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Running Head: SEX AS AN ACT OF POWER
Rape: Sex as an Act of Power and the Effect of Gender Roles
Sara K. Manning
John Jay College of Criminal Justice
2
SEX AS AN ACT OF POWER
Rape: Sex as an Act of Power and the Effect of Gender Roles
The issue of rape has become a prevalent research concern in recent years. Psychologists
have studied the topic in depth and have found how rape effects the victims, why perpetrators
rape, the prevalence of rape in society and other environments, and how society tends to view
sexual assault and the victims. Traditionally rape was viewed and constructed as purely an act of
sex. In more current research, however, it has come to light that rape may not be purely an act of
sex. Studies have begun to show that rape is an act of power between the perpetrator and the
victim, both relationally and socioeconomically, and the views of both of the participants are
directly affected by the gender roles held by society.
The concept that rape is an act of power is a new topic that researches have been
attempting to define. Using older definitions, rape is defined as sex accomplished through use of
force and against a woman’s will (Buchhandler-Raphael, 2011). This definition has evolved in
today’s society to focus less on women, and more on the idea of force and non-consensual sex.
This is important in understanding that, despite the acknowledgment that men can be raped,
gender roles do play a part in the perceptions of sexual assault, which is addressed in much of the
“rape as an act of power” research.
In a study conducted by Yamawaki, Darby, and Queiroz (2007), the issue of power was
constructed by the difference in socioeconomic status (SES) between the victim and the
perpetrator. The focus of the study was to determine how the SES affected perceptions of both
the victim and the perpetrator. What was discovered is that the perceptions of rape were not only
mediated by SES status, but also by perceived gender roles. For example, “gender inequality
3
SEX AS AN ACT OF POWER
correlates highly with the prevalence of rape incidents, [and the] acceptance of rape myths
”
(Yamawaki et. al., 2007). This result hinted that when women were considerably lower in
society, in regards to SES, the event of rape was far more common and rape myths were believed
more often. This would mean that rape is not only a physical act of power, but a socioeconomic
struggle for power as well. This is further supported with the results that the public perceived the
man with a higher SES as less culpable for the rape and the woman victim was viewed as trying
to gain power and manipulate the man.
Another important implication of this study was that when a woman victim had an equal
or higher amount of SES but was still assaulted, they continued to be viewed negatively. As it
turns out, when the victim is perceived to have violated an expected gender role, despite her
SES, people on the outside will still view her as responsible for her rape. This is interesting
because where SES affects how people view a male perpetrator, gender roles are what affect the
views of the female victim the most.
Socioeconomic status is a major factor in power between a victim and perpetrator of rape.
However, there is another measure of power as it is related to sex. Sex is sometimes viewed as a
conquest over another person (Chapleau & Oswald, 2010). This gives the concept of power a
completely different definition than SES. Instead of a person being socially more powerful than
their victim, power and sex is now about one person (the perpetrator) being in power over the
other (the victim). This construction of power makes idea of rape as an act of power physical and
relational rather than economic. Chapleau and Oswald suggest that men, in particular, view sex
as an aggressive act associated with dominance (2010).
4
SEX AS AN ACT OF POWER
With this idea in mind, the research differentiated implicit and explicit thoughts about sex
and aggression. Where implicit thoughts were more sub-conscious and related to the idea that
sex was pleasurably related to power, explicit thoughts were direct beliefs that consensual sex
involved submission from the partner (Chapleau & Oswald, 2010). What this means is that men
with explicit views hold the concept that sex and power are directly linked. When this occurred,
these men were more likely to relate to a perpetrator or rape, believe sex myths, and were more
likely to partake in coercion of their partners to get rape.
Sex as an act of power is a fairly new research topic within psychology. What is
interesting is the variety of ways the sex is an acts of power. Not only can men physically feel
that raping a woman makes them powerful, and shown in Chapleau and Oswalds research, but
also socioeconomic status is a form of power that seems to affect victims and perpetrators in the
realm of perceptions. Research should continue to explore the extent that rape is an act of power,
but also explore the various definitions of power and how each affect the public’s perceptions.
Gender roles and gender stereotypes, as mentioned slightly above, have a drastic effect
on how individuals view the perpetrators and victims of rape. It is well known that men tend to
relate more to the offender, whereas women tend to relate more to the victim; despite the gender
of either (Kahn et al., 2011). This is due to gender stereotypes and how the person evaluating the
sexual assault relates to the gender role of the people involved. This can be indicative of rape
being an act of power as well. Not only is rape used to take power physically over a woman, but
gender stereotypes in our society also cause individuals to relate to the victim or perpetrator
because of the perceived amount of power.
5
SEX AS AN ACT OF POWER
Despite this difference between men and women and how they relate to the victim and
perpetrator, both sexes do have similarities when evaluating sexual assault scenarios. It has been
shown that both men and women perceive actions as coercive the more physical force increases
(Russell, Oswald, Kraus, 2011). This means that as coercion increases to physical force, both
women and men realize that this constitutes as rape. However, the sex of the perpetrator effects
men’s perceptions. For example, if a man is forcing sex on a woman, men tend to agree that it is
coercive behavior that constitutes as rape. However, if it is a woman using the same tactics, men
tend to see this as a positive event (Russell et. al., 2011). This could be because men do not see
women as threatening and perceive it as a compliment to their masculinity and gender role in
society, where as if a man were to sexually assault a man it would be a threat to one’s sexual
identity (Lev-Wiesel, 2006).
There are different definitions of coercion, however the typical use is “an experience of
being pressure or forced by another person to have contact which involved touching of sexual
parts or sexual intercourse” (Judson, Johnson, & Perez, 2013). It has become a focus of more
researchers to look at how sexual coercion is used by women to gain sex from men. Sexual
coercion is a broader term that not only looks at physical force to obtain sex, but at psychological
methods to take advantage of a person. Where woman are more likely to be raped, men are more
likely to experience sexual coercion when the perpetrator is a woman (Judson et al., 2013).
This is an interesting concept because, historically, it has not been a common perception
that men can be raped or sexually assaulted and have negative consequences. Typically, men are
viewed as having less of a fear against women. If a man is “sexually assaulted” by a woman,
then he wanted to have sex, enjoyed the assault, and does not have any negative effects from the
6
SEX AS AN ACT OF POWER
assault as a woman victim would. However, research has shown that men do in fact have
negative consequences from unwanted sexual advances. Men who are raped tend to have long-
term avoidance issues of sex, experience guilt for not desiring to have sex, question their
heterosexuality, experience depression, embarrassment, and can also experience alcohol-related
consequences (Judson et al., 2013).
It is obvious that there are many factors that affect people’s perceptions of rape. Gender
roles and gender stereotypes in society are two factors that have a great impact. For both the
perpetrator and victims, understanding the root of these stereotypes and overcoming them could
have major impact on rape cases in the future. Not only would rape myths about women be
firmly debunked, but men victims of rape would also hold more credibility and less negative
responses from the public.
7
SEX AS AN ACT OF POWER
Works Cited
Buchhandler-Raphael, M. (2011). The failure of consent: Re-conceptualizing rape as sexual
abuse of power. Michigan Journal of Gender & Law, 18(1), 147-228.
Chapleau, K., M., & Oswald, D. L. (2010). Power, sex, and rape myth acceptance: Testing two
models of rape proclivity. Journal of Sex Research, 47(1), 66.
doi:10.1080/00223390902954323
Judson, S. S., Johnsons, D. M., & Perez, A. U. (2013). Perceptions of adult sexual coercion as a
function of victim gender. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 14(4), 335-344.
doi:10.1037/a0030448
Kahn, A. S., Rodgers, K. A., Martin, C., Malic, K., Claytor, J., Gandolfo, M., & Webne, E.
(2011). Gender versus gender role in attributions of blame for a sexual assault. Journal of
Applied Social Psychology, 41(2), 229-251. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.2010.00711.x
Lev-Wiesel, R., & Besser, A. (2006). Male definitions of sexual assault: The role of the
perpetrator’s gender. Individual Difference Research, 4(1), 46-50.
Russel, B. B., Oswald, D. L., & Kraus, S. W. (2011). Evaluations of sexual assault: Perceptions
of guilt and legal elements for male and female aggressors using various coercive
strategies. Violence & Victims, 26(6), 788-815.
Yamaaki, N., Darby, R., & Queiroz, A. (2007). The moderating role of ambivalent sexism: The
influence of power status on perception of rape victim and rapist. Journal of Social
Psychology, 147(1), 41-56.

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Sex of an Act of Power and Effects of Gender Roles

  • 1. 1 Running Head: SEX AS AN ACT OF POWER Rape: Sex as an Act of Power and the Effect of Gender Roles Sara K. Manning John Jay College of Criminal Justice
  • 2. 2 SEX AS AN ACT OF POWER Rape: Sex as an Act of Power and the Effect of Gender Roles The issue of rape has become a prevalent research concern in recent years. Psychologists have studied the topic in depth and have found how rape effects the victims, why perpetrators rape, the prevalence of rape in society and other environments, and how society tends to view sexual assault and the victims. Traditionally rape was viewed and constructed as purely an act of sex. In more current research, however, it has come to light that rape may not be purely an act of sex. Studies have begun to show that rape is an act of power between the perpetrator and the victim, both relationally and socioeconomically, and the views of both of the participants are directly affected by the gender roles held by society. The concept that rape is an act of power is a new topic that researches have been attempting to define. Using older definitions, rape is defined as sex accomplished through use of force and against a woman’s will (Buchhandler-Raphael, 2011). This definition has evolved in today’s society to focus less on women, and more on the idea of force and non-consensual sex. This is important in understanding that, despite the acknowledgment that men can be raped, gender roles do play a part in the perceptions of sexual assault, which is addressed in much of the “rape as an act of power” research. In a study conducted by Yamawaki, Darby, and Queiroz (2007), the issue of power was constructed by the difference in socioeconomic status (SES) between the victim and the perpetrator. The focus of the study was to determine how the SES affected perceptions of both the victim and the perpetrator. What was discovered is that the perceptions of rape were not only mediated by SES status, but also by perceived gender roles. For example, “gender inequality
  • 3. 3 SEX AS AN ACT OF POWER correlates highly with the prevalence of rape incidents, [and the] acceptance of rape myths
” (Yamawaki et. al., 2007). This result hinted that when women were considerably lower in society, in regards to SES, the event of rape was far more common and rape myths were believed more often. This would mean that rape is not only a physical act of power, but a socioeconomic struggle for power as well. This is further supported with the results that the public perceived the man with a higher SES as less culpable for the rape and the woman victim was viewed as trying to gain power and manipulate the man. Another important implication of this study was that when a woman victim had an equal or higher amount of SES but was still assaulted, they continued to be viewed negatively. As it turns out, when the victim is perceived to have violated an expected gender role, despite her SES, people on the outside will still view her as responsible for her rape. This is interesting because where SES affects how people view a male perpetrator, gender roles are what affect the views of the female victim the most. Socioeconomic status is a major factor in power between a victim and perpetrator of rape. However, there is another measure of power as it is related to sex. Sex is sometimes viewed as a conquest over another person (Chapleau & Oswald, 2010). This gives the concept of power a completely different definition than SES. Instead of a person being socially more powerful than their victim, power and sex is now about one person (the perpetrator) being in power over the other (the victim). This construction of power makes idea of rape as an act of power physical and relational rather than economic. Chapleau and Oswald suggest that men, in particular, view sex as an aggressive act associated with dominance (2010).
  • 4. 4 SEX AS AN ACT OF POWER With this idea in mind, the research differentiated implicit and explicit thoughts about sex and aggression. Where implicit thoughts were more sub-conscious and related to the idea that sex was pleasurably related to power, explicit thoughts were direct beliefs that consensual sex involved submission from the partner (Chapleau & Oswald, 2010). What this means is that men with explicit views hold the concept that sex and power are directly linked. When this occurred, these men were more likely to relate to a perpetrator or rape, believe sex myths, and were more likely to partake in coercion of their partners to get rape. Sex as an act of power is a fairly new research topic within psychology. What is interesting is the variety of ways the sex is an acts of power. Not only can men physically feel that raping a woman makes them powerful, and shown in Chapleau and Oswalds research, but also socioeconomic status is a form of power that seems to affect victims and perpetrators in the realm of perceptions. Research should continue to explore the extent that rape is an act of power, but also explore the various definitions of power and how each affect the public’s perceptions. Gender roles and gender stereotypes, as mentioned slightly above, have a drastic effect on how individuals view the perpetrators and victims of rape. It is well known that men tend to relate more to the offender, whereas women tend to relate more to the victim; despite the gender of either (Kahn et al., 2011). This is due to gender stereotypes and how the person evaluating the sexual assault relates to the gender role of the people involved. This can be indicative of rape being an act of power as well. Not only is rape used to take power physically over a woman, but gender stereotypes in our society also cause individuals to relate to the victim or perpetrator because of the perceived amount of power.
  • 5. 5 SEX AS AN ACT OF POWER Despite this difference between men and women and how they relate to the victim and perpetrator, both sexes do have similarities when evaluating sexual assault scenarios. It has been shown that both men and women perceive actions as coercive the more physical force increases (Russell, Oswald, Kraus, 2011). This means that as coercion increases to physical force, both women and men realize that this constitutes as rape. However, the sex of the perpetrator effects men’s perceptions. For example, if a man is forcing sex on a woman, men tend to agree that it is coercive behavior that constitutes as rape. However, if it is a woman using the same tactics, men tend to see this as a positive event (Russell et. al., 2011). This could be because men do not see women as threatening and perceive it as a compliment to their masculinity and gender role in society, where as if a man were to sexually assault a man it would be a threat to one’s sexual identity (Lev-Wiesel, 2006). There are different definitions of coercion, however the typical use is “an experience of being pressure or forced by another person to have contact which involved touching of sexual parts or sexual intercourse” (Judson, Johnson, & Perez, 2013). It has become a focus of more researchers to look at how sexual coercion is used by women to gain sex from men. Sexual coercion is a broader term that not only looks at physical force to obtain sex, but at psychological methods to take advantage of a person. Where woman are more likely to be raped, men are more likely to experience sexual coercion when the perpetrator is a woman (Judson et al., 2013). This is an interesting concept because, historically, it has not been a common perception that men can be raped or sexually assaulted and have negative consequences. Typically, men are viewed as having less of a fear against women. If a man is “sexually assaulted” by a woman, then he wanted to have sex, enjoyed the assault, and does not have any negative effects from the
  • 6. 6 SEX AS AN ACT OF POWER assault as a woman victim would. However, research has shown that men do in fact have negative consequences from unwanted sexual advances. Men who are raped tend to have long- term avoidance issues of sex, experience guilt for not desiring to have sex, question their heterosexuality, experience depression, embarrassment, and can also experience alcohol-related consequences (Judson et al., 2013). It is obvious that there are many factors that affect people’s perceptions of rape. Gender roles and gender stereotypes in society are two factors that have a great impact. For both the perpetrator and victims, understanding the root of these stereotypes and overcoming them could have major impact on rape cases in the future. Not only would rape myths about women be firmly debunked, but men victims of rape would also hold more credibility and less negative responses from the public.
  • 7. 7 SEX AS AN ACT OF POWER Works Cited Buchhandler-Raphael, M. (2011). The failure of consent: Re-conceptualizing rape as sexual abuse of power. Michigan Journal of Gender & Law, 18(1), 147-228. Chapleau, K., M., & Oswald, D. L. (2010). Power, sex, and rape myth acceptance: Testing two models of rape proclivity. Journal of Sex Research, 47(1), 66. doi:10.1080/00223390902954323 Judson, S. S., Johnsons, D. M., & Perez, A. U. (2013). Perceptions of adult sexual coercion as a function of victim gender. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 14(4), 335-344. doi:10.1037/a0030448 Kahn, A. S., Rodgers, K. A., Martin, C., Malic, K., Claytor, J., Gandolfo, M., & Webne, E. (2011). Gender versus gender role in attributions of blame for a sexual assault. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 41(2), 229-251. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.2010.00711.x Lev-Wiesel, R., & Besser, A. (2006). Male definitions of sexual assault: The role of the perpetrator’s gender. Individual Difference Research, 4(1), 46-50. Russel, B. B., Oswald, D. L., & Kraus, S. W. (2011). Evaluations of sexual assault: Perceptions of guilt and legal elements for male and female aggressors using various coercive strategies. Violence & Victims, 26(6), 788-815. Yamaaki, N., Darby, R., & Queiroz, A. (2007). The moderating role of ambivalent sexism: The influence of power status on perception of rape victim and rapist. Journal of Social Psychology, 147(1), 41-56.