortillas, beans, tamales, and enchiladas.
Brazil's Charismatic Catholic and Pentecostal populationmila veilleux
This document provides an overview of the history and growth of Pentecostalism and Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Brazil from the early 20th century to present day. It discusses how Catholicism was initially the only officially recognized religion but many also practiced folk religions like Umbanda. Pentecostalism first arrived in Brazil in 1910 and grew rapidly, challenging the Catholic monopoly on religion. A Catholic Charismatic Renewal also emerged in the mid-20th century. By 2010, the percentage of Catholics dropped significantly while Protestants, including Pentecostals and Charismatics, increased substantially.
This document summarizes the concluding document from the Fifth General Conference of Bishops of Latin America and the Caribbean, held in Aparecida, Brazil in 2007. The conference addressed the challenges facing the Catholic Church in Latin America, including secularism and the growth of evangelical sects. It emphasized the need to strengthen Christian formation, promote devotion to the Eucharist, and launch a "Continental Mission" to revitalize the faith. The bishops sought to make the faithful stronger disciples and missionaries of Christ.
The document summarizes events from Black Catholic Ministries including:
- The success of their Hour of Power revival series and announcement of dates for next year's series.
- Leon Dixon receiving the Presidential Volunteer Service Award for over 3,000 hours of community service.
- Three black Catholic parishes, Nativity of our Lord, St. Charles Borromeo, and St. Cecilia, marking milestones in their histories.
- An upcoming evangelization workshop in Toledo, Ohio on working with diverse communities.
- A prayer service for peace and healing in Detroit being co-hosted by Black Catholic Ministries.
- Sales of a debut gospel choir CD raising funds for a hymnal reaching over
The document summarizes the history of migration and cultural diffusion between Mexico and the United States. It discusses how territories in the southwest US were originally part of Mexico and discusses waves of migration over time as borders changed. It also provides examples of how Mexican holidays like Day of the Dead and cultural traditions have spread and blended with US culture over time through the movement of people between the two countries and the cultural diversity of the US.
The Watkinson Family has been involved in evangelism in Mexico since the 1950s. Led by Philip Watkinson, they seek to plant churches and disciple believers across Baja California. Their mission is challenging as religious diversity in Ensenada exposes believers to many denominations and sects. The Watkinson Family continues preaching and teaching with the help of Philip's wife Miriam, though they require additional support in the form of volunteers, donations, and prayer to sustain and expand their ministry.
The document discusses anti-immigrant sentiment in the US, focusing on differences between Protestant and Catholic traditions and their influence on democracy. It notes that Mexican Catholicism has different approaches to government, freedom of thought, and relations with others compared to European Protestantism. The Puritans valued exclusivity over assimilation, which led to segregating or exterminating native populations rather than converting them. Over time, these religious differences in traditions of deliberation and discussion had effects on the development of democratic institutions and intellectual freedom.
Mexico has a rich culture that blends indigenous traditions with Spanish influences. Some key aspects of Mexican culture include strong family ties, Catholicism as the dominant religion, and Spanish as the primary language along with many indigenous languages. Traditional Mexican clothing, music like mariachi, and food featuring corn and chilies are an important part of cultural identity. Mexican cultural norms are shaped by folkways like religious traditions and mores regarding drug laws and traffic rules. Symbols of Mexican culture include the national flag and anthem as well as body language gestures. Mexicans highly value family and hierarchy, and their worldviews incorporate myths and legends that interpret reality.
The document discusses Mexican culture and traditions. It notes that Mexican culture centers around family, food, and social lives. Many festivals revolve around food in their culture. The Mexican diet contains complex carbohydrates like corn and beans, as well as a large amount of protein from sources like pork and seafood. Common dishes include tortillas, beans, tamales, and enchiladas.
Brazil's Charismatic Catholic and Pentecostal populationmila veilleux
This document provides an overview of the history and growth of Pentecostalism and Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Brazil from the early 20th century to present day. It discusses how Catholicism was initially the only officially recognized religion but many also practiced folk religions like Umbanda. Pentecostalism first arrived in Brazil in 1910 and grew rapidly, challenging the Catholic monopoly on religion. A Catholic Charismatic Renewal also emerged in the mid-20th century. By 2010, the percentage of Catholics dropped significantly while Protestants, including Pentecostals and Charismatics, increased substantially.
This document summarizes the concluding document from the Fifth General Conference of Bishops of Latin America and the Caribbean, held in Aparecida, Brazil in 2007. The conference addressed the challenges facing the Catholic Church in Latin America, including secularism and the growth of evangelical sects. It emphasized the need to strengthen Christian formation, promote devotion to the Eucharist, and launch a "Continental Mission" to revitalize the faith. The bishops sought to make the faithful stronger disciples and missionaries of Christ.
This document provides an overview of religious life in America from the initial European settlements in the early 1600s through the ratification of the US Constitution in 1791. It discusses that the first permanent English settlement of Jamestown in 1607 was established for economic reasons rather than religious freedom. The Puritans who settled the Boston area in the 1620s-1630s were seeking religious freedom to practice their own strict form of Protestantism. However, the Puritans became intolerant of other religions. Religious diversity increased over time as various groups established settlements for both economic and religious reasons, though intolerance remained. The Constitution barred establishment of a state religion and protected religious freedom.
This doc is the ultimate guide to Holidays and Mexico, and holidays in Latin America, including dates, historical significance, and other important information.
Religion and the adaptation of Catholic and Jewish minorities in the U.S.A., ...Marie Klein
The document discusses the adaptation of Catholic and Jewish minorities in the U.S. between 1840-1960. It focuses on how these two religious groups integrated into American society while maintaining their religious identities in the face of nativism and discrimination. The Irish Catholic immigrants faced significant hostility as the first large non-Protestant group, but overcame this by building strong religious communities. They set a precedent for how later immigrant groups could both adopt American values and culture while keeping their own traditions.
Samples pages of a title that I performed the layout and design on. Published by the University of North Texas Press.
Contact me through my LinkedIn profile at https://www.linkedin.com/in/joeparenteau1
This document contains a message from the Superior General about liturgy and several articles on the topic of liturgy from various Viatorian authors. It also recognizes anniversaries of religious commitments and provides news briefs. The articles discuss liturgy as a constitutive element of the Viatorian charism, the relationship between liturgy and history, how to engage youth in liturgy, and how liturgy can serve as a moment of catechesis. The overall document focuses on reflections from Viatorians on the importance and meaning of liturgy.
The document summarizes United Methodism's legacy of embracing diversity and welcoming strangers. It discusses how John Wesley and early Methodists ministered to all people, regardless of differences, based on biblical passages. It provides examples of how Methodists established institutions like schools, hospitals, and orphanages that welcomed strangers. While United Methodism has strived to live out its inclusive heritage, the path has not been straightforward, as societies and denominations struggled with exclusiveness at times. The conclusion calls United Methodists to continue welcoming strangers through preaching, teaching, and social outreach guided by their Wesleyan values.
Tierra de Gracia Lutheran Farm in Venezuela began as a small, abandoned plot of land in 2002 and has grown into a thriving operation providing spiritual and economic opportunities. The farm aims to train local residents in agriculture to improve livelihoods and support nearby rural Lutheran churches facing declining attendance. Through donations and volunteers, the farm now cultivates multiple crops and livestock to benefit the community while hosting spiritual activities that are revitalizing the churches.
Jesse Lancour feels called to be a missionary in Milwaukee. He outlines the challenges facing the city, including high poverty, crime, and lack of church attendance. His vision is to evangelize through outreach on college campuses and in neighborhoods, provide mercy ministry, disciple believers, and train leaders through a ministry school. He is seeking monthly financial support to be a full-time missionary in Milwaukee.
The Tierra de Gracia Lutheran Farm in Venezuela was established to train local residents in better agricultural techniques to improve incomes and support a pastor for rural evangelism. The farm acquired 140 hectares of land and has expanded livestock, established orchards and crops, and built infrastructure like fences, houses, and an irrigation lagoon with the help of U.S. volunteers and donations. Under Pastor Armando, the associated rural churches have increased attendance and faith activities, and the farm hosts daily devotions and weekly Bible studies for over 30 people from the neighboring community.
This document provides information about First United Methodist Church of North Hollywood's May 2022 newsletter. It discusses the church's plans to celebrate Asian and Pacific Islander Heritage Month by highlighting the stories and cultures of its AAPI members. The pastor's letter expresses the importance of countering racism and promoting understanding between all people. It also previews the church's upcoming Mother's Day celebration and sermon series on building a "House of Love" through mutual care and acceptance.
Militant: Resurrecting Authentic Catholicism - Michael VorisJasterRogueII
This document provides acknowledgments and thanks to the individuals and organizations that have supported the work of Church Militant and St. Michael's Media over the years. It discusses how the organization was initially founded and funded by Michael Voris using his life savings and loans. It acknowledges significant financial donations from other families and individuals that have allowed the organization to expand its operations and facilities. It also thanks the thousands of subscribers and those who support the organization through prayers and encouragement in its mission to advance the Catholic faith.
Militant: Resurrecting Authentic Catholicism - Michael VorisJasterRogueII
This document provides background on the founding of Church Militant and St. Michael's Media. It describes how Michael Voris' mother prayed fervently for her sons to return to the Catholic faith before dying of cancer. Following her death and his brother's sudden death, Voris underwent a conversion process and used his life savings to found St. Michael's Media to promote Catholic teachings through media. The organization has grown through significant financial and prayerful support from donors who believe in its mission.
Due tonight - 2hrs from now! If you cannot deliver it, dont offer t.docxsleeperharwell
Due tonight - 2hrs from now! If you cannot deliver it, don't offer to take it.
American Religious History
At the beginning of Chapter 10 in
Religious History of America: The heart of the American story from Colonial Times to today,
Gaustad & Schmidt, the authors make this statement:
"In the tumult of transplanting, religion often provided both personal security and ethnic cohesion. In a new land and generally faced with a new language, far removed from ancestral homes and former national identities, uncertain immigrants turned heavily toward synagogue, church, temple, and shrine for the comfort of the familiar. When so much had been abruptly disrupted, religion stood ready to offer the assurance of some continuity. In the communities of faith the uprooted still found roots from which they could grow in new directions."
What were some of the religious 'roots' and 'new directions' brought about by immigration to America in the mid-19th century?
In what ways do immigrants today impact the landscape of American religious life?
Please make this 1-2 paragraphs and in APA format. (150 words)
An Outline of 50 words
Please include a reference page and site sources within the paper.
.
The changes required in the IT project plan for Telecomm Ltd would.docxmattinsonjanel
The changes required in the IT project plan for Telecomm Ltd would entail specific variation in the platforms used in the initial implementation plan. Initially, the three projects that were planned for implementation included; the installation of business intelligence platform, the implementation of Statistical Analysis System software technology, and the creation of an effectively network infrastructure. In this case, the changes would include an addition of an ERP software to ensure the performance of the workforce within the Telecomms Ltd employees.
ERP is an effectively coordinated information technology system that would ensure the company’s performance is enhanced. To understand how the implementation of a coordinated IT system offers a competitive advantage of a firm, it is essential to acknowledge three core reasons for the failure of information technology related projects as commonly cited by IT managers. In this case, IT managers cite the three reasons as; poor planning or management, change in business objectives and goals during the implementation process of a project, and lack of proper management support completion (Houston, 2011). Also, in the majority of completed projects, technology is usually deployed in a vacuum; hence users resist it. The implementation of coordinated information technology systems, such as ERP would provide an ultimate solution to the three reasons for failure, and thus would give Telecomms Ltd a competitive advantage in the already competitive market. Since the implementation of systems like ERP directly provides solution to common problems that act as drawbacks regarding the competitiveness of firm, it is, therefore, evident that its use place Telecomms Ltd above its rival companies in the market share (Wallace & Kremzar, 2001).
The use ERP, which is a reliable coordinated IT system entails three distinctive implementation strategies that a firm can choose depending on its specific needs. The changes in the projects would be as follows: The three implementation strategies are independently capable of providing a relatively competitive advantage for many companies. These strategies are: big bang, phased rollout, and parallel adoption. In the big bang implementation strategy, happens in a single instance, whereby all the users are moved to a new system on a designated (Wallace & Kremzar, 2001). The phased rollout implementation on the other hand usually involves a changeover in several phases, and it is executed in an extended period. In this case, the users move onto the new system in a series of steps (Houston, 2011). Lastly, the parallel adoption implementation strategy allows both legacy and the new ERP system to run at the same time. It is also essential to note that users in this strategy get to learn the new system while still working on the old system (Wallace & Kremzar, 2001). The three strategies effectively change the information system of Telecomms Ltd tremendously such that it positiv ...
The Catholic University of America Metropolitan School of .docxmattinsonjanel
The Catholic University of America
Metropolitan School of Professional Studies
Course Syllabus
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA
Metropolitan School of Professional Studies
MBU 514 and MBU 315 Leadership Foundations
Fall 2015
Credits: 3
Classroom: Online
Dates: August 31, 2015 to December 14, 2015
Instructor:
Dr. Jacquie Hamp
Email: [email protected]
Twitter: @drjacquie
Telephone: 202 215 8117 cell
Office Hours: By Appointment
Dr. Jacquie Hamp is an educator, coach and consultant with particular expertise in leadership development, organizational development and human resources development strategy. From 2006 to 2015 she held the position as the Senior Director of Leadership Development for Goodwill Industries International in Rockville, Maryland. Dr. Hamp was responsible for the design and execution of leadership development programs and activities for all levels of the 4 billion dollar social enterprise network of Goodwill Industries across 165 independent local agencies. Jacquie is also a part time Associate Professor at George Washington University teaching at the graduate level and she is an adjunct professor at Catholic University of America, teaching leadership theory in the Masters Program.
Jacquie has a Master of Science degree in Human Resources Development Administration from Barry University. She holds a Doctor of Education degree in Human and Organizational Learning from the Graduate School of Education and Human Development at George Washington University. Jacquie has received a certificate in Executive Coaching from Georgetown University, a certificate in the Practice of Teaching Leadership from Harvard University and holds the national certification of Senior Professional in Human Resources (SPHR).
Jacquie has been invited to speak at conferences in the United States and the United Kingdom on the topic of how women learn through transformative experiences and techniques for effective leadership development in the social enterprise sector. She is a member of the Society of Human Resource Management (SHRM) and the International Leadership Association (ILA). In 2011 Dr. Hamp was awarded the Strategic Alignment Award by the Human Resources Leadership Association of Washington DC for her work in the redesign of the Goodwill Industries International leadership programs in order to meet the strategic goals of the organization.
Course Description: Surveys, compares, and contrasts contemporary theories of leadership, providing students the opportunity to assess their own leadership competencies and how they fit in with models of leadership. Students also discuss current literature, media coverage, and case studies on leadership issues.
Instructional Methods This course is based on the following adult learning concepts:
1. Learning is done by the learners, who are encouraged to achieve the overall course objectives through individual learning styles that meet their personal learning needs. ...
The Case of Frank and Judy. During the past few years Frank an.docxmattinsonjanel
The Case of Frank and Judy.
During the past few years Frank and Judy have experienced many conflicts in their marriage. Although they have made attempts to resolve their problems by themselves, they have finally decided to seek the help of a professional marriage counselor. Even though they have been thinking about divorce with increasing frequency, they still have some hope that they can achieve a satisfactory marriage.
Three couples counselors, each holding a different set of values pertaining to marriage and the family, describe their approach to working with Frank and Judy. As you read these responses, think about the degree to which each represents what you might say and do if you were counseling this couple.
· Counselor A. This counselor believes it is not her place to bring her values pertaining to the family into the sessions. She is fully aware of her biases regarding marriage and divorce, but she does not impose them or expose them in all cases. Her primary interest is to help Frank and Judy discover what is best for them as individuals 459460and as a couple. She sees it as unethical to push her clients toward a definite course of action, and she lets them know that her job is to help them be honest with themselves.
·
· What are your reactions to this counselor's approach?
· ▪ What values of yours could interfere with your work with Frank and Judy?
Counselor B. This counselor has been married three times herself. Although she believes in marriage, she is quick to maintain that far too many couples stay in their marriages and suffer unnecessarily. She explores with Judy and Frank the conflicts that they bring to the sessions. The counselor's interventions are leading them in the direction of divorce as the desired course of action, especially after they express this as an option. She suggests a trial separation and states her willingness to counsel them individually, with some joint sessions. When Frank brings up his guilt and reluctance to divorce because of the welfare of the children, the counselor confronts him with the harm that is being done to them by a destructive marriage. She tells him that it is too much of a burden to put on the children to keep the family together.
· ▪ What, if any, ethical issues do you see in this case? Is this counselor exposing or imposing her values?
· ▪ Do you think this person should be a marriage counselor, given her bias?
· ▪ What interventions made by the counselor do you agree with? What are your areas of disagreement?
Counselor C. At the first session this counselor states his belief in the preservation of marriage and the family. He believes that many couples give up too soon in the face of difficulty. He says that most couples have unrealistically high expectations of what constitutes a “happy marriage.” The counselor lets it be known that his experience continues to teach him that divorce rarely solves any problems but instead creates new problems that are often worse. The counsel ...
The Case of MikeChapter 5 • Common Theoretical Counseling Perspe.docxmattinsonjanel
The Case of Mike
Chapter 5 • Common Theoretical Counseling Perspectives 135
Mike is a 20-year-old male who has just recently been released from jail. Mike is technically on probation for car theft, though he has been involved in crime to a much greater extent. Mike has been identified as a cocaine user and has been suspected, though not convicted, for dealing cocaine. Mike has been tested for drugs by his probation department and was found positive for cocaine. The county has mandated that Mike receive drug counseling but the drug counselor has referred Mike to your office because the drug counselor suspects that Mike has issues beyond simple drug addiction. In fact, the drug counselor’s notes suggest that Mike has Narcissistic personality disorder. Mike seems to have little regard for the feelings of others. Coupled with this is his complete sensitivity to the comments of others. In fact, his prior fiancé has broken off her relationship with him due to what she calls his “constant need for admiration and attention. He is completely self-centered.” After talking with Mike, you quickly find that he has no close friends. As he talks about people who have been close to him, he discounts them for one imperfection or another. These imperfections are all considered severe enough to warrant dismissing the person entirely. Mike makes a point of noting how many have betrayed their loyalty to him or have otherwise failed to give him the credit that he deserves. When asked about getting caught in the auto theft, he remarks that “well my dumb partner got me out of a hot situation by driving me out in a stolen get-a-way car.” (Word on the street has it that Mike was involved in a sour drug deal and was unlikely to have made it out alive if not for his partner.) Mike adds, “you know, I plan everything out perfectly, but you just cannot rely on anybody . . . if you want it done right, do it yourself.” Mike recently has been involved with another woman (unknown to his prior fiancé) who has become pregnant. When she told Mike he said “tough, you can go get an abortionor something, it isn’t like we were in love or something.” Then he laughed at her and toldher to go find some other guy who would shack up with her. Incidentally, Mike is a very attractive man and he likes to point that out on occasion. “Yeah, I was going to be a male model in L. A.,but my agent did not know what he was doing . . . could never get things settled out right . . . so I had to fire him.” Mike is very popular with women and has had a constant string of failed relationships due to what he calls “their inability to keep things exciting.” As Mike puts it “hey, I am too smart for this stuff. These people around me, they don’t deserve the good dummies. But me, well I know how to run things and get over on people. And I am not about to let these dummies get in my way. I got it all figured out . . . see?”
Effective Small Business Management: An Entrepreneurial Approach 9th Edition, 2009 IS ...
THE CHRONICLE OF HIGHER EDUCATIONNovember 8, 2002 -- vol. 49, .docxmattinsonjanel
THE CHRONICLE OF HIGHER EDUCATION
November 8, 2002 -- vol. 49, no. 11, p. B7
The Dangerous Myth of Grade Inflation
By Alfie Kohn
Grade inflation got started ... in the late '60s and early '70s.... The grades that faculty members now give ... deserve to be a scandal.
--Professor Harvey Mansfield, Harvard University, 2001
Grades A and B are sometimes given too readily -- Grade A for work of no very high merit, and Grade B for work not far above mediocrity. ... One of the chief obstacles to raising the standards of the degree is the readiness with which insincere students gain passable grades by sham work.
--Report of the Committee on Raising the Standard, Harvard University, 1894
Complaints about grade inflation have been around for a very long time. Every so often a fresh flurry of publicity pushes the issue to the foreground again, the latest example being a series of articles in The Boston Globe last year that disclosed -- in a tone normally reserved for the discovery of entrenched corruption in state government -- that a lot of students at Harvard were receiving A's and being graduated with honors.
The fact that people were offering the same complaints more than a century ago puts the latest bout of harrumphing in perspective, not unlike those quotations about the disgraceful values of the younger generation that turn out to be hundreds of years old. The long history of indignation also pretty well derails any attempts to place the blame for higher grades on a residue of bleeding-heart liberal professors hired in the '60s. (Unless, of course, there was a similar countercultural phenomenon in the 1860s.)
Yet on campuses across America today, academe's usual requirements for supporting data and reasoned analysis have been suspended for some reason where this issue is concerned. It is largely accepted on faith that grade inflation -- an upward shift in students' grade-point averages without a similar rise in achievement -- exists, and that it is a bad thing. Meanwhile, the truly substantive issues surrounding grades and motivation have been obscured or ignored.
The fact is that it is hard to substantiate even the simple claim that grades have been rising. Depending on the time period we're talking about, that claim may well be false. In their book When Hope and Fear Collide (Jossey-Bass, 1998), Arthur Levine and Jeanette Cureton tell us that more undergraduates in 1993 reported receiving A's (and fewer reported receiving grades of C or below) compared with their counterparts in 1969 and 1976 surveys. Unfortunately, self-reports are notoriously unreliable, and the numbers become even more dubious when only a self-selected, and possibly unrepresentative, segment bothers to return the questionnaires. (One out of three failed to do so in 1993; no information is offered about the return rates in the earlier surveys.)
To get a more accurate picture of whether grades have changed over the years, one needs to look at official student tran ...
The chart is a guide rather than an absolute – feel free to modify.docxmattinsonjanel
The chart is a guide rather than an absolute – feel free to modify or adjust it as need to fit the specific ideas that you are developing.
Area: SALES
Specific Change Plans for Functional Areas
Capability Being Addressed
This can be pulled from the strategic proposal recommended in Part 2B
How do the recommended changes (details provided below) help improve the capability?
This is a logic "double check". Be sure you can show how the changes recommended below improve the capability and help address the product and market focus and add to accomplishment of the value proposition
Details of Specific Changes:
Proposed Changes in Resources
Proposed Changes to Management
Preferences
Proposed Changes to Organizational
Processes
Detailed Change Plans
(Lay out here the specifics of all recommended changes for this area. Modify the layout as necessary to account for the changes being recommended)
Proposed Change
Timing
Costs
On going impact on budget
On going impact on revenue
Wiki
Template
Part-‐2:
Gaps,
Issues
and
New
Strategy
BUSI
4940
–
Business
Policy
1
THE ENVIRONMENT/INDUSTRY
1. Drivers of change
Key drivers of change begin with the availability of substitute products. Many
other
companies can easily provide a substitute and the firm will have to find a way to
stand
out among them. Next would be the ability to differentiate yourself among other
firms
that pose a threat in the industry. Last, the political sector. The the federal, state,
and local governments could all shape the way healthcare is everywhere.
2. Key survival factors
Key survival factors would include making the firm stand out above the rest in the
industry and creating a name for itself. Second would be making sure there is a
broad
network of providers available for the customers. Giving the customer options
will
make the customer happy. Providing excellent customer service is key to any
firm in
the industry.
3. Product/Market and Value Proposition possibilities
Maintaining the use of heavy discounts will keep Careington in the competitive
market. They also concentrate on constantly innovating technology to make
sure that
they have the latest devices to offer their customers. To have high value proposition, Careington
will need to show their costumers that they can believe in them and trust them to
do the right thing. Showing the customers that they can always be on top of the
latest
technology and new age products will help build trust with the customers.
STRATEGY OF THE FIRM
1. Goals
Striving to promote the health and well being of their clients by continuing to
provide
low cost health care solutions. A lot of this concentration is on clients that cannot
afford health care very easily or that a ...
The Challenge of Choosing FoodFor this forum, please read http.docxmattinsonjanel
The Challenge of Choosing Food:
For this forum, please read: https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/food/no-food-is-healthy-not-even-kale/2016/01/15/4a5c2d24-ba52-11e5-829c-26ffb874a18d_story.html?postshare=3401453180639248&tid=ss_fb-bottom
The article is from the Washington Post, January 17, 2016, by Michael Ruhlmanentitled: "No Food is Healthy, Not even Kale."
Based on your reading in the textbook share the following information with your classmates:
(1) To what degree to you agree with article, "No Food is Healthy, Not even Kale." Do semantics count? Should we focus on foods that are described as nourishing (nutrient-dense) instead of foods described as healthy because the word "healthy" is a "bankrupt" word? Explain and refer to information from the article.
(2) Based on the article and the textbook reading (review pages 9-30), how challenging is it for you to choose nutritious foods that promote health? What factors drive your food choices? Explain to your classmates.
(3) What do you think is the biggest concern we face health-wise in the US today?
(4) What are some obstacles as to why we may not be eating as well as we would like to?
Please complete all questions, if you have any question let me knowv
Test file, (Do not modify it)
// $> javac -cp .:junit-cs211.jar ProperQueueTests.java #compile
// $> java -cp .:junit-cs211.jar ProperQueueTests #run tests
//
// On windows replace : with ; (colon with semicolon)
// $> javac -cp .;junit-cs211.jar ProperQueueTests.java #compile
// $> java -cp .;junit-cs211.jar ProperQueueTests #run tests
import org.junit.*;
import static org.junit.Assert.*;
import java.util.*;
public class ProperQueueTests {
public static void main(String args[]){
org.junit.runner.JUnitCore.main("ProperQueueTests");
}
/*
building queues:
- build small empty queue. (2)
- build larger empty queue. (11)
- build length-zero queue. (0)
*/
@Test(timeout=1000) public void ProperQueue_makeQueue_1(){
String expected = "";
ProperQueue q = new ProperQueue(2);
String actual = q.toString();
assertEquals(2, q.getCapacity());
assertEquals(expected, actual);
}
@Test(timeout=1000) public void ProperQueue_makeQueue_2(){
String expected = "";
ProperQueue q = new ProperQueue(11);
String actual = q.toString();
assertEquals(11, q.getCapacity());
assertEquals(expected, actual);
}
@Test(timeout=1000) public void Queue_makeQueue_3(){
String expected = "";
ProperQueue q = new ProperQueue(0);
String actual = q.toString();
assertEquals(0, q.getCapacity());
assertEquals(expected, actual);
}
/*
add/offer tests.
- add a single value to a short queue.
- fill up a small queue.
- over-add to a queue and witness it struggle.
- add many but don't finish filling a queue.
- make size-zero queue, adds fail, check it's still empty.
*/
@Test(timeout=1000) public void ProperQueue_add_1(){
String expecte ...
The Civil Rights Movement
Dr. James Patterson
Black Civil Rights Movement
Basic denial of civil rights (review)
Segregation in society
Inferior schools
Job discrimination
Political disenfranchisement
Over ½ lived below poverty level
Unemployment double national ave.
Ghettoes: gangs, drugs, substandard housing, crime
Early Victories
WWII egalitarianism and backlash against German racism
Jackie Robinson integrated professional baseball—1947
Desegregation of the armed forces ordered by president Truman—1948
Marian Anderson performed at the New York Metropolitan Opera House—1955
Increased interest in civil rights a result of Cold War propaganda
Brown v. Board of Education
1954 – Topeka, Kansas
Linda Brown: filed suit to attend a neighborhood school
“Separate educational institutions are inherently unequal.”
Overturned Plessy v. Ferguson
Court says: integrate "with all deliberate speed.”
What did this mean?
Linda Brown and Family
Circumvention of Brown v. Board of Education Ruling
White supremacist parents feared racial mixing and attempted to block black enrollment.
Ignored the integration issue
Token integration
Segregation through standardized placement tests
Segregation through private schools
Stalling through legal action
By 1964, 10 years after the Brown case, only 1% of black children attended truly integrated schools.
Little Rock High School
1957 courts order integration in Little Rock
9 black students enrolled.
Governor called out militia to block it.
Mobs replaced militia after recall.
Eisenhower ordered federal troops to protect the students.
Daily harassment
Courageous black students persevered.
Montgomery Bus Boycott
1955--Rosa Parks arrested for not giving up seat to white man
Boycott of bus system led by Martin Luther King, Jr.:
Walking, church busses, car pools, bicycles
Bus lines caught in the middle
Rosa Parks being Booked
Supreme Court ruled bus companies must integrate.
Inspired other protests:
Sit-ins, wade-ins, kneel-ins
Woolworth’s lunch counter
Montgomery Bus Boycott
Martin Luther King, Jr.
Martin Luther King, Jr.
Non-Violent
Influenced by Ghandi
“The blood may flow, but it must be our blood, not that of the white man.”
“Lord, we ain’t what we oughta be. We ain’t what we wanna be. We ain’t what we gonna be. But thank God, we ain’t what we was.”
Freedom Riders
Activists traveled from city to city to ignite the protest.
Bull Conner:
in Montgomery
Dogs
Whips
Water hoses
Cattle prods
Television
Public backlash
Civil Rights March (AL. 1965)
1963 - Washington, D.C. "I have a Dream“—200,000 Attended
Civil Rights Legislation
1964 - Civil Rights Act
1964 - 24th Amendment
Abolished Poll Tax
1965 Voting Rights Act
Affirmative action
Int ...
The Churchill CentreReturn to Full GraphicsThe Churchi.docxmattinsonjanel
The Churchill Centre
Return to Full Graphics
The Churchill Centre | Calendar | Churchill Facts | Speeches & Quotations | Publications and Resources |
News | Join The Centre! | Churchill Stores | Contact Us | Links | Search
Their Finest Hour
Sir Winston Churchill > Speeches & Quotations > Speeches
June 18, 1940
House of Commons
I spoke the other day of the colossal military disaster which occurred when the French High Command
failed to withdraw the northern Armies from Belgium at the moment when they knew that the French front
was decisively broken at Sedan and on the Meuse. This delay entailed the loss of fifteen or sixteen French
divisions and threw out of action for the critical period the whole of the British Expeditionary Force. Our
Army and 120,000 French troops were indeed rescued by the British Navy from Dunkirk but only with the
loss of their cannon, vehicles and modern equipment. This loss inevitably took some weeks to repair, and in
the first two of those weeks the battle in France has been lost. When we consider the heroic resistance
made by the French Army against heavy odds in this battle, the enormous losses inflicted upon the enemy
and the evident exhaustion of the enemy, it may well be the thought that these 25 divisions of the
best-trained and best-equipped troops might have turned the scale. However, General Weygand had to fight
without them. Only three British divisions or their equivalent were able to stand in the line with their French
comrades. They have suffered severely, but they have fought well. We sent every man we could to France
as fast as we could re-equip and transport their formations.
I am not reciting these facts for the purpose of recrimination. That I judge to be utterly futile and even
harmful. We cannot afford it. I recite them in order to explain why it was we did not have, as we could have
had, between twelve and fourteen British divisions fighting in the line in this great battle instead of only
three. Now I put all this aside. I put it on the shelf, from which the historians, when they have time, will
select their documents to tell their stories. We have to think of the future and not of the past. This also
applies in a small way to our own affairs at home. There are many who would hold an inquest in the House
of Commons on the conduct of the Governments-and of Parliaments, for they are in it, too-during the years
which led up to this catastrophe. They seek to indict those who were responsible for the guidance of our
affairs. This also would be a foolish and pernicious process. There are too many in it. Let each man search
his conscience and search his speeches. I frequently search mine.
Of this I am quite sure, that if we open a quarrel between the past and the present, we shall find that we
have lost the future. Therefore, I cannot accept the drawing of any distinctions between Members of the
present Government. It was formed at a moment of crisis in order to unite a ...
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Course Syllabus
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA
Metropolitan School of Professional Studies
MBU 514 and MBU 315 Leadership Foundations
Fall 2015
Credits: 3
Classroom: Online
Dates: August 31, 2015 to December 14, 2015
Instructor:
Dr. Jacquie Hamp
Email: [email protected]
Twitter: @drjacquie
Telephone: 202 215 8117 cell
Office Hours: By Appointment
Dr. Jacquie Hamp is an educator, coach and consultant with particular expertise in leadership development, organizational development and human resources development strategy. From 2006 to 2015 she held the position as the Senior Director of Leadership Development for Goodwill Industries International in Rockville, Maryland. Dr. Hamp was responsible for the design and execution of leadership development programs and activities for all levels of the 4 billion dollar social enterprise network of Goodwill Industries across 165 independent local agencies. Jacquie is also a part time Associate Professor at George Washington University teaching at the graduate level and she is an adjunct professor at Catholic University of America, teaching leadership theory in the Masters Program.
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The Case of Frank and Judy.
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Three couples counselors, each holding a different set of values pertaining to marriage and the family, describe their approach to working with Frank and Judy. As you read these responses, think about the degree to which each represents what you might say and do if you were counseling this couple.
· Counselor A. This counselor believes it is not her place to bring her values pertaining to the family into the sessions. She is fully aware of her biases regarding marriage and divorce, but she does not impose them or expose them in all cases. Her primary interest is to help Frank and Judy discover what is best for them as individuals 459460and as a couple. She sees it as unethical to push her clients toward a definite course of action, and she lets them know that her job is to help them be honest with themselves.
·
· What are your reactions to this counselor's approach?
· ▪ What values of yours could interfere with your work with Frank and Judy?
Counselor B. This counselor has been married three times herself. Although she believes in marriage, she is quick to maintain that far too many couples stay in their marriages and suffer unnecessarily. She explores with Judy and Frank the conflicts that they bring to the sessions. The counselor's interventions are leading them in the direction of divorce as the desired course of action, especially after they express this as an option. She suggests a trial separation and states her willingness to counsel them individually, with some joint sessions. When Frank brings up his guilt and reluctance to divorce because of the welfare of the children, the counselor confronts him with the harm that is being done to them by a destructive marriage. She tells him that it is too much of a burden to put on the children to keep the family together.
· ▪ What, if any, ethical issues do you see in this case? Is this counselor exposing or imposing her values?
· ▪ Do you think this person should be a marriage counselor, given her bias?
· ▪ What interventions made by the counselor do you agree with? What are your areas of disagreement?
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The Case of Mike
Chapter 5 • Common Theoretical Counseling Perspectives 135
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November 8, 2002 -- vol. 49, no. 11, p. B7
The Dangerous Myth of Grade Inflation
By Alfie Kohn
Grade inflation got started ... in the late '60s and early '70s.... The grades that faculty members now give ... deserve to be a scandal.
--Professor Harvey Mansfield, Harvard University, 2001
Grades A and B are sometimes given too readily -- Grade A for work of no very high merit, and Grade B for work not far above mediocrity. ... One of the chief obstacles to raising the standards of the degree is the readiness with which insincere students gain passable grades by sham work.
--Report of the Committee on Raising the Standard, Harvard University, 1894
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The chart is a guide rather than an absolute – feel free to modify or adjust it as need to fit the specific ideas that you are developing.
Area: SALES
Specific Change Plans for Functional Areas
Capability Being Addressed
This can be pulled from the strategic proposal recommended in Part 2B
How do the recommended changes (details provided below) help improve the capability?
This is a logic "double check". Be sure you can show how the changes recommended below improve the capability and help address the product and market focus and add to accomplishment of the value proposition
Details of Specific Changes:
Proposed Changes in Resources
Proposed Changes to Management
Preferences
Proposed Changes to Organizational
Processes
Detailed Change Plans
(Lay out here the specifics of all recommended changes for this area. Modify the layout as necessary to account for the changes being recommended)
Proposed Change
Timing
Costs
On going impact on budget
On going impact on revenue
Wiki
Template
Part-‐2:
Gaps,
Issues
and
New
Strategy
BUSI
4940
–
Business
Policy
1
THE ENVIRONMENT/INDUSTRY
1. Drivers of change
Key drivers of change begin with the availability of substitute products. Many
other
companies can easily provide a substitute and the firm will have to find a way to
stand
out among them. Next would be the ability to differentiate yourself among other
firms
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Key survival factors would include making the firm stand out above the rest in the
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firm in
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sure that
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latest
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STRATEGY OF THE FIRM
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The Challenge of Choosing FoodFor this forum, please read http.docxmattinsonjanel
The Challenge of Choosing Food:
For this forum, please read: https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/food/no-food-is-healthy-not-even-kale/2016/01/15/4a5c2d24-ba52-11e5-829c-26ffb874a18d_story.html?postshare=3401453180639248&tid=ss_fb-bottom
The article is from the Washington Post, January 17, 2016, by Michael Ruhlmanentitled: "No Food is Healthy, Not even Kale."
Based on your reading in the textbook share the following information with your classmates:
(1) To what degree to you agree with article, "No Food is Healthy, Not even Kale." Do semantics count? Should we focus on foods that are described as nourishing (nutrient-dense) instead of foods described as healthy because the word "healthy" is a "bankrupt" word? Explain and refer to information from the article.
(2) Based on the article and the textbook reading (review pages 9-30), how challenging is it for you to choose nutritious foods that promote health? What factors drive your food choices? Explain to your classmates.
(3) What do you think is the biggest concern we face health-wise in the US today?
(4) What are some obstacles as to why we may not be eating as well as we would like to?
Please complete all questions, if you have any question let me knowv
Test file, (Do not modify it)
// $> javac -cp .:junit-cs211.jar ProperQueueTests.java #compile
// $> java -cp .:junit-cs211.jar ProperQueueTests #run tests
//
// On windows replace : with ; (colon with semicolon)
// $> javac -cp .;junit-cs211.jar ProperQueueTests.java #compile
// $> java -cp .;junit-cs211.jar ProperQueueTests #run tests
import org.junit.*;
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import java.util.*;
public class ProperQueueTests {
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- build larger empty queue. (11)
- build length-zero queue. (0)
*/
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String actual = q.toString();
assertEquals(2, q.getCapacity());
assertEquals(expected, actual);
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String expected = "";
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String actual = q.toString();
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@Test(timeout=1000) public void Queue_makeQueue_3(){
String expected = "";
ProperQueue q = new ProperQueue(0);
String actual = q.toString();
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add/offer tests.
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- fill up a small queue.
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- make size-zero queue, adds fail, check it's still empty.
*/
@Test(timeout=1000) public void ProperQueue_add_1(){
String expecte ...
The Civil Rights Movement
Dr. James Patterson
Black Civil Rights Movement
Basic denial of civil rights (review)
Segregation in society
Inferior schools
Job discrimination
Political disenfranchisement
Over ½ lived below poverty level
Unemployment double national ave.
Ghettoes: gangs, drugs, substandard housing, crime
Early Victories
WWII egalitarianism and backlash against German racism
Jackie Robinson integrated professional baseball—1947
Desegregation of the armed forces ordered by president Truman—1948
Marian Anderson performed at the New York Metropolitan Opera House—1955
Increased interest in civil rights a result of Cold War propaganda
Brown v. Board of Education
1954 – Topeka, Kansas
Linda Brown: filed suit to attend a neighborhood school
“Separate educational institutions are inherently unequal.”
Overturned Plessy v. Ferguson
Court says: integrate "with all deliberate speed.”
What did this mean?
Linda Brown and Family
Circumvention of Brown v. Board of Education Ruling
White supremacist parents feared racial mixing and attempted to block black enrollment.
Ignored the integration issue
Token integration
Segregation through standardized placement tests
Segregation through private schools
Stalling through legal action
By 1964, 10 years after the Brown case, only 1% of black children attended truly integrated schools.
Little Rock High School
1957 courts order integration in Little Rock
9 black students enrolled.
Governor called out militia to block it.
Mobs replaced militia after recall.
Eisenhower ordered federal troops to protect the students.
Daily harassment
Courageous black students persevered.
Montgomery Bus Boycott
1955--Rosa Parks arrested for not giving up seat to white man
Boycott of bus system led by Martin Luther King, Jr.:
Walking, church busses, car pools, bicycles
Bus lines caught in the middle
Rosa Parks being Booked
Supreme Court ruled bus companies must integrate.
Inspired other protests:
Sit-ins, wade-ins, kneel-ins
Woolworth’s lunch counter
Montgomery Bus Boycott
Martin Luther King, Jr.
Martin Luther King, Jr.
Non-Violent
Influenced by Ghandi
“The blood may flow, but it must be our blood, not that of the white man.”
“Lord, we ain’t what we oughta be. We ain’t what we wanna be. We ain’t what we gonna be. But thank God, we ain’t what we was.”
Freedom Riders
Activists traveled from city to city to ignite the protest.
Bull Conner:
in Montgomery
Dogs
Whips
Water hoses
Cattle prods
Television
Public backlash
Civil Rights March (AL. 1965)
1963 - Washington, D.C. "I have a Dream“—200,000 Attended
Civil Rights Legislation
1964 - Civil Rights Act
1964 - 24th Amendment
Abolished Poll Tax
1965 Voting Rights Act
Affirmative action
Int ...
The Churchill CentreReturn to Full GraphicsThe Churchi.docxmattinsonjanel
The Churchill Centre
Return to Full Graphics
The Churchill Centre | Calendar | Churchill Facts | Speeches & Quotations | Publications and Resources |
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Their Finest Hour
Sir Winston Churchill > Speeches & Quotations > Speeches
June 18, 1940
House of Commons
I spoke the other day of the colossal military disaster which occurred when the French High Command
failed to withdraw the northern Armies from Belgium at the moment when they knew that the French front
was decisively broken at Sedan and on the Meuse. This delay entailed the loss of fifteen or sixteen French
divisions and threw out of action for the critical period the whole of the British Expeditionary Force. Our
Army and 120,000 French troops were indeed rescued by the British Navy from Dunkirk but only with the
loss of their cannon, vehicles and modern equipment. This loss inevitably took some weeks to repair, and in
the first two of those weeks the battle in France has been lost. When we consider the heroic resistance
made by the French Army against heavy odds in this battle, the enormous losses inflicted upon the enemy
and the evident exhaustion of the enemy, it may well be the thought that these 25 divisions of the
best-trained and best-equipped troops might have turned the scale. However, General Weygand had to fight
without them. Only three British divisions or their equivalent were able to stand in the line with their French
comrades. They have suffered severely, but they have fought well. We sent every man we could to France
as fast as we could re-equip and transport their formations.
I am not reciting these facts for the purpose of recrimination. That I judge to be utterly futile and even
harmful. We cannot afford it. I recite them in order to explain why it was we did not have, as we could have
had, between twelve and fourteen British divisions fighting in the line in this great battle instead of only
three. Now I put all this aside. I put it on the shelf, from which the historians, when they have time, will
select their documents to tell their stories. We have to think of the future and not of the past. This also
applies in a small way to our own affairs at home. There are many who would hold an inquest in the House
of Commons on the conduct of the Governments-and of Parliaments, for they are in it, too-during the years
which led up to this catastrophe. They seek to indict those who were responsible for the guidance of our
affairs. This also would be a foolish and pernicious process. There are too many in it. Let each man search
his conscience and search his speeches. I frequently search mine.
Of this I am quite sure, that if we open a quarrel between the past and the present, we shall find that we
have lost the future. Therefore, I cannot accept the drawing of any distinctions between Members of the
present Government. It was formed at a moment of crisis in order to unite a ...
The Categorical Imperative (selections taken from The Foundati.docxmattinsonjanel
The Categorical Imperative (selections taken from The Foundations of the Metaphysics of
Morals)
Preface
As my concern here is with moral philosophy, I limit the question suggested to this:
Whether it is not of the utmost necessity to construct a pure thing which is only empirical and
which belongs to anthropology? for that such a philosophy must be possible is evident from the
common idea of duty and of the moral laws. Everyone must admit that if a law is to have moral
force, i.e., to be the basis of an obligation, it must carry with it absolute necessity; that, for
example, the precept, "Thou shalt not lie," is not valid for men alone, as if other rational beings
had no need to observe it; and so with all the other moral laws properly so called; that, therefore,
the basis of obligation must not be sought in the nature of man, or in the circumstances in the
world in which he is placed, but a priori simply in the conception of pure reason; and although
any other precept which is founded on principles of mere experience may be in certain respects
universal, yet in as far as it rests even in the least degree on an empirical basis, perhaps only as to
a motive, such a precept, while it may be a practical rule, can never be called a moral law…
What is the “Good Will?”
NOTHING can possibly be conceived in the world, or even out of it, which can be called
good, without qualification, except a good will. Intelligence, wit, judgement, and the other
talents of the mind, however they may be named, or courage, resolution, perseverance, as
qualities of temperament, are undoubtedly good and desirable in many respects; but these gifts of
nature may also become extremely bad and mischievous if the will which is to make use of them,
and which, therefore, constitutes what is called character, is not good. It is the same with the
gifts of fortune. Power, riches, honour, even health, and the general well-being and contentment
with one's condition which is called happiness, inspire pride, and often presumption, if there is
not a good will to correct the influence of these on the mind, and with this also to rectify the
whole principle of acting and adapt it to its end. The sight of a being who is not adorned with a
single feature of a pure and good will, enjoying unbroken prosperity, can never give pleasure to
an impartial rational spectator. Thus a good will appears to constitute the indispensable condition
even of being worthy of happiness.
There are even some qualities which are of service to this good will itself and may
facilitate its action, yet which have no intrinsic unconditional value, but always presuppose a
good will, and this qualifies the esteem that we justly have for them and does not permit us to
regard them as absolutely good. Moderation in the affections and passions, self-control, and calm
deliberation are not only good in many respects, but even seem to constitute part of th ...
The cave represents how we are trained to think, fell or act accor.docxmattinsonjanel
The cave represents how we are trained to think, fell or act according to society, following our own way and not the way intended for us. The shadows are merely a reflection of what they perceived to be reality instead of an illusion. The prisoners are trapped in society, each one of us who choose to stay trapped in our own way. The man that escapes is the person who no longer is a slave to society and can see the difference between reality and illusion. The day light can be compared to God’s will. When you don’t follow the plan that has been laid out for you by God, than you are trapped and you will only see illusions or reflections of reality. Escaping and choosing to go into “the light,” or following the will of God, only then can you be set free from your prison.
When looking at a piece of art, a painting, for example, at first glance the painting can appear to be something other what it is intended to be (reality). This reminds me of those pictures that everyone sees on social media, the picture that has circles all over it. When you look at the picture it appears that the circles are moving, but in reality the circles do not move at all. So art can more or less be perceived as more of an illusion.
An example of the picture can be seen here http://www.dailyhaha.com/_pics/movie_circles_illusion.jpg
Accepting illusion as reality happens a lot more times than we probably think. Anything that we see on T.V., Social Media, internet, or even dating, can all be perceived as an illusion at some point. Take dating for example; how a person acts on a date is most likely not how they would act to someone they have known for a while (illusion). Not all people pretend to be something different but in many cases they do. Recognizing what you failed to see after the initial first date and thereafter is how you would know what you first seen was just simply an illusion and therefore not reality, unless of course in reality they are simply a fake person I suppose. Following this pattern makes you realize most people do not appear to be who they are. A good “first impression” doesn’t necessarily mean much when thinking about illusions vs reality, because that’s all the “first impression” is in fact more or less an illusion.
People live in shadows because they fail to recognize reality and choose to continue to believe in illusions. With the growth of Social media, more and more people are falling victim to what things appear to be and will stay in the dark (cave). We as a society are imprisoned by what we see and read through news channels and social media. We will believe anything that comes across CNN or any news station (not fox news though) and let them make up our mind for us. People comment on any shooting victims and assume the cop was in the wrong and is racist, in reality that is not always the case.
It’s interesting to think in terms of appearance vs reality when viewing not only art, but the world. Not taking things for what they appear to ...
The Case Superior Foods Corporation Faces a ChallengeOn his way.docxmattinsonjanel
The Case: Superior Foods Corporation Faces a Challenge
On his way to the plant office, Jason Starnes passed by the production line where hundreds of gloved, uniformed workers were packing sausages and processed meats for shipment to grocery stores around the world.
Jason's company, Superior Foods Corporation, based in Wichita, Kansas, employed 30,000 people in eight countries and had beef and pork processing plants in Arkansas, California, Milwaukee, and Nebraska City. Since a landmark United States–Japan trade agreement signed in 1988, markets had opened up for major exports of American beef, now representing 10 percent of U.S. production. Products called “variety meats”—including intestines, hearts, brains, and tongues—were very much in demand for export to international markets.
Jason was in Nebraska City to talk with the plant manager, Ben Schroeder, about the U.S. outbreak of bovine spongiform encephalopathy (mad cow disease) and its impact on the plant. On December 23, 2011, the U.S. Department of Agriculture had announced that bovine spongiform encephalopathy had been discovered in a Holstein cow in Washington State. The global reaction was swift: Seven countries imposed either total or partial bans on the importation of U.S. beef, and thousands of people were chatting about it on blogs and social networking sites. Superior had moved quickly to intercept a container load of frozen Asian-bound beef from its shipping port in Los Angeles, and all other shipments were on hold.
After walking into Ben's office, Jason sat down across from him and said, “Ben, your plant has been a top producer of variety meats for Superior, and we have appreciated all your hard work out here. Unfortunately, it looks like we need to limit production for a while—at least three months, or until the bans get relaxed. I know Senator Nelson is working hard to get the bans lifted. In the meantime, we need to shut down production and lay off about 25 percent of your workers. I know it is going to be difficult, and I'm hoping we can work out a way to communicate this to your employees.”
...
The Case You can choose to discuss relativism in view of one .docxmattinsonjanel
The Case:
You can choose to discuss relativism in view of one of the following two cases:
The Case:
· Start by giving a brief explanation of relativism (200 words).
· what is the difference between ethical & cultural relativism. Then discuss, in view of relativism, how we can reconcile the apparent conflict between the need for enforcement of human rights standards with the need for protection of cultural diversity. (400 words).
...
The Case Study of Jim, Week Six The body or text (i.e., not rest.docxmattinsonjanel
The Case Study of Jim, Week Six
The body or text (i.e., not restating the question in your answer, not including your references or your signature) of your initial response should be at least 300 words of text to be considered substantive. You will see a red U for initial responses that are not at least 300 words. Note: your initial response to this required discussion will not count toward participation
The Case Study of Jim, Week 6
Title of Activity: In class discussion of the case study of Jim, Week Six
Objective: Review the concepts of the case study in Ch.13 of Personality and then relate Jim’s case to the theorists discussed during the week. In addition, summarize the entire case study.
1. Read “The Case of Jim” in Ch. 13 of Personality.
2. Discuss the case. This week, discussion should focus on social-cognitive theory.
3. Provide a summary of the entire case.
THE CASE OF JIM Twenty years ago Jim was assessed from various theoretical points of view: psychoanalytic, phenomenological, personal construct, and trait.
At the time, social-cognitive theory was just beginning to evolve, and thus he was not considered from this standpoint. Later, however, it was possible to gather at least some data from this theoretical standpoint as well. Although comparisons with earlier data may be problematic because of the time lapse, we can gain at least some insight into Jim’s personality from this theoretical point of view. We do so by considering
Jim’s goals, reinforcers he experiences, and his self-efficacy beliefs.
Jim was asked about his goals for the immediate future and for the long-range future. He felt that his immediate and long-term goals were pretty much the same: (1) getting to know his son and being a good parent, (2) becoming more accepting and less critical of his wife and others, and (3) feeling good about his professional work as a consultant.
Generally he feels that there is a good chance of achieving these goals but is guarded in that estimate, with some uncertainty about just how much he will be able to “get out of myself” and thereby be more able to give to his wife and child.
Jim also was asked about positive and aversive reinforcers, things that were important to him that he found rewarding or unpleasant.
Concerning positive reinforcers, Jim reported that money was “a biggie.”
In addition he emphasized time with loved ones, the glamour of going to an opening night, and generally going to the theater or movies.
He had a difficult time thinking of aversive reinforcers. He described writing as a struggle and then noted, “I’m having trouble with this.”
Jim also discussed another social-cognitive variable: his competencies or skills (both intellectual and social). He reported that he considered himself to be very bright and functioning at a very high intellectual level. He felt that he writes well from the standpoint of a clear, organized presentation, but he had not written anything that is innovative or creative. Ji ...
The Case of Missing Boots Made in ItalyYou can lead a shipper to.docxmattinsonjanel
The Case of Missing Boots Made in Italy
You can lead a shipper to the water, but if the horse does not want to drink…
Vocabulary:
Shipper: In commercial trade, the person who gives goods to a shipping company to be transported to a foreign destination; in export transactions, it is usually the exporter. Do not confuse the shipper with the shipping company or carrier.
Consignee: The person who is ultimately receiving the goods, generally the buyer or importer. Sometimes these people will designate a “notify party” to be notified when the goods arrive in the port of entry, so that customs clearance can be arranged and the goods picked up for further domestic transport.
Carrier: A company that transports goods (sometimes referred to as a “shipping company” or a “freight company”).
Forwarder (or “freight forwarder”): A forwarder is like a travel agent for cargo – forwarders organize the transport of your goods from departure to destination, and charge a fee for their services. There are many different kinds of forwarders. There are firms that act as both forwarders and carriers. Sometimes forwarders will have relationships with a whole string of carriers and other forwarders, so that the shipper only deals with the forwarder but in the end the goods are actually carrier by a series of independent transport companies.
NVOCC: Non-vessel operating common carrier. A “common carrier” in the legal terminology refers to a carrier who has accepted the additional legal burdens imposed on a company that regularly carries goods for a fee (as opposed to someone with a truck who might agree to help you out just this once because you’re in trouble).
Container: Large standard-sized metal boxes for transporting merchandise; you see them on the back of trucks, or stacked up outside of ports like Lego toys, or on top of large ocean-going container ships. The capacity of container vessels is measured in TEU (twenty-foot equivalent units; containers generally measure 20 or 40 feet long; large vessels can now carry in excess of 4,000 TEU). There are different kinds of containers for different purposes. For example, refrigerated containers (for transporting meat or fruit, for example) are called “reefers,” so be careful where you use this term.
Consolidator: When large companies ship a lot of goods, they are usually able to fill entire containers. However, shippers who ship smaller amounts (like the shipper in the example below), often have their goods “stuffed” (the industry term) along with other goods into the same container; hence, they are “consolidated.” Some firms specialize in consolidating various shipments from different shippers, these are “consolidators.” A load which requires consolidation is a “LCL” or less-than-full-container load, as opposed to a “FCL” – full-container-load.
Marine Insurance: This is a common term for cargo insurance for international shipments, even in cases where much of the transport is NOT by sea; “marine insurance ...
The Cardiovascular SystemNSCI281 Version 51University of .docxmattinsonjanel
The Cardiovascular System
NSCI/281 Version 5
1
University of Phoenix Material
The Cardiovascular System
Exercise 9.6: Cardiovascular System—Thorax, Arteries, Anterior View
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Exercise 9.8: Cardiovascular System—Thorax, Veins, Anterior View
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Animation: Pulmonary and Systemic Circulation
After viewing the animation, answer these questions:
1. Name the two divisions of the cardiovascular system.
2. What are the destinations of these two circuits?
3. In the systemic circulation, where does gas exchange occur?
4. In the pulmonary circulation, where does gas exchange occur?
5. Name the blood vessels that carry oxygen-rich blood to the heart. How many are there? Where do they terminate?
Exercise 9.9: Imaging—Thorax
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In Review
1. What is the name for the fibrous sac that encloses the heart?
2. Name the lymphatic organ that is large in children but atrophies during adolescence.
3. Name the bilobed endocrine gland located lateral to the trachea and larynx.
4. How do large arteries supply blood to body structures?
5. Name the large vessel that conveys oxygen-poor blood from the right ventricle of the heart.
6. Name the two branches of the blood vessel mentioned in question 5 that convey oxygen-poor blood to the lungs.
7. Name the blunt tip of the left ventricle.
8. What is the carotid sheath? What structures are found within it?
9. What is the serous pericardium?
10. Name the structure that ...
The Cardiovascular SystemNSCI281 Version 55University of .docxmattinsonjanel
The Cardiovascular System
NSCI/281 Version 5
5
University of Phoenix Material
The Cardiovascular System
Exercise 9.6: Cardiovascular System—Thorax, Arteries, Anterior View
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Animation: Pulmonary and Systemic Circulation
After viewing the animation, answer these questions:
1. Name the two divisions of the cardiovascular system.
2. What are the destinations of these two circuits?
3. In the systemic circulation, where does gas exchange occur?
4. In the pulmonary circulation, where does gas exchange occur?
5. Name the blood vessels that carry oxygen-rich blood to the heart. How many are there? Where do they terminate?
Exercise 9.9: Imaging—Thorax
A. .
B. .
C. .
D. .
E. .
F. .
G. .
H. .
I. .
J. .
K. .
In Review
1. What is the name for the fibrous sac that encloses the heart?
2. Name the lymphatic organ that is large in children but atrophies during adolescence.
3. Name the bilobed endocrine gland located lateral to the trachea and larynx.
4. How do large arteries supply blood to body structures?
5. Name the large vessel that conveys oxygen-poor blood from the right ventricle of the heart.
6. Name the two branches of the blood vessel mentioned in question 5 that convey oxygen-poor blood to the lungs.
7. Name the blunt tip of the left ventricle.
8. What is the carotid sheath? What structures are found within it?
9. What is the serous pericardium?
10. Name the structure that ...
The British Airways Swipe Card Debacle case study;On Friday, Jul.docxmattinsonjanel
The British Airways Swipe Card Debacle case study;
On Friday, July 18, 2003, British Airways staff in Terminals 1 and 4 at London’s busy Heathrow Airport held a 24 hour wildcat strike. The strike was not officially sanctioned by the trade unions but was spontaneous action by over 250 check in staff who walked out at 4 pm. The wildcat strike occurred at the start of a peak holiday season weekend which led to chaotic scenes at Heathrow. Some 60 departure flights were grounded and over 10,000 passengers left stranded. The situation was heralded as the worst industrial situation BA had faced since 1997 when a strike was called by its cabin crew. BA response was to cancel its services from both terminals, apologize for the disruption and ask those who were due to fly not to go to the airport as they would be unable to service them. BA also set up a tent outside Heathrow to provide refreshments and police were called in to manage the crow. BA was criticized by many American visitors who were trying to fly back to the US for not providing them with sufficient information about what was going on. Staff returned to work on Saturday evening but the effects of the strike flowed on through the weekend. By Monday morning July 21, BA reported that Heathrow was still extremely busy. There is still a large backlog of more than 1000 passengers from services cancelled over the weekend. We are doing everything we can to get these passengers away in the next couple of days. As a result of the strike BA lost around 40 million and its reputation was severely dented. The strike also came at a time when BA was still recovering from other environmental jolts such as 9/11 the Iraqi war, SARS, and inroads on its markets from budget airlines. Afterwards BA revealed that it lost over 100,000 customers a result of the dispute.
BA staff were protesting the introduction of a system for electronic clocking in that would record when they started and finished work for the day. Staff were concerned that the system would enable managers to manipulate their working patterns and shift hours. The clocking in system was one small part of a broader restructuring program in BA, titled the Future Size and Shape recovery program. Over the previous two years this had led to approximately 13,000 or almost one in four jobs, being cut within the airline. As The Economist noted, the side effects of these cuts were emerging with delayed departures resulting from a shortage of ground staff at Gatwick and a high rate of sickness causing the airline to hire in aircraft and crew to fill gaps. Rising absenteeism is a sure sign of stress in an organization that is contracting. For BA management introduction of the swipe card system was a way of modernizing BA and improving the efficient use of staff and resources. As one BA official was quoted as saying We needed to simplify things and bring in the best system to manage people. For staff it was seen as a prelude to a radical shakeup in working ...
The Case Abstract Accuracy International (AI) is a s.docxmattinsonjanel
The Case
Abstract
Accuracy International (AI) is a specialist British firearms manufacturer based in Portsmouth,
Hampshire, England and best known for producing the Accuracy International Arctic Warfare
series of precision sniper rifles. The company was established in 1978 by British Olympic shooting
gold medallist Malcolm Cooper, MBE (1947–2001), Sarah Cooper, Martin Kay, and the designers
of the weapons, Dave Walls and Dave Craig. All were highly skilled international or national target
shooters. Accuracy International's high-accuracy sniper rifles are in use with many military units
and police departments around the world. Accuracy International went into liquidation in 2005, and
was bought by a British consortium including the original design team of Dave Walls and Dave
Craig.
Earlier this year, AI's computer network was hit by a data stealing malware which cost thousands of
pounds to recover from. Also last year there have been a couple of incidents of industrial
espionage, involving staff who were later sacked and prosecuted.
As part of an ongoing covert investigation, the head of Security at AI (DG) has hired you to
conduct a forensic investigation on an image of a USB device. The USB device, it is a non-
company issued device, allegedly belonging to an employee Christian Macleod, a consultant and
technical manager at AI for more than six years.
Case details
Christian’s manager, David Bolton, is the regional manager and head of R&D and has been
working at AI for the last three years. David initiated this fact finding covert investigation which is
conducted with the support of the head of Security at AI.
The USB device in question allegedly was removed from Christian's workstation at AI while he
was out of the office for lunch, the device was imaged and then it was plugged in back into
Christian's workstation. You have been provided with a copy of that image (the original copy is at
the moment secure in a secure locker at the security department).
You have been told by DG that Dave was alarmed by some of the work practices of Christian and
that prompted him to start this investigation by contacting the Head of Security at AI. According to
Dave, Christian would bring in devices such as his iPod and his iPhone and he would often plug
these into his workstation. There is no policy against personal music devices and there is no
BYOD policy but there is a strict policy against copying corporate data is any personal device. The
company's policy states that such data is not to be stored unencrypted, on unauthorised, non
company approved devices. According to DG, Dave has reasons to believe that an earlier malware
infection incident at AI had its origins in one of Christian's personal devices.
Supporting information
1. You need to be aware that Dave and Christian do not get along as they had a few verbal exchanges
in the last year. Christian has filled in a ...
This presentation was provided by Steph Pollock of The American Psychological Association’s Journals Program, and Damita Snow, of The American Society of Civil Engineers (ASCE), for the initial session of NISO's 2024 Training Series "DEIA in the Scholarly Landscape." Session One: 'Setting Expectations: a DEIA Primer,' was held June 6, 2024.
Strategies for Effective Upskilling is a presentation by Chinwendu Peace in a Your Skill Boost Masterclass organisation by the Excellence Foundation for South Sudan on 08th and 09th June 2024 from 1 PM to 3 PM on each day.
How to Setup Warehouse & Location in Odoo 17 InventoryCeline George
In this slide, we'll explore how to set up warehouses and locations in Odoo 17 Inventory. This will help us manage our stock effectively, track inventory levels, and streamline warehouse operations.
How to Fix the Import Error in the Odoo 17Celine George
An import error occurs when a program fails to import a module or library, disrupting its execution. In languages like Python, this issue arises when the specified module cannot be found or accessed, hindering the program's functionality. Resolving import errors is crucial for maintaining smooth software operation and uninterrupted development processes.
This presentation includes basic of PCOS their pathology and treatment and also Ayurveda correlation of PCOS and Ayurvedic line of treatment mentioned in classics.
How to Manage Your Lost Opportunities in Odoo 17 CRMCeline George
Odoo 17 CRM allows us to track why we lose sales opportunities with "Lost Reasons." This helps analyze our sales process and identify areas for improvement. Here's how to configure lost reasons in Odoo 17 CRM
How to Build a Module in Odoo 17 Using the Scaffold MethodCeline George
Odoo provides an option for creating a module by using a single line command. By using this command the user can make a whole structure of a module. It is very easy for a beginner to make a module. There is no need to make each file manually. This slide will show how to create a module using the scaffold method.
Tamales on the Fourth of July The Transnational Parish of C.docx
1. Tamales on the Fourth of July: The Transnational
Parish of Coeneo, Michoacán
Luis E. Murillo
Introduction
During the 2004 Christmas season, in a scene repeated
throughout central Mexico, the rural town of Coeneo,
Michoacán,
about 250 miles west-northwest of Mexico City, bustled with
activity
as a multitude of late-model pickup trucks, SUVs, and minivans,
each
filled to capacity with passengers, cruised up the principal
street,
ranchera and banda music blaring. The population of Coeneo, a
town
of approximately 4,500, had swelled as people filled up the
sidewalks.
The parish church of Nuestra Señora del Rosario (Our Lady of
the
Rosary) usually had a crowd of well-dressed people milling
around
the front waiting for a quinceañera mass or a wedding or a
baptism to
begin. One such ceremony took place on December 26 at
precisely
1:15 p.m. in the auxiliary chapel. To meet the overwhelming
demand,
the parish priest, Father Gomez, baptized twenty babies.
Parents, god-
3. Culture. All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for
permission to photocopy or reproduce
article content through the University of California Press's
Rights and Permissions website, at
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c.2009.19.2.137
138 Religion and American Culture
through the town, with a few exceptions, had U.S. license
plates. A
majority of the guests who attended the baptism ceremony lived,
worked, and went to mass in the United States. Among the
twenty
babies Father Gomez baptized, five were born in the United
States:
Melvin, Salvador, Anahi, Efren, and Julio Cesar.4 For the
parish of
Coeneo, these children constitute part of a recent trend where a
sig-
nificant number of children born in the United States become
Catholics in Mexico: U.S. citizens/Mexican Catholics. In the
six-year
span from 1998 to 2004, for example, there were at least 225
babies
who became U.S. citizens/Mexican Catholics in Coeneo,
representing
some 17 percent of the total number of children baptized there
during
this period.5
These baptisms, along with wedding and quinceañera celebra-
4. tions, should be considered transnational religious ceremonies
that
help migrants stay connected with other members of their
commu-
nity who live in disparate parts of the United States and Mexico
as
Mexicans and Mexican Americans.6 Indeed, the five U.S.
children.
baptized on December 26 point us to those U.S. communities
that
have significant populations originating from Coeneo,
sometimes
referred to as shadow communities. Melvin and his family hail
from
southern California, where members of the Coeneo community
have
been migrating for more than one hundred years to such cities
as
Oxnard, Los Angeles, Riverside, Santa Ana, and Watsonville.7
Salvador, for his part, was born in the environs of Chicago,
where, for
the last fifty years, parishioners from Coeneo have settled in
Round
Lake, Libertyville, and Cicero. Upon Salvador's return, he
would join
some 500,000 Michoacanos living in the Chicago area, so many
that
there exists a Federation of Michoacán Clubs of Illinois. Since
2004,
that federation has sponsored a Michoacán Presence in Illinois
every
June. The celebration begins with a mass and blessing at the
Des
Plaines, Illinois, shrine of Our Lady of Guadalupe, the
ubiquitous
5. patron saint of Mexico. Demonstrating the importance of this
cele-
bration, the archbishop of Morelia, whose jurisdiction includes
Coeneo and all of the state of Michoacán, came to commence
and
bless the events in 2004.
The final three U.S. children baptized on December 26, 2004,
Anahi, Efren, and Julio Cesar, rode down with their parents
from their
birthplaces in southeastern Idaho. In many southeastern Idaho
coun-
ties, Mexicans and Mexican Americans represent well over a
majority
of the Catholic population. In May 2006, in a southeastern
Idaho
parish, I witnessed the present reality of U.S. Catholicism and
culture
that these three children and their families have influenced. At
the
first of two Spanish masses scheduled for this rural parish
church,
Tamales on the Fourth of July 139
Mexicans and Mexican Americans of all ages jammed the
church.
During an energetic sermon, spoken in a flawless, heavily
accented
Spanish, the parish priest detailed the differences between
God's love
(agape) and humanity's love (philo), and I, along with much of
the con-
gregation, drifted off. I began to read the parish bulletin and
6. noticed
that the local Our Lady of Guadalupe Society sought volunteers
to
make tamales all day on June 8 and 9 for the upcoming Fourth
of July
celebration. Tamales made by Mexicans and Mexican
Americans from
Coeneo as members of Our Lady of Guadalupe Society in Idaho
for a
Fourth of July celebration encapsulates the complexity of
Mexican
and Mexican American transnational Catholicism.
The children baptized in December 2004 in Coeneo and their
families, then, return to the United States, where they become
part of
the 40 percent of the U.S. Catholic population that is Latino; a
Latino
Catholic population that constitutes slightly more than 70
percent of
the U.S. Catholic population growth since I960.8 These
transnational
parishioners will soon be part of the majority population of the
single
largest church in the United States, the U.S. Catholic church.
Despite
these numbers, however, they live on the margins of U.S.
society,
working in construction, agriculture, meat packing, and service
industries. They also still inhabit the periphery of the U.S.
Catholic
church and remain, despite pleas from some scholars, on the
margins
of a marginal U.S. Catholic history.9
Based on archival research, interviews, and observations in
7. both Coeneo and in Idaho, this article traces the significant, yet
largely unexplored, experience of transnationalism in the lived
reli-
gious experiences of Mexican and Mexican American Catholics
in an
effort to shed some light, raise some questions, and hopefully
stimu-
late more research. The research clearly demonstrates that the
transnational lives Mexicans and Mexican Americans lead have
sig-
nificantly changed the rhythm of parish life on both sides of the
bor-
der. In the case of Mexican parishes, the rhythm of parish life
has
shifted away from traditional celebrations of local and national
Catholic images, celebrations that still occur but with less
participa-
tion as so many live in the United States, to celebrations of
marriages
and baptisms. These religious celebrations of marriages and
baptisms
in Mexico have become the focal point of identity and
community in
this transnational Mexican and Mexican American experience.
In
turn, images of the Virgin of Guadalupe, the patron saint of
Mexico,
are now often employed in U.S. parish churches, replacing local
Catholic images of Jesus and Mary.
My argument derives from an ongoing historical case study
(1890-present) of the parish and parishioners of Nuestra Señora
del
8. 140 Religion and American Culture
Rosario in Coeneo, Michoacán.10 A predominantly rural and
poor
state in central Mexico, Michoacán garners some tourist trade
with its
colonial cities that include the capital city, Morella, and
Pátzcuaro.
Located within the Meseta Purépecha, a mountainous zone with
lim-
ited agricultural land and a significant indigenous population,
the
Purépechas, the parish of Coeneo is all but a shell of itself
eleven
months of the year until everyone returns for the Christmas
holi-
days.11 The parish of Coeneo rests within the municipality of
Coeneo
and, according to Mexican census records, the population for
the
municipality had a negative 1.5 percent growth for the period of
1995
to 2000 and is expected to decline from 23,946 in 2000 to
18,050 in
2030. The parish centers in Coeneo, Michoacán, where the two
priests
in charge of the parish live. It also includes some fourteen other
small
communities of populations ranging from five hundred to fifteen
hundred, giving the parish a total population of some ten
thousand.12
This exploration, then, presents a view from Mexico and from
the perspective of a Mexican historian. The article begins with
an
overview of the increasingly muddied concept of
9. transnationalism
and how migration studies have approached religious
phenomena. In
order to appreciate better the dynamics of transnational
religious
organizations and practices, scholars have urged that one should
begin from "the ground up."13 This exploration into Coeneo
transna-
tionalism, thus far, leads to the conclusion that, in order to
grasp best
the active transnational lives of many Mexicans and Mexican
Americans, the ground level should be the parish unit, a unit
that
needs to be rethought as an analytical unit in two important
regards.
First, the way in which parish life in rural Mexico has been
predomi-
nately conceptualized as one whose rhythm revolves around a
tradi-
tional ritual calendar centered on community celebrations of
particular religious holidays and localized votive devotions
needs to
be replaced by one in which the rhythm of community
celebrations
centers on the sacraments of baptism and marriage because of
the
irregular attendance in traditional Catholic community
celebrations.
Throughout central Mexico, parish life dramatically changes
during
the Christmas holidays when transnationalists return briefly to
Mexico. Post Vatican II Catholicism may have changed many
ele-
ments of Catholic practice, but the sacraments of baptism and
mar-
riage must take place in the parish church, and many Mexicans
10. and
Mexican Americans decide to take these sacraments in Mexico.
At the
same time, one must also consider that, for Mexicans and
Mexican
Americans, the sacraments of baptism and marriage have
multiple
meanings that not only include universal Catholic doctrines but
also
notions of family, community, and a particular appreciation for
the
Tamales on the Fourth of July 141
sacralized landscape of their Mexican parish.14 Second, notions
of
parish boundaries as fixed and parish affiliation as singular
must be
reconsidered because many Mexicans and Mexican Americans
living
in the United States consider themselves to be active members
in at
least two parishes: one in Mexico and one or more in the United
States.
Transnationalism and Religion: Mexican and Mexican American
Catholicism
The concept of transnationalism has become a bit muddied
over the last ten years so that it now includes everything from
glob-
alization to diasporas to transnational communities.15 Within
U.S.
Latino religious studies, the concept of transnationalism has
11. prima-
rily examined a powerful symbolic transnationalism. Luis León
notes
the way in which devotion to La Virgen de Guadalupe connects
"Mexico City—place, history, and identity—[to] the disaporic
Mexican-American Catholic community."16 The Coeneo case
resem-
bles a different type of transnationalism, one that resonates with
anthropologist Roger Rouse's "transnational migrant circuit."
For
Rouse, whose study focused on a small rural community in
southern
Michoacán, Aguililla, and its shadow community in Redwood
City,
California, "the continuous circulation of people, money, goods,
and
information, the various settlements [had] become so closely
woven
together that, in an important sense, they have come to
constitute a
single community spread across a variety of sites."17 The
transnation-
alism described here, thus, contains a far more physical element
than
symbolic. This continuous circulation of Mexicans and Mexican
Americans represents a new phenomenon in Mexican migration
to
the United States, a phenomenon that occurred concurrently
with
more traditional forms of migration. Until the 1970s, Mexican
migra-
tion followed either a temporary pattern in which the majority
of
migrants came for short periods of time, for seasonal
agricultural
work or for extended industrial work; or some migrants came
12. and
stayed permanently in the United States with limited ties to
Mexico.
After the 1970s, the pattern of Mexican migration shifted as
migrants,
often bringing their families, increasingly settled in urban areas
of the
U.S. Southwest and went to nontraditional areas throughout the
United States, including Idaho. Unlike previous migrants, these
post-
19708 migrants increasingly live transnational lives, going back
and
forth with far greater frequency.18 They often either come back
as a
family unit during the Christmas season or they send their
children
"home" for the summer.
142 Religion and American Culture
Unfortunately, Rouse all but ignored religion in his study.
This is not surprising as many anthropological studies of
Mexican
rural communities tend to overlook religious practices, unless
that
practice has indigenous elements. For example, take perhaps the
most
studied rural community in the world, Tzintzuntzan, which is
some
fifty kilometers from Coeneo. With the arrival of George Foster
in the
1940s, many anthropologists and their assistants have studied
Tzintzuntzan, and the community has become a veritable
laboratory
13. for the University of California, Berkeley, anthropology
department.
However, Foster and his cohorts have not shown that much
interest
in religion. Investigators conducted six community-wide
censuses
(1945,1960,1970,1980,1990, 2000) asking a wide range of
questions.
In addition, investigators checked off a list of forty-one
material items
that might be in a household. In none of the surveys did
investigators
ask what religion was practiced in the household.19
Joining anthropologists in the lack of attention toward reli-
gion are transnational scholars, a significant lacuna that only
recently has been addressed by sociologists such as Helen Rose
Ebaugh and Peggy Levitt.20 Based on her own work and the
exten-
sive research on religious communities in Boston undertaken by
her
team of sociologists, Levitt tentatively posits that there are
three pat-
terns of transnational religious organizations that, in turn,
impact the
nature of transnational religious life. The first involves "the
Catholic
Church's extended pattern [that] allows migrants who choose to
do so
to move almost seamlessly between sending and receiving
country
parishes and religious movement groups." This extended pattern
dif-
fers from a second negotiated organization typical of Protestant
reli-
gious groups, which generally lack the institutional reach of the
14. Catholic church. The third pattern involves groups such as the
Gujarati Hindu, whose transnational experience "strongly
reinforce
members' ties to their home country, often at the expense of
receiv-
ing country social integration."21
Levitt's insights are keen and useful. However, Levitt derives
her conclusions on the extended Catholic pattern primarily from
observations of Irish and Irish American experiences, which
differ
significantly from Mexican and Mexican American ones. The
Irish
quickly assumed leadership roles in the U.S. Catholic church,
while
Latinos still struggle for a voice. As will be noted in more
detail
shortly, the persistence of racism, issues of citizenship, and
general
institutional indifference on the part of the U.S. Catholic church
toward Mexican Americans have made the extended pattern far
from
seamless. Thus, the transnational religious life of those from
Coeneo
tends to involve both Levitt's extended pattern of
transnationalism
Tamales on the Fourth of July 143
and the pattern that reinforces member's ties to their home
country.
For example, the extended pattern becomes manifest in the
seamless
way in which paperwork flows back and forth between the
15. United
States and Mexico. While I conducted research in the Coeneo
parish
archive during the summers of 2003 and 2004, people
continually
came to ask for baptismal, confirmation, and marriage records
for
family members living in the United States. Interestingly, one
could
see the transnational mindset in action. No one ever said that
their
family member lived in the United States; instead, people would
ask
for the papers and comment that their relative "están alia," that
is,
"they are there." For those living in the United States, Mexicans
and
Mexican Americans can take the appropriate baptism or
marriage
classes, often in Spanish, in the United States and then come to
Coeneo and submit their paperwork. The U.S. Catholic church,
whether in Idaho or California, provides all the necessary
paperwork
in Spanish, making life for the parish secretary in Coeneo much
easier.
For many, the extended pattern can be far from seamless, a
pattern full of pitfalls that go beyond the significant obstacles
of citi-
zenship issues and of an increasingly dangerous border to cross.
In
particular, for at least the last twenty years, U.S. Catholic
church pol-
icy dictates that Catholic practice and parish affiliation be tied
to
church attendance.22 This becomes problematic for a number of
16. rea-
sons, most of which have their origins in cultural differences
that go
beyond language. While many Mexicans and Mexican
Americans
consistently attend a distinct parish church in the United States,
they
are unfamiliar with the idea of registering with a parish. In rural
Mexico, one is born into a parish. In an interview with Father
Camacho, born and trained in Mexico but who completed
twenty-five
years of ministry in Idaho in October 2006, he noted that even
the way
in which U.S. parishes conduct their business hours can be
problem-
atic. Most U.S. parishes prefer that parishioners come during
the
week to arrange the necessary paperwork for baptisms and mar-
riages, he explained, "but Mexicanos like to do all their
business right
after Mass, so I would stay for a long time to talk to them."23
Further
complicating matters, many parishes use weekly contributions,
money
placed in envelopes, as proof of attendance, another practice not
com-
monly found in Mexico and, thus, Mexicans and Mexican
Americans
are not familiar with this custom. Without proof of attendance
or regis-
tration papers, most U.S. Catholic priests will not baptize or
marry
these Mexican and Mexican American Catholics living in the
United
States.24 The mobility of many of the Coeneo transnationale
who
17. migrate for work across the country also means they cannot
attend just
one parish in the United States or often cannot find Catholic
services
144 Religion and American Culture
at all. Finally, some do not attend church for a variety of
reasons,
including issues of racism and cultural insensitivity.
While difficult to quantify exactly, based on observation and
on interviews with the Coeneo parish staff, a significant number
of
Mexican and Mexican American transnationals cannot get the
appro-
priate paperwork done. Most must return earlier during the
Christmas season to Coeneo to complete all the necessary
paperwork
and classes in order to celebrate the important sacraments of
baptism
and marriage, to the chagrin of the parish staff, who quickly
become
overwhelmed with all the demands. This group, then, has far
stronger
ties to their Mexican Catholic life than to a U.S. Catholic life
despite
living predominately in the United States. They would fit better
in
Levitt's third pattern.
Of course, Levitt's three patterns are merely preliminary
steps for understanding religious transnationalism. As she and
others
18. have asserted, "Making sense of transnational practices and
placing
them in proper perspective still requires much conceptual,
method-
ological and empirical work."25 To begin, Levitt makes the
sensible
suggestion that "to understand the role of religion in
transnational
migration . . . we must build from the ground up."26
The suggestion here is to consider the parish as the ground
level. The very nature of transnationalism, however,
complicates mat-
ters methodologically because U.S. religious studies and
Mexican
studies conceptualize the parish differently. In Mexican studies,
those
studies that incorporate religion find resonance in the historical
anthropologist William Christian's conception of local religion.
For
Christian, "there were two levels of Catholicism—that of the
Church
Universal, based on sacraments, the Roman liturgy, the Roman
calen-
dar; and a local one based on particular sacred places, images,
and
relics, locally chosen patron saints, idiosyncratic ceremonies,
and a
unique calendar built up from the settlement's own sacred
history."27
Christian used the term local, rather than popular, because he
argued
that distinctions based on education, class, and setting were
tran-
scended at the local level.
19. Given Christian's focus on rural Spanish Catholicism, it is not
surprising that his conceptualization works well in Mexico.
Throughout central Mexico, there exists a vibrant local Catholic
prac-
tice with locally chosen patron saints, idiosyncratic ceremonies,
and a
unique calendar. Indeed, the parish of Coeneo has its own
unique cal-
endar that centers around the patron saint, Nuestra Señora del
Rosario, represented in a small six-inch statue with reputed
miracu-
lous powers associated with it. The principal celebration day for
Nuestra Señora del Rosario is October 7, when mestizos and
Tamales on the Fourth of July 145
Purépechas alike attend a series of masses and then process
through
the streets, accompanied by musicians. The October 7
celebrations are
paid for by the community and increasingly funds come from
those
living in the United States. Celebrating the miraculous statue of
ν Nuestra Señora del Rosario actually begins the week before on
September 30, when La comunidad indigena de la Villa de
Coeneo del
Santísimo Rosario carries the statue in a procession, led by the
parish
priest, to the capilla de la sierra, located in a nearby mountain.
The
miraculous statue was found in the mountains, making it
intimately
20. linked not only to the community but also to the land. A mass is
held
in honor of Coeneo's patron saint at the mountain site, and then
commences the festivities. After the mass, one finds an example
of an
idiosyncratic ceremony, as William Christian would
characterize it.
As with many of the idiosyncratic ceremonies in central
Mexico, its
unique root lies in the continuing and powerful Mesoamerican
reli-
gious influences. After mass in the capilla de la sierra, there are
a series
of Purépecha inspired dances, including Los Tigres, which one
scholar
characterized as "pagan gaiety."28 The statue then returns to the
parish church for a novena, nine days of prayer, culminating
with the
October 7 mass.
The Christian model proves useful because in order to under-
stand Mexican and Mexican American transnational Catholic
practice
one must appreciate the central and critical role of locally
venerated
sacred images that dominate the religious landscape of central
Mexico. These sacred images, mostly of the Virgin Mary and of
Jesus
Christ, have long been intertwined with the lives of rural
community
members. Each local sacred image has a series of particular
rituals
associated with its veneration and specific days of celebration
that do
not translate easily to the U.S. experience. To be sure, due to a
long
21. history of veneration and recent intense efforts by the Mexican
Catholic clergy to promote the Virgin of Guadalupe in the late
nine-
teenth century, the Virgin of Guadalupe is ubiquitous. However,
in
many rural communities in Michoacán, Catholics venerate a
multi-
, tude of local images rather than the Virgen de Guadalupe. In
Coeneo,
for example, one will not find a representation of the Virgen de
Guadalupe in the parish church.29
The powerful local votive devotion in Coeneo includes
Nuestra Señora del Rosario and several other localized Catholic
images. For the last several years, just to the side of the main
inside
entrance to the parish church, a life-size statue of a bloody
Jesus
Christ has stood, wearing a crown of thorns and a purple velvet
robe.
This image of a beaten Jesus Christ may be found in many other
parishes in Michoacán, and mestizo parishioners call that image
Jesus
146 Religion and American Culture
Cristo Nazereno while the indigenous population refers to it as
El Padre
Nazereno.30 As in many parishes, parishioners in Coeneo
attached to
the robe photos, letters, and other assorted ex-votos either
asking for
and/or thanking for intercession with God.31 The active votive
22. devo-
tion surrounding this image in Coeneo involves many Mexicans
and
Mexican Americans living in the United States as they petition
for
protection in crossing the border, in finding work, in
maintaining
health, in leading successful lives, and for a host of other
requests. For
much of 2003, there were two photos of U.S. marines dressed in
full
military regalia pinned to the robe. The photos of the marines
had
been sent by their mothers living in the United States to Coeneo
as
they sought solace in this local image as their sons fought for
the
United States in Iraq.32 There were also photos of marines
within the
glass enclosure that protects Nuestra Señora del Rosario.
However,
one had to gain permission to unlock that glass casing whereas
parishioners had direct access to Jesus Cristo Nazereno.
These particularly poignant ex-votos of U.S. Marines highlight
the localized religious devotion of many Mexicans and Mexican
Americans from central Mexico. Simply put, the mothers could
not find
solace and sufficient protection in their U.S. Catholic churches,
churches that likely had images of the Virgen de Guadalupe.
Central
and southern Mexico is filled with these highly localized
followings. In
Michoacán alone, there are dozens of images with some images
having
a regional following, including those of the Immaculate
23. Conception of
Mary such as the Virgen de la Salud in Pátzcuaro or the Virgen
de la
Experanza in Jacona. At these regional centers or more local
ones such
as El Señor de Araró in Araró or El Cristo de la Lampara in
Charo, one
finds ex-votos from Mexicans and Mexican Americans living in
the
United States.33 In all of these churches, the veneration of the
Virgen de
Guadalupe is secondary at best.
There is often a long history of each of these localized images
being tied directly and specifically to a particular community.
For
example, an 1880 petition from community members in Araró,
Michoacán, explaining to the archbishop their relationship with
El
Señor de Araró vividly captures this belief. The community
explained:
The rich treasury of the Divine Misercordia is always ready
to overflow towards men. Sometimes God, Our Lord, estab-
lishes singular images representing Jesus Christ or the
Blessed Virgin Mary and in that way He provides a special
protection to us in our needs and brings solace in our sor-
rows and afflictions or sweet résignation in our great
anguish. That is how in many towns the devotion to the Son
Tamales on the Fourth of July U7
of God or the tender Mother has developed through those
singular images or holy manifestations. And that is how in
24. our humble and small town began and developed the great
cult, the warm devotion that we dwellers of Araró and those
of the neighboring villages have for Jesus Christ through the
most noble and most holy image of the crucified Jesus that
exists in our Sanctuary.34
At present, the sanctuary of El Señor de Araró is filled with
petitions
from those living in the United States.
The mothers w h o sent photos of their U.S. marine sons to
Coeneo understood and believed the miraculous powers of God
to be
intimately tied to the parish and surrounding lands, to a fixed
place.
In Coeneo, one can buy a multitude of copies of Nuestra Señora
del
Rosario to take to the United States, images found on items
ranging
from key chains, a best-seller, to large laminated photos. Yet,
these
reproductions found in the United States lack the meaning and
power
of the original statue housed behind the altar in the parish
church. As
eighty-year-old Crispina Rangel noted, the Nuestra Señora del
Rosario keeps her in Coeneo despite the fact that all her family
mem-
bers (some eighty plus members), with the exception of her
husband
and one daughter, live in Santa Ana, California. She told m e
that her
family is always trying to get her to live in the United States, b
u t that
she remains because her "Virgencita" can only be found in
Coeneo.
25. She has an intimate relationship with her Virgencita and takes
comfort
in the fact that she can visit her at any time in the parish
church.35 Of
course, she can stay in Coeneo because of the support she
receives
from her extended family that has been migrating to Santa Ana,
California, since the early 1950s w h e n her husband and then
her sons
went as part of the Bracero Program.
Understanding this localized practice becomes important
because too often scholars and priests alike reduce the votive
devo-
tion among Mexicans and Mexican Americans in the United
States to
the Virgin of Guadalupe, not fully appreciating the diversity in
local
practice. Scholars often write about the Mexican and Mexican
American experience in the United States as an undifferentiated
bloc,
as waves of Mexican immigrants.36 Distinctions need to be
made. To
be sure, the highly localized and regional devotions have
become
more familiar recently as the Virgen de Zapopan n o w annually
goes,
first class no less, to Los Angeles and the Santo Niño Atoche
comes to
San Antonio, among others. Yet, for many Mexicans and
Mexican
Americans coming to the United States, where Catholic
churches
almost exclusively use the Virgen de Guadalupe, that means an
adap-
tation and change in their Catholic practice, an albeit familiar
26. change.
148 Religion and American Culture
While William Christian's conceptualization fits well for
Coeneo, problems lie in trying to grasp the bread and butter of
the
historian's craft: detailing change. The unique local calendar
has a
timeless quality, and idiosyncratic ceremonies have been
occurring, as
locals throughout central Mexico consistently like to say,
"desde tiem-
pos inmemoriales" (since time immemorial). Christian himself
notes
that, in rural peasant communities, "some aspects of their
religion
[have] a remarkable and perhaps misleading permanence."37
Based
on years of ethnographic research, for example, Foster noted
"unbe-
lievable" changes in Tzintzuntzan during the 1960s and 1970s
but
remarked in 1979 that, in "the varied activities that testify to
the impor-
tance of religion, [while] there have been some changes, the
picture is
very much as recounted nearly twenty years ago."38 While the
reli-
gious activities in Tzintzuntzan remained constant, Foster also
detailed
sweeping and substantive changes in confraternity structure,
partici-
pation, identity, and other critical aspects.
27. The Transnational Parish of Coeneo
How then does one capture the changes occurring under the
veneer of permanence? In part, the veneer of permanence
derives
from the focus on the unique local calendar. Indeed, the
traditional
celebrations for Nuestra Señora del Rosario in Coeneo continue,
but
over the last thirty years attendance has consistently fallen in
num-
bers. In the past, when migrant work was more seasonal and one
could easily cross the border, many would return for the
October fes-
tival. However, over the last thirty years, Mexicans and
Mexican
Americans increasingly live their lives in the United States and
can-
not return in October due to responsibilities of work, school,
and
other commitments. In addition, the increasing militarization of
the
U.S. border has made it more expensive and dangerous to cross
the
border, both keeping people out and those already here in. The
cele-
bration still occurs, but its role as a community event has
changed.
However, if one considers a unique local calendar based on
the timing of the important sacramental events of baptisms and
mar-
riages rather than idiosyncratic ceremonies, then the impact of
migra-
tion and transnationalism becomes readily clear. In many ways,
28. these
marriage, baptism, and quinceañera ceremonies have become the
prin-
cipal religious celebrations. As anyone who has been to the
rural
Mexican countryside can attest, wedding celebrations often
involve
much of the community and can last for days. At a December
2005
wedding in the rancho of Pretoria, one of the many rural
hamlets that
make up part of the greater Coeneo parish, the small church was
Tamales on the Fourth of July 149
filled to capacity and spilling out into the small square in front.
The
inside had been decorated with flowers, and streamers
crisscrossed
the church. Outside, two large buses were parked on the dirt
road.
They had brought some of the wedding guests from nearby areas
and
a good deal of food to be served for the several hundred
guests—an
impressive number given the population of Pretoria is only
about five
hundred. Just beyond the church on the main square of the town,
usu-
ally a basketball court, a large tower had been rigged with disco
light-
ing and a complex sound system in preparation for the wedding
party. A fifteen-piece band warmed up in preparation for eight
hours
29. of playing, the duration of their contract. This was but one of
many
weddings that would occur during the Christmas season in the
parish
of Coeneo.
The Pretoria wedding during the Christmas season typifies a
recent trend in Coeneo, where the majority of wedding services
now
occur during that time. The reality of transnationalism has
impacted
the time of year parishioners choose to marry in the parish of
Coeneo.
Throughout much of the 1970s and even into the 1980s,
parishioners
celebrated Catholic marriage ceremonies throughout the year in
Coeneo, with the rainy season months of June, July, and August
hav-
ing the least number of marriages. Since the latter half of the
1990s,
however, a remarkable shift in the timing of wedding
celebrations
toward December and January has occurred. In fact, since 2000
the
parish church is all but empty most of the year, whole months
pass-
ing without a marriage ceremony. In December, however, the
parish
church begins to resemble a Las Vegas wedding chapel with
multiple
weddings a day. Whereas, in the 1970s, the percentage of
marriages
celebrated in January and December ranged from a low of 22
percent
to a high of 36 percent, in the 1990s, the range was from a low
of 40 to
30. a high of 80 percent. Some year-by-year comparisons
demonstrate
more vividly the dramatic shift. In 1970, there were ninety
marriages
in the Coeneo parish church, with twenty conducted in
December
and January. By contrast, in 1997, there were also ninety
marriages
celebrated, of which sixty-two were conducted in December and
January. More telling, since 1995, the percentage of marriages
cele-
brated in December and January has not dropped below 60
percent.
Even that figure does not really tell the whole story, as most of
the
December and January weddings occur over a thirty-day period
from
mid-December to mid-January.39
The trends in Catholic marriages, then, reveal a dramatic
reordering of the rhythm of parish life in Coeneo toward
December
and January. Here one clearly sees what transnational scholars
often
note as a primary factor in the lives of transnational migrants,
the
150 Religion and American Culture
power of the state.40 While only detailed ethnographic research
will
provide definitive reasons, the data on the surface seems to
indicate
that, when one considers the rhythm of parish life in Coeneo,
31. one must
consider U.S. immigration law and policy. The shift in the
timing of
marriages during the year occured roughly when the
Immigration
Reform and Control Act (IRCA) of 1986 became U.S. law. That
legis-
lation offered amnesty to more than three million undocumented
workers, and it appears more than a few came from the parish of
Coeneo. With U.S. citizenship comes not only U.S. residency
but also
an ease to cross the border legally and return for the holiday
season.
Equally important, one can also begin the process to get U.S.
resi-
dence papers for other family members. In fact, the impact of
IRCA
was almost immediate as from 1988 to 1989 the number of
December
and January marriages in Coeneo jumped some 10 percent to 48
per-
cent and steadily increased and maintained an average of around
65 percent for the decade of the 1990s (with the exception of
1992
when it dipped to 40 percent and 2001 when it jumped to 80
percent).41
The marriage of Sergio Herrera Valencia to Banesa on
January 1, 2005, encapsulates this phenomenon. Born in the
ranchería of El Cobrero within the parish of Coeneo, Sergio has
lived
in Roundlake, Illinois (outside Chicago), for over ten years. He
has
U.S. citizenship thanks to his grandfather, who got citizenship
under
the amnesty agreement and then did the paperwork for Sergio's
32. father, who in turn did the paperwork for Sergio. For her, part,
Banesa was born in Mundelein, Illinois, to parents from El
Cobrero
and who subsequently migrated to Mundelein. They also
obtained
citizenship under the amnesty agreement. Despite living within
100
miles of each other in the U.S., the courtship between Banesa
and
Sergio began and primarily continued in El Cobrero when they
both
would return with their families to Mexico during the Christmas
sea-
son. Sergio and Banesa married in a civil ceremony in
Roundlake,
Illinois, in 2004 and decided also to marry in the Coeneo parish
church, despite being active members of St. Joseph parish in
Roundlake. It should be noted that their decision to marry in
Coeneo
was not based on the fact that family members lived in Mexico.
In
fact, with the exception of some great grandparents, all
members of
both families live in the environs of Chicago, so well over one
hun-
dred family members had to return to Mexico to attend the
wedding.
When I asked Sergio why he wanted to marry in Coeneo, he
responded: "Pues, usted sabe, es mas bonito aquí" (Well, you
know, it is
more beautiful here). When I would press for specifics of what
was
beautiful, he could not express it but indicated that his culture
and
religion were connected with Mexico.42
33. Tamales on the Fourth of July 151
Here one can clearly hear the echo of Robert Orsi's notion of
domus, that the Italian home and family "is the religion of
Italian
Americans."43 While both Sergio and Banesa actively attended
St.
Joseph's Church in Roundlake, Illinois, and on occasion
participated
in the festivities at the Our Lady of Guadalupe Shrine in Des
Plaines,
Illinois, the core of their cultural identity rested with their
family and
the extended community of El Cobrero within the parish of
Coeneo.
The importance of place and family becomes more evident when
one
reviews the Coeneo parish marriage files. In order to marry in
the
parish church, both the bride and groom, along with a witness
for
each, must answer a series of questions. The questions range
from
religious participation to whether the couple is already married
in a
civil union to whether each enters the marriage freely. To the
question
regarding religious dedication and commitment, and here the
ques-
tion refers to going to mass consistently and following Catholic
ritu-
als such as confession closely, the majority of grooms and close
to a
majority of brides give a lukewarm response, often declaring
34. their
participation as "más o menos," (more or less). A rather distinct
minor-
ity even responded with a flat no.44 Yet, all these potential
brides and
grooms, most of whom are like Sergio and Banesa, living in the
United
States and already married civilly, insist on marrying in the
Catholic
church in Mexico. They do so, in part, because during the
Christmas
holidays the disparate transnational communities of El Cobrero
from
various parts of Mexico and the United States become whole
again, at
least for a month. By marrying in the Catholic church,
parishioners
connect themselves to their larger family and community, and
by mar-
rying in Mexico they bring that larger family and community
together.
The marriage of Sergio and Banesa is also typical of the mar-
riages in Coeneo during the Christmas season in that they
involve
young couples: Sergio was twenty-one and Banesa nineteen.
There
are exceptions, to be sure, like the case of Roberto and Maria,
who
married in Coeneo in December 2004. They lived in Cicero,
Illinois,
for more than twenty-five years and returned with their grown
chil-
dren to be married in the Catholic church in Coeneo in 2003,
despite
being married in a civil union twenty years earlier in the United
35. States. The majority, however, are young couples under the age
of
twenty-three, ready to marry in the parish church and return to
the
United States.
The passage of IRCA also seems to have inspired parishioners
from Coeneo to marry in the United States. The security of
citizenship
made it possible to begin a Catholic married life the United
States,
and the inability to cross the border also made a Catholic
marriage in
the United States a more attractive option. Catholic marriage
records
152 Religion and American Culture
reveal a striking trend when one looks at the number of
marriages in
the United States by year. For much of the 1970s, few, if any,
parish-
ioners from Coeneo married in the United States, and, prior to
that,
almost no parishioner from Coeneo married in a U.S. Catholic
church.
The number steadily increased throughout the 1980s but still
repre-
sents a small percentage, less than 10 percent, in comparison to
the
number who married in Coeneo. The decade of the 1990s tells a
dif-
ferent story as shadow communities became more established
and
36. increasingly more couples chose a Catholic marriage in the
United
States, reaching a high of 32 percent for the years of 2001 to
2003.45
The recent shift toward marrying in particular shadow com-
munities may be best viewed by examining Catholic marriages
in
southeastern Idaho, where parishioners from Coeneo have
married in
Nampa, Rupert, Boise, Glenns Ferry, Pocatello, Jerome, Burley,
and
Sim Valley, with Rupert the number one spot. The first marriage
in
southeastern Idaho occurred in 1976 and was the only marriage
for
that decade. In the 1980s, nine parishioners from Coeneo chose
to
marry in Idaho, and then the number jumps to forty-two for the
1990s.
However, just in the years 2000 to 2003, sixty parishioners
chose to
marry in Idaho, a dramatic increase. Along with the Idaho
communi-
ties, the baptismal records indicate there are two other
established
areas: California—Oxnard, Los Angeles, Riverside, Ventura,
and
Watsonville; and Illinois—Chicago, Cicero, Libertyville,
Mundelein,
and Roundlake. These are older shadow communities. Whereas
the
majority of marriages in southeastern Idaho took place from
2000 to
2003, in Roundlake and Chicago, the overwhelming majority of
U.S.
37. marriages occurred in the 1990s.
While marriages in Coeneo are skewed toward December
and January, the same does not follow with those from Coeneo
who
choose to marry in the United States. This is another marker of
the
impact of transnationalism. During the five-year period from
1998 to
2002, approximately 130 men and women who had been born
and
baptized in Coeneo married in Catholic churches in the United
States,
with only eight of them marrying in December and January,
some
6 percent. The majority married, as is customary in the United
States,
in the summer months. Among these U.S. Catholic marriages,
there
are also some interesting gender trends. For the population
under
study here, those baptized between 1955 and 1982, an almost
equal
number of men (250) and women (249) married in Catholic
churches
in the United States. However, the younger cohort born and
baptized
between 1979 and 1982 indicates far more women (34) than men
(12)
marrying in the United States. This stands in contrast to the
larger
group consisting of those baptized between 1964 and 1978, in
which
38. Tamales on the Fourth of July 153
more men (179) than women (157) married in the United States.
The
difference in numbers could be due to the disparity in marrying
ages
in which women marry younger than men or could be an
indicator of
the increasing number of young women migrating to the United
States to live and work.
While the Catholic marriage trends indicate a population not
only dictated by the lives of transnational migrants in the
United
States but also shifting toward the United States, baptism trends
com-
plicate the picture. That is, Coeneo parishioners may
increasingly
marry outside the parish but they also have increasingly
returned to
Coeneo to baptize their children born outside of Coeneo. The
phe-
nomenon of baptizing in Coeneo children born in the United
States is
a recent one, and again it is the shadow communities from
southeast-
ern Idaho that play the most significant role. Throughout the
1970s,
there were only thirty-three babies and children born in the
United
States that came with their parents to be baptized in Coeneo.
Not sur-
prisingly, most came from the shadow communities with eleven
of
the thirty-three babies born in Idaho (nine from Rupert alone),
another eight from California, and another seven from the
39. Chicago
area. From the 1970s cohort, almost all the parents brought their
babies within several months of their birth to Coeneo to be
baptized,
demonstrating that these parents could cross easily into Mexico.
In
addition, there was no general pattern in regard to the months
when
parish priests conducted these baptisms in Coeneo.
The decade of the 1980s witnessed ninety-seven babies born
in the United States being baptized in Coeneo. As with the
marriage
trends, IRCA plays a significant role, as thirty-seven of the
ninety-
seven babies were baptized in 1988 and 1989. As in the 1970s,
the
three predominate shadow areas are well represented. However,
the
1980s cohort and especially the late-1980s babies reveal two
new phe-
nomena. The first is the increase in cases in which older
children are
brought to Coeneo to be baptized. In 1988, for example, more
than
half the babies baptized were over one year old, well beyond the
three-month age average for children born in Coeneo. Luis and
Eva
Arriaga brought from Rupert, Idaho, their six- and seven-year-
old
daughters to be baptized in December 1988. Given the
importance
that Catholics in Coeneo place on baptizing a baby as quickly as
pos-
sible, this delay indicates the critical importance for some that
their
40. children be baptized in their parish if possible. Most likely, they
drove
their daughters back to Mexico after getting their amnesty
papers in
order. By taking the long and sometimes dangerous trip, they
demon-
strated their continuing participation as parishioners in
Coeneo.46
Clearly, the universality of Catholic sacraments and the
proximity of
154 Religion and American Culture
a Catholic church in their U.S. community did not outweigh the
par-
ents' desire to have their children become Catholics in Coeneo.
This transnational baptism of 1988 exemplified a Catholic
popular religious practice, one sanctioned by official Catholic
church
priests but not necessarily in line with universal doctrine. In
Coeneo,
the local Catholic priests seemed befuddled as to why someone
would undertake such an arduous trip when, in their eyes, the
sacra-
ment of baptism itself was paramount, not where the sacrament
took
place. The fact that Luis and Eva had their older daughters
baptized
in December reveals the second new phenomenon, another
dramatic
shift. Following the marriage trends, 70 percent of U.S.-born
babies
41. and children were baptized in Coeneo during the Christmas
season of
1988. Throughout the 1990s and up until 2003, the last year
consid-
ered for this study, the trend for December and January
baptisms con-
tinued reflecting this new rhythm to Mexican parish life.
In addition, two other interesting phenomena during this
period should be noted. The first involves the southeastern
Idaho
parish of Burley. Beginning in 1995 and continuing up until
2002, an
inordinate number of babies born in Burley were baptized in
Coeneo,
especially in comparison to nearby Rupert. In 1997, Maria and
Eliazar
Rodriguez brought their four children, ages one to five, to be
bap-
tized. According to several parishioners, the cause lay in the
parish
priest of Burley at the time, who, despite being Spanish
speaking, was
considered by many to be unapproachable. Rather than confront
the
priest, parents brought their babies all the way to Coeneo. The
second
phenomenon involves an increasing dispersal of the Coeneo
popula-
tion. The three principal shadow areas still predominate, but
babies
born in Florida, Kansas, Kentucky, Michigan, Montana,
Georgia,
North Carolina, and Oregon arrived to be baptized in Coeneo
begin-
ning in the late 1990s.
42. The Transnational Parishioners in the United States:
Preliminary
Observations
Recalling Levitt's call to begin to study transnational reli-
gious phenomena from the ground up, William Christian's
notion of
local religion, then, is useful for studying Coeneo from the
perspec-
tive of Mexico. By the same token, these Coeneo transnationale
live
most of their lives in the United States. Here one runs into a
number
of methodological issues, for Christian's notion of a local
religion cen-
tered on a parish with a distinct calendar does not readily
translate.
In fact, for scholars of both U.S. religion and U.S. Latino
religion, the
suggestion to start at the parish may seem counterintuitive.
Recently,
Tamales on the Fourth of July 155
respected U.S. Catholic studies scholar John McGreevy even
argued
that, in the post-Vatican II United States, "evidence suggests
consid-
erable fragility in the Catholic parish structure."47 This is a
remark-
able claim given he effectively argued that "as the site of both
American Catholic spirituality and American social structure . .
.
43. parishes played an indispensable role."48 In addition, beyond
the
death of the singular parish, some of the best from-the-ground-
up
ethnographic work detailing the complexity of Catholic practice
and
identity in the United States over the last twenty years has
shifted
focus away from traditional parish studies. It concentrates
instead on
paraliturgical devotions and other aspects of Catholic "lived
reli-
gion," a "religion in the streets" as Robert Orsi has called it.49
Of course, both Orsi and McGreevy would not counsel the
end of parish studies. After all, Orsi spent hours in the Mexican
parish
of Our Lady of Guadalupe Church in Chicago, of all places, to
gain
insights into the devotion of St. Jude.50 Still, within the
growing field
of U.S. Mexican and Mexican American Catholicism, and with
notable
exceptions such as San Fernando in San Antonio,51 the parish
has not
been the focus of scholarship for two overarching reasons. First,
as bet-
ter chronicled in detail elsewhere, for too long the U.S. Catholic
church
has been often indifferent at best and hostile at worst to the
Mexican
and Mexican American community. Gilberto Hinojosa argued
that the
"Catholic Church has always played an important role in the
Mexican
American faith communities." At the same time, he
44. characterized that
role as "ambivalent." He noted that the Catholic church, at
times,
"nurtured popular beliefs," and, on other occasions, "the goals
of the
Church authorities have been in conflict with those of the
Mexican
American community."52 Simply put, for many, the U.S.
Catholic
church for too long pushed away many Mexicans and Mexican
Americans. Second, for many scholars and theologians alike,
there are
distinctive features of Mexican American Catholicism, features
that do
not necessarily involve much parish or institutional input.53
Mexicans and Mexican Americans became foreigners in their
native land after the U.S.-Mexican war and subject to
differentiation
from the start. They were Catholics who needed the attention of
mis-
sionaries to correct their ways, and then later they were placed
into
immigrant churches or Mexican national churches in order to
facili-
tate the process of Americanization. One can draw a straight
line
beginning immediately after the U.S. conquest of the Mexican
Northwest and the conflicts that arose in New Mexico over New
Mexican Catholic and cultural practices. On the one side,
Mexican
priests such as Father Antonio José Martínez sought to limit
changes,
and, on the other side, U.S. Catholic representatives such as the
45. 156 Religion and American Culture
French Archbishop Lamy who wished to "modernize" Catholic
prac-
tice.54 For much of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the
Mexican and Mexican American experience entailed
withstanding
prejudice and misunderstanding from both priests and Anglo
American Catholics. U.S. Catholic priests, for their part, often
lamented the "superstition" of Mexican Catholicism and that it
was
"not a Faith of reason."55 Even when Spanish-speaking priests
took
over and revitalized predominantly Mexican and Mexican
American
parishes such as when Spanish priests came to San Fernando
Cathedral in San Antonio, Texas, in the 1930s, discrimination
occurred. The Spanish priests "reported that Mexican-descent
Catholics suffered from 'religious ignorance' and required 'much
attention' to keep them 'constant in the practice of their
religion.'"56
Anglo American parishioners also often rejected their
Mexican and Mexican American Catholic parishioners. The
arch-
bishop of San Antonio would lament that "we are literally
forced to
erect two churches in the same localities, one for the American
Catholics and the other for the Mexicans, for as one of our
missionar-
ies put it recently—'An American church for the white people
and a
mission church for the Helots, the Pariahs of the community,
our poor
Mexican Catholic people and their little ones."57 In a 1999
46. report, the
U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) Committee on
Hispanic
Affairs noted the same problem still existed, although the level
of
insensitively was far less. At the parish level, they concluded
that "one
problem, often found, particularly in places where the Hispanic
pop-
ulation is relatively new or poor, is that Hispanics do not feel
included
in the process of decision making with the parish." The report
went
on to quote a lay leader who lamented, "I am discouraged by the
fact
that we, Hispanics, don't count here in this parish. We come to
Mass
in great numbers and our Masses are really filled with the spirit.
But
all the power is in the hands of a small group of (non-Hispanic)
old-
timers who contribute a lot of money to the Church."58 Not
surpris-
ingly, then, many argue that Mexican Americans have an
ambivalent
attitude at best toward local parishes and do not share the Euro-
American Catholic experience where "neighborhood, parish, and
reli-
gion were constantly intertwined."59 The parish church in the
barrio
had a completely different feel.
Not only do scholars consider Mexicans and Mexican
Americans as ambivalent participants to parish life, but there is
also a
growing consensus among scholars and theologians alike that a
47. cor-
pus of practices set Mexican and Mexican American
Catholicism apart
from Anglo American Catholicism. The argument is that these
differ-
ences go beyond language and include what Anthony Stevens-
Arroyo
Tamales on the Fourth of July 157
terms "cultural idiosyncrasy"60 and what Robert Treviño
recently
coined as "ethno-Catholicism . . . a Mexican American way of
being
Catholic."61 Treviño eloquently notes that this Catholicism has
ele-
ments from pre-Reformation Spanish Christianity and
Mesoamerican
indigenous sensitivities. Mexican American Catholicism
"favored
saint veneration, home altar worship, and community centered
reli-
gious celebrations that blurred the lines between the sacred and
the
secular; and tended simultaneously to selectively participate in
the
institutional Catholic Church yet hold it at arm's length,"
according
to Treviño.62 He echoes the earlier work of theologian Virgilio
Elizondo, who argued that Mexican Americans practiced a
mestizo
Christianity, one the U.S. Catholic church should embrace, that
com-
bined Spanish, African, and Mesoamerican spirituality. Under a
48. rubric of cultural resistance, Elizondo outlined a distinctive
sacred
calendar that included Ash Wednesday, Good Friday, and
December
12, when Mexicans and Mexican Americans celebrate the
miraculous
powers of Our Lady of Guadalupe.63 Here one finds an echo of
William Christian's notion of a distinctive calendar; however,
for
Elizondo and others, much of Mexican American Catholicism
includes popular devotions only tangentially related to a parish.
Community leaders and elders guide such ceremonies as
posadas and
pastorelas, the public miracle plays. Particular lifecycle events
such as
baptisms and quinceañeras take on greater significance, and the
focus
of the celebration is both family and community. Church-
sponsored
events such as the via crucis, the reenactment of the crucifixion,
in
Pilsen, Chicago, for example, is a multidimensional event in
which
the role of the parish is secondary.64 Even with the veneration
of
saints, and in particular that of La Virgen de Guadalupe, a
practice
prevalent in many parish churches, the focus of scholarship
centers
on home altars.65 In addition to church-sanctioned saints,
Mexicans
and Mexican Americans follow folk saints, such as El Niño
Fedencio,
and seek physical and spiritual healing from curanderos.
While not denying the centrality and importance of these
49. Mexican and Mexican American Catholic practices and beliefs,
a
greater focus on parish studies is warranted for a number of
reasons.
As noted by a number of scholars, all this scholarship on
difference
has the tendency to marginalize Mexican Americans further and
ignores that many do participate in the institutional U.S.
Catholic
church.66 Uniformly, scholars and church officials note how
Mexicans
and Mexican Americans fill the pews. The view from Coeneo
also
indicates that, in a number of churches, transnational
parishioners
from Coeneo along with other Mexicans and Mexican
Americans
have taken over parishes ranging from Rupert, Idaho, to
Roundlake,
158 Religion and American Culture
Illinois, to Oxnard, California. As Mexicans and Mexican
Americans
along with other Latino groups become the majority in their
parishes,
the most effective way to examine the impact of these
populations
becomes a parish study. However, given the mobility of much of
this
population and the element of transnationalism, one should
consider
carefully the reassessment of McGreevy concerning parish
affiliation.
50. McGreevy asserts that "intense Catholic identification with the
geo-
graphical parish, and that parish alone, turns out to have been
histor-
ically contingent, a part of the Catholic revival that began in
Europe
and the United States in the mid-nineteenth century and
abruptly
transformed itself in the 1960s."67 Migrants and transnational
from
Coeneo, then, demonstrate that parish affiliation as singular
must be
reconsidered because many Mexicans and Mexican Americans
living
in the United States consider themselves to be active members
in at
least two parishes: one in Mexico and one or more in the United
States. Mexicans and Mexican Americans participate in multiple
parishes because, while there are a host of distinct practices that
do
not necessarily center in the parish, priest and institutional
church
sanction are still sought and needed.
Take, for example, the tremendous popularity of quinceañeras
that has become a cottage industry with magazines and fashion
shows. This rite of passage where a fifteen-year-old girl
becomes a
woman fits within the idea of Mexican American Catholic
syncretism
and cultural persistence. While not the focus of QuinceGirl
magazine,
it is important to note that many quinceañeras begin with a mass
or
blessing that increasingly has become, according to the USCCB,
an
51. "unofficial 'liturgical rite' and is regulated in some dioceses
with spe-
cific guidelines and norms."68 In those parishes with long-
established
Mexican and Mexican American populations, such as San
Fernando
in San Antonio, Texas, there is a long history of celebrating
quinceañeras. For Guadalupe Alvarado, who came to San
Antonio in
the 1950s as a young teenager, "her first vivid memory of the
parish
[was] the celebration of her quinceañera." She met her husband,
another Mexican, when they played the parts of Mary and
Joseph in
the San Fernando grand posada.69 Only with a parish study and
focus
can one trace the development of this popular celebration at
local lev-
els in such areas as Idaho.
Father Camacho, a long-time Mexican priest in Idaho and
now a cultural force with his own radio show, recounted with
some
frustration on how slowly the Catholic church responded to the
newly arriving Mexican immigrants from Michoacán, Jalisco,
and
Zacatecas in the 1980s. Families who wanted to have
quinceañeras
could not find priests, beside himself, to participate because, in
Idaho,
Tamales on the Fourth of July 159
they were not part of the standard U.S. Catholic practice.
52. Nonetheless,
the Mexican immigrant community found other ways to have
their
celebrations. Camacho knew of these efforts because he would
get
calls from Episcopal priests asking for instructions on what to
do for
a quinceañera service.70 The situation began to change by the
early
1990s, when one historian noted that "Anglos have learned to
enjoy
many local Hispanic customs: the celebration of quinceañeras;
Our
Lady of Guadalupe and Las Posadas holidays; [and] fiestas
honoring
patron saints."71 At the quinceañera of Andrea Murguia, in July
2006,
Father Camacho even sang one of his own songs. The impressed
Murguia noted, "not only is he a priest, he gives good advice
and he's
helped me a lot. I have him in my cell phone."72
The quinceañera, at least in some places in Idaho, serves as a
strong link to the parish and priest. This does not mean that the
Diocese of Boise, which covers all of Idaho, is not without its
prob-
lems. In 2002, the diocese hired Laura Henning as the
coordinator of
youth ministry. She admitted that, when she took the job, "there
was
no one really paying attention" to the young Latino population.
Things began to change when she noted that diocese census
records
indicated that 40 to 45 percent of the youth and young adults
were
Latino. The diocese began to institute more Spanish Masses,
53. "and
we're beginning to work on the grassroots level to build up
leader-
ship. We identified leaders in the different parishes and began
train-
ing them on various levels through the Fe Y Vida program."73
Indeed, St. Nicolas parish church, in rural Rupert, and St.
Mary's, in Boise, are among some of the Idaho parish churches
that
now offer classes for upcoming quinceañeras, prominently
placing
those classes in the church bulletins next to marriage and
baptism
announcements. The view from Coeneo suggests that more than
a few
in Idaho also take the marriage classes. For the period of 2000
to 2003,
for example, some 25 percent of all baptized parishioners from
Coeneo
married in Idaho. From the Our Lady of Guadalupe Society
preparing
tamales for the local Fourth of July celebration to energized
Spanish-
language masses to, of course, Mexican Americans leaving
their; U.S.
parish in December to reunite with their greater Coeneo parish
com-
munity in Mexico during the Christmas season, transnationale
have
begun to change the rhythm of parish life on both sides of the
border.
Conclusion
One can vividly capture the transnational Catholic lives of
54. Mexicans and Mexican Americans from the ground up using the
parish as the primary unit of analysis. William Christian's
notion of a
160 Religion and American Culture
local Catholic religious practice works well with some
modifications.
It works because it allows one to explore some of the unique
local ele-
ments of a Mexican Catholic practice that involves a strong
local
votive devotion such as that found in Coeneo, a votive devotion
embedded within the landscape. Christian's notion of local
religion
still works, ironically, in a transnational age. One must
consider, how-
ever, expanding the sacred geography and calendar to
incorporate the
increasing influence of migration and transnationalism on parish
life,
especially the rhythm of parish life. The local idiosyncratic
calendar
revolving around patron saints and major religious holidays has
been
replaced in Coeneo, and in m a n y rural communities in central
Mexico, by a practice that involves the massive return in
December
and January of parishioners w h o participate, in a variety of
capacities,
in multiple baptisms, marriages-, and quinceñera ceremonies
and cele-
brations. Those w h o return briefly to Coeneo for these
ceremonies,
55. despite their participating, to varying degrees, in U.S. Catholic
churches and despite the universality of Catholic sacraments, do
so
because they consider the sacraments of baptism and marriage
essen-
tial and prefer to celebrate them in Mexico. It is in Mexico that
the
community becomes whole again.
Notes
1. Description based on a visit in December 2004. For brief
descriptions of Catholic transnational practice in other parts of
central
Mexico and the United States, see Jennifer S. Hirsch, A
Courtship after
Marriage: Sexuality and Life in Mexican Transnational Families
(Berkeley:
University of California Press, 2003), esp. 57-75; Peter Cahn,
All Religions
Are Good in Tzintzuntzan (Austin: University of Texas Press,
2003), 20-26;
and Ruben Martinez, Crossing Over: A Mexican Family on the
Migrant Trail
(New York: Picador, 2001), 139-61.
2. Archivo del Notaria de la Parroquia de Nuestra Señora del
Rosario (ANPNSR), Libro de Bautismos, no. 51 (1997-2007).
The average
figure taken for the years 1999-2004. The baptismal records
contain the
name of the child, the date and place of birth of the child, the
godparents,
and a section to note when and where the child eventually
marries in the
Catholic church, if he or she so chooses.
56. 3. As a Mexicanist, I hesitate to use the standard term American
Catholicism, as Mexicans will often note that everyone in the
New World
is an American, not just those residing in the United States.
Tamales on the Fourth of July 161
4. Names taken from ANPNSR, Libro de Bautismos, no. 51. To
protect the privacy of parishioners all names have been changed
as well
as some of the locations where they were born.
5. Based on a review of the parish baptismal records. Ibid.
6. Peggy Levitt, '"You Know, Abraham Was Really the First
Immigrant': Religion and Transnational Migration,"
International
Migration Review 37, no. 3 (Fall 2003): 851. In this article, I
use the terms
Mexican and Mexican American to differentiate issues of
citizenship. The
term Latino is used as an umbrella term to include also Central
American,
Puerto Rican, and Cuban populations. The term Hispanic is used
in only
those cases where particular institutions, such as the U.S.
Catholic
church, use the government definition for the population that
includes
Mexican American, Cuban, American, Central American, and
Puerto
Rican peoples.
57. 7. In the United States, Melvin and his family constitute part of
the "Nuevo Catholics," the majority presence of Mexicans and
Mexican
Americans, along with Central Americans, that fill the parish
churches of
the Los Angeles area, an archdiocese that has undergone a
dramatic
Catholic renewal, a golden age even, as the New York Times
recently
claimed. See David Reiff, "Nuevo Catholics," New York Times
Magazine,
December 24,2006.
8. According to the United States Conference of Catholic
Bishops (USCCB) Committee on Hispanic Affairs, close to 40
percent of
the U.S. Catholic population is Hispanic, and that Hispanic
population
represents slightly more than 70 percent of the U.S. Catholic
population
growth since 1960. For the percentage of Catholics who are
Hispanic, see
U.S. Census Bureau, Hispanic Population in the United States,
Population Characteristics, March 2001. On the percentage
increase, see
USCCB Committee on Hispanic Affairs, Hispanic Ministry at
the Turn of
the New Millennium, 1999.1 use the categories of Mexican and
Mexican
American here to differentiate legal citizenship status. The issue
is impor-
tant in terms of the ability to cross the border freely and
participate in
transnational Catholic practice without severe consequences, as
those
without official papers often experience.
58. 9. For an overview of the peripheral place of Mexicans and
Mexican Americans, see Raúl Gomez and Manuel Vásquez, U.S.
Conference of Catholic Bishops, "Hispanic Ministry Study,"
1999,
www.usccb.org/hispanicaffairs/studygomez.shtml, accessed July
7,2009.
The reference to the margins of the margins is from Leslie
Woodcock
Tentler, "On the Margins: The State of American Catholic
History,"
http://www.usccb.org/hispanicaffairs/studygomez.shtml
162 Religion and American Culture
American Quarterly 45., no. 1 (1993): 104-27. Despite noting
more than fifteen
years ago the marginality of American Catholic history, the
situation
remains the same. Tentler noted the "analytically thin"
scholarship regard-
ing Hispanic Catholicism (120). Studies of Mexican American
Catholicism
still remain largely unexplored and on the margins of American
Catholic
history.
10. See also my work on local parish politics in central Mexico
in
the late nineteenth century, "The Politics of the Miraculous:
Popular
Practice in Porfirian Michoacán: 1876-1910" (Ph.D. diss.,
University of
California, San Diego, 2002).
59. 11. It is difficult to know how many return, but my estimate is
hundreds of thousands. For migration, I mean simply those who
leave
and do not actively participate in their community of origin.
12. The rural hamlets that belong to Coeneo include: San Pedro
Tacaro, El Rodeo, El Durazno, Ojo de Agüita, Cofradía,
Quencio, San
Isidro, Pretoria, Transval, Tunguitiro, El Cobrero, Colonia
Benito Juarez,
and Zipiajo. According to the Consejo Nacional de Población,
in
Michoacán slightly more than 34 percent of the population lived
in 9,505
rural communities of fewer than 2,500 inhabitants in the year
2000.
13. Peggy Levitt, "Redefining the Boundaries of Belonging: The
Institutional Character of Transnational Religious Life,"
Sociology of
Religion 65, no. 1 (2004): 5.
14. Here the Mexican American Catholic experience shares
much
with Orsi's conceptualization of the domus. See Robert Oris,
The Madonna
of 115th Street, 2d ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press,
2002), 75-150.
15. On the variety of usages of transnationalism, see the intro-
duction by Helen Rose Ebaugh and Janet Saltzman Chafetz in
Religion
across Borders, ed. Helen Rose Ebaugh and Janet Saltzman
Chafetz
(Walnut Creek, Calif.: Altamira Press, 2002); and Alejandro
60. Portes, Luis E.
Guarnizo, and Patricia Landolt, "The Study of
Transnationalism: Pitfalls
and Promise of an Emergent Research Field," Ethnic and Racial
Studies 22,
no. 2 (1999): 217-37.
16. Luis León, La Llorona's Children: Religion, Life, and Death
in the
U.S.-Mexican Borderlands (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 2004),
94. Thomas Tweed also invokes a sense of transnationalism in
the way in
which mass in Miami is broadcast to Cuba and families become
united by
participating in that mass. Thomas Tweed, Our Lady of Exile:
Diasporic
Religion at a Cuban Catholic Shrine in Miami (New York:
Oxford University
Press, 1997).
Tamales on the Fourth of July 163
17. Roger Rouse, "Mexican Migration and the Social Space of
Postmodernism," Diaspora 1, no. 1 (1991): 18. See also Roger
Rouse,
"Mexican Migration to the United States: Family Relations in
the
Development of a Transnational Migrant Circuit" (Ph.D. diss.,
Stanford
University, 1989).
18. Bryan Roberts, Reanne Frank, and Fernando Lozano-
Ascencio, "Transnational Migrant Communities and Mexican
61. Migration
to the US," Ethnic and Racial Studies 22, no. 2 (1999): 238-66.
19. Cahn, All Religions Are Good in Tzintzuntzan, 10.
20. For an overview of the limited studies dedicated to religion
and transnationalism worldwide, see Levitt, "Redefining the
Boundaries
of Belonging," 1-18, and Levitt, "'You Know, Abraham Was
Really the
First Immigrant,'" 847-74. Peggy Levitt has also explored
transnational-
ism among Dominican Catholics in Transnational Villagers
(Berkeley:
University of California Press, 2001). See also Ebaugh and
Chafetz, eds.,
Religion across Borders.
21. Levitt, "Redefining the Boundaries of Belonging," 3-4 (ital-
ics in original).
22. Anthony M. Stevens-Arroyo, "From Barrios to Barricades:
Religion and Religiosity in Latino Life," in The Columbia
History of Latinos
in the United States since I960, ed. David Gutierrez (New York:
Columbia
University Press, 2004), 348.
23. Interview on May 18,2006.
24. Several Latino priests in Idaho noted this problem in inter-
views conducted by phone in April 2006 and in person in May
2006.
25. Peggy Levitt, Jose DeWind, and Steven Vertovec,
"International Perspectives on Transnational Migration: An
62. Introduction," International Migration Review 37, no. 3 (2003):
565.
26. Levitt, "Redefining the Boundaries of Belonging," 5.
27. William Christian, Local Religion in Sixteenth-Century
Spain
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), 3. Recently,
Robert Orsi has
argued along similar lines in that all religion should be
considered local if
one considers lived religion important. He argues that "religious
cultures
are local and to study religion is to study local worlds. There is
no such
thing as a 'Methodist' or a 'Southern Baptist' who can be neatly
summa-
rized by an account of the denomination's history or theology."
Orsi,
Between Heaven and Earth: The Religious Worlds People Make
and the Scholars
Who Study Them (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005),
167.
164 Religion and American Culture
28. Paul Friedrich, Agrarian Revolt in a Mexican Village
(Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1977), 37.
29. There is one large modern painting of the Virgin of
Guadalupe in one of the back waiting rooms. That painting is by
a young
transnational influenced by the murals in Los Angeles.
63. 30. During Easter week of 2007,1 visited more than thirty
parish
churches in Michoacán, and more than half of them had this
image of
Christ, and all these parishes had an active devotion to Jesus
Nazareno.
31. These were attached to the Christ statue rather than next to
the nine-inch statue of Our Lady of the Rosary encased in back
of the altar
because the parish priest had decided to limit access to the altar
and
wanted a "clean" altar.
32. I worked in and visited four parishes in Michoacán during
the summer of 2003, and three had ex-votos involving Mexican
American
members of the U.S. military stationed in Iraq.
33. Based on visits to these churches during the summers of
2000-2004 and the Christmas season of 2003. In the summer of
2003, in
Charo, there were also photos of U.S. marines.
34. "Los que suscribimos vecinos del Pueblo de Araró
(10/16/1880)," Archivo Histórico Casa de Morelos (AHCM),
XIX
Century Church Series, box 281, folder 526.
35. Interviews done on July 15 and 17, 2003, in the home of
Crispina Rangel in Coeneo.
36. For example, in an otherwise insightful, well-researched,
and well-developed parish study, Timothy Matovina, Guadalupe
and Her
Faithful: Latino Catholics in San Antonio (Baltimore: Johns
64. Hopkins
University Press, 2005), often notes Mexican immigrants
coming to the
parish without reference to their origin.
37. William Christian. "Folk Religion," in The Encyclopedia of
Religion, ed. Mircea Eliade (New York: MacMillian, 1987),
5:372.
38. George M. Foster, Tzintzuntzan: Mexican Peasants in a
Changing World, rev. ed. (Nw York: Elsevier, 1979), 195.
39. The marriage trends are based on extrapolating data from
ANPNSR, Libro de Registros Matrimoniáis, no. 19 (1981-2007).
40. Levitt, DeWind, and VeAovec, "International Perspectives
on Transnational Migration," 568.
Tamales on the Fourth of July 165
41. These trends and the subsequent discussion are based on
extrapolating data from baptismal records for those baptized in
Coeneo
from the years 1955 to 1982, that is, those who were twenty to
forty-nine
years old in 2004, the last year analyzed. See the ANPNSR,
Libro de
Bautismos, no. 40 to no. 51. In order to contextualize the data
better, two
important factors should be noted. First, there is a general
decline in pop-
ulation for the area that encompasses the parish of Coeneo due
to the
impact of intense migration. Second, in Coeneo, as elsewhere in
65. Mexico,
civil marriage is required by law, and the Mexican government
does not
recognize any religious ceremonies. Thus, marrying in the
Catholic
church is a personal decision that not all parishioners make, as
many
marry outside the church only in common law or civil unions.
Of those
baptized in Coeneo, the norm for those who eventually
participate in the
Catholic sacrament of marriage ranges from year to year
between 40 and
50 percent. This norm dates back to at least the population born
from 1930
until 1973. The drop in percentage married for the population
born in
1973 and after is explained by noting that all are under the age
of thirty.
That said, as noted, there is a general decline in Catholic
marriages in
Coeneo.
42. Interview conducted on December 23, 2004. Banesa did not
say much during the interview as she occupied herself with their
two-
year-old daughter.
43. Orsi, The Madonna of 115th Street, 77 (italics in the
original).
44. Based on a review of Expedientes de Matrimonios,
ANPNSR,
from 1995 to 2003.
45. Those marrying in the United States also tend to be young.
66. Whereas those baptized between 1955 and 1963 married in the
United
States at a 4 to 6 percent rate (with another 18 to 20 percent
marrying in
other parts of Mexico), beginning with those born in 1964 the
percentage
begins to climb, reaching a high of 27 percent for those born in
1982.
Granted this is a much smaller group given their age of twenty
in 2002,
but the fact that 27 percent have married in the United States
coupled
with another 18 percent marrying in other parts of Mexico
means that
close to half (45 percent) of this young cohort is marrying
outside of
Coeneo, another reflection of the massive out migration.
46. I conclude that most drove based on interviews and observ-
ing the multitude of vehicles in Coeneo.
47. John T. McGreevy, "Religious Roots," in Reviews in
American
History 28, no. 3 (2000): 419.
166 Religion and American Culture
48. John T. McGreevy, Parish Boundaries: The Catholic
Encounter
with Race in the Twentieth-Century Urban North (Chicago:
University of
Chicago Press, 1996), 25.
49. Orsi, The Madonna of 115th Street, xxxiv. As McGreevy
67. noted,
"Single books do not create historiographical fields, but it is
tempting to
claim Robert A. Orsi's first book, The Madonna of 115th Street,
as an excep-
tion to that rule." Quoted in McGreevey's review of Orsi's St.
Jude in
Journal of American History 84, no. 2 (1997): 704. There are
other scholars
working within this context. Tweed's examination of the Cuban
exiles in
Our Lady of Exile does much of the same, incorporating streets,
shrines,
and stores as sites for understanding the dynamics of Cuban
American
Catholicism.
50. Orsi, Between Heaven and Earth, 146-47.
51. See Matovina, Guadalupe and Her Faithful.
52. Gilberto M. Hinojosa, "Mexican-American Faith
Communities in Texas and the Southwest," in Mexican
Americans and the
Catholic Church, 1900-1965, ed. Jay P. Dolan and Gilberto M.
Hinojosa
(Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1994).
53. See, for example, Timothy M. Matovina and Gary Riebe-
Estrella, eds., Horizons of the Sacred: Mexican Traditions in
U.S. Catholicism
(Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2002), where among the
articles
only one focuses on a parish. The anthology also details the
multiple
problems Mexicans and Mexican Americans have had with the
68. U.S.
Catholic church.
54. The literature on the Catholic hierarchy's mistreatment of
Mexicans and Mexican Americans during the nineteenth century
in the
U.S. southwest is extensive. For a concise overview, see
Timothy M.
Matovina, "Conquest, Faith, and Resistance in the Southwest,"
in Latino
Religions and Civic Activism in the United States, éd. Gaston
Espinosa,
Virgilio P. Elizondo, and Jesse Miranda (New York: Oxford
University
Press, 2005), 19-34.
55. Roberto Treviño, The Church in the Barrio: Mexican
American
Ethno-Catholicism in Houston (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina
Press, 2006), 89.
56. Matovina, Guadalupe and Her Faithful, 108.
57. Quoted in Treviño, The Church in the Barrio, 86-87.
58. Gomez and Vásquez, USCCB "Hispanic Ministry Study."
59. McGreevy, Parish Boundaries, 22.
Tamales on the Fourth of July 167
60. Stevens-Arroyo, "From Barrios to Barricades," 585.
69. 61. Treviño, The Church in the Barrio, 4.
62. Ibid., 4-5.
63. Virgilio P. Elizondo, Galilean Journey: The Mexican-
American
Promise (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis, 1983).
64. Mary Kay Davalos, "The Real Way of Praying," in Horizons
of the Sacred.
65. Treviño, The Church in the Barrio, and León, La Llorona's
Children.
66. Here I am thinking of Otto Maduro who, at every meeting,
notes that, while exploring how mestizo elements of Latino
Christianity
reveal elements of resistance and cultural persistence, it tends
to make
Latino religious practice exotic. "Go to the suburbs," he often
exclaims.
67. McGreevy, "Religious Roots," 420.
68. See the USCCB memo "Fifteen Questions on the
Quinceañeras." Interestingly, the memo notes the Mesoamerican
origins
of this ceremony.
69. Matovina, Guadalupe and Her Faithful, 147.
70. Camacho interview, May 2006.
71. Leonard Arrington, History of Idaho, 2 vols. (Moscow:
University of Idaho Press, 1994), 2:287.
70. 72. Dan Popkey, "Rev. Camacho Ministers with Love and
Soccer," Idaho Statesman, October 13,2006.
73. "Between Two Cultures: Catholic Church Must Meet
Challenges of Ministry to Hispanic Youth," National Catholic
Reporter,
January 30, 2004.
A B S T R A C T This article traces the significant yet largely
unexplored
experience of transnationalism in the lived religious experiences
of
Mexican and Mexican American Catholics by focusing on the
parish as a
central unit of analysis. Within this analysis, the parish unit is
rethought
as an analytical unit in two important regards. First, the way in
which
parish life in rural Mexico has been predominately
conceptualized as one
whose rhythm revolves around a traditional ritual calendar
centered on
community celebrations of particular religious holidays and
localized
votive devotions needs to be replaced. Based on research from
an ongo-
ing historical case study (1890-present) of a central Mexican
parish,
168 Religion and American Culture
Nuestra Señora del Rosario in Coeneo, Michoacán, and on other
parishes,
the rhythm of parish life has clearly shifted to celebrations of
71. marriages
and baptisms. These religious celebrations of marriages and
baptisms in
Mexico have become the focal point of identity and community
in this
transnational Mexican and Mexican American experience. These
sacra-
ments of baptism and marriage have multiple meanings that not
only
include universal Catholic doctrines but also notions of family,
commu-
nity, and a particular appreciation for the sacralized landscape
of their
Mexican parish. Second, notions of parish boundaries as fixed
and parish
affiliation as singular must be reconsidered because many
Mexicans and
Mexican Americans living in the United States consider
themselves to be
active members in at least two parishes: one in Mexico and one
or more
in the United States.
f
^ s
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