Running head FIRST REFLECTION1FIRST REFLECTION4

Running head: FIRST REFLECTION 1
FIRST REFLECTION 4
MADS 6645: Marketing Social Change
Professor: Rajesh Kumar
First Reflection: Corporate Social Responsibility
Aakanksha Karingula
(1874461)
Fairleigh Dickinson University
Topic: Corporate Social Responsibility
Objective.
For this topic on reflective writing I choose to write about the
quote, “In response to pressures to be more socially responsible,
corporations are becoming more active in global communities
through direct involvement in social responsibilities (Hess &
Warren, 2008).” This is defined as the concept, in which
organizations integrate socially as well as environmental
concerns in their business operations and stakeholder
interactions (Kotler & Lee, 2005). What caught my attention to
write about this is the desire to communicate and share ideas
about the importance of corporate social responsibility for
organizations towards society. Many organizations have grown
due to the support they got from society as it plays a major role
in the sustainability of these organizations. For instance,
providing the resources that are needed to run organizations.

This, therefore, got me thinking that it would be also a good
idea for the same organizations to consider doing something out
of the goodwill for the community to give back at goodwill.
According to this quote, many organizations have taken the
initiative to work towards community wellness and this was as a
result of pressure. However, some of these firms have been
pushed to practice corporate social responsibility by the
pressure from stakeholders. Organizations need to understand
the need for them to involve in good deeds towards the society
since it is the society that contributes largely to the wellness of
them through promotions like buying and marketing their
products to others (Wang, Tong, Takeuchi, & George, 2016).
Reflective.
This quote made me reflect on organizations like Deloitte, IBM,
Apple, and LinkedIn just to mention but a few which were
among the top 20 corporate socially responsible firms in 2017. I
came to understand that many companies had adopted this
initiative in the quest to give back to society in ways like
helping the less fortunate, providing educational as well as
health services. IBM, for instance, plays a major role in
promoting as well as offering support on education, economic
development, and global health among other many initiatives. I
also realized that corporate social responsibility played a major
role in boosting the reputation of these firms and that these
grew even more from this initiative. Organizations taking part
in corporate social responsibility have the advantage of selling
themselves more to society. Society tends to appreciate and love
such organizations more and this helped me understand how it
affected their growth and development.
I also learned about Apple, one of the best technology
companies in the world and how it takes its global
responsibility seriously. I came to realize that one of its social
initiatives is about the environment as it not only encourages its
IT counterparts to take advantage of renewable energy but also
has its packages having been manufactured with 99 percent
paper products which have been recycled ( Jamali, & Karam,

2018). Additionally, nonprofit firms like LinkedIn have gone to
the extent of working with other organizations to connect fewer
fortune communities to economic opportunities. Such a platform
has helped many people to find jobs, connect with others
through volunteer programs as well as participate in
mentorships that helped in nurturing others.
Interpretive.
The quote helped me understand the role of companies in
society. We tend to buy so much from these companies and it
turned out to me that they also have a part to play as far as
society is concerned. I believe that it is important for
organizations to help the needy in society as this will be of
benefit to them as well since the same people will in the future
consider promoting the same organizations as a way of
appreciating them. However, corporate social responsibility
should not be viewed as an initiative for firms. Individually or
even in small groups, it is possible to play a role in embracing
the same. I have participated in charity events while in school
where we could visit children's homes and offer financial as
well as social support. I realized how important such visits
meant to this less advantaged as they felt valued by society
(Kim et. al, 2017).
This kept me thinking how important it would be if everyone
chose to give back to society, how productive our society would
be and how we would be in a position to find vices like poverty
and the feeling of being neglected. I believe that the issue of
social responsibility should, therefore, be out of goodwill and
not pressure from stakeholders. It should be our duty to care for
others with the little or much that we have in our stores. I
believe such an initiative help in encouraging others and
building a socially caring society (Lins et. al, 2017).
Decisional
From this, I have decided as a way of supporting organizations
that practice corporate social responsibility, I will encourage
my peers to buy from them. With this, I believe that they will be
in a position to continue helping society in various ways. As a

youth, I also intend to mobilize a few of my friends and visit
the elderly in the village as well as those in children's homes
and offer the support they may need both mental and physical. I
also intend to play a personal role in helping a few with
necessities like face masks, hand sanitizers as well educating
them on how to control themselves from contracting the virus
for instance through advising them they need to keep good
hygiene, keep social distance and staying at home as much as
possible during the current COVID-19 crisis that is affecting the
whole world (Rahman, Rodríguez-Serrano, & Lambkin, 2017).
I also look forward to working for an organization that plays a
role in giving back to society and values corporate social
responsibility and one that is ready to work and encourage i ts
staff on the importance of offering support to the less
advantaged in the larger society. I believe that if everyone
decided to do something for the wellness of the society, we
would be in a position to eradicate some of the major challenges
that we face like poverty and illiteracy in our society and we
would, therefore, be in a position to create a productive society
out of this.
References
Rahman, M., Rodríguez-Serrano, M. Á., & Lambkin, M. (2017).
Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and Marketing
Performance: Role of Commitment to the Customer
Relationship. In Creating Marketing Magic and Innovative
Future Marketing Trends (pp. 667-671). Springer, Cham.

Kim, H. L., Rhou, Y., Uysal, M., & Kwon, N. (2017). An
examination of the links between corporate social responsibility
(CSR) and its internal consequences. International Journal of
Hospitality Management, 61, 26-34.
Lins, K. V., Servaes, H., & Tamayo, A. (2017). Social capital,
trust, and firm performance: The value of corporate social
responsibility during the financial crisis. The Journal of
Finance, 72(4), 1785-1824.
Wang, H., Tong, L., Takeuchi, R., & George, G. (2016).
Corporate social responsibility: An overview and new research
directions: Thematic issue on corporate social responsibi lity.
Jamali, D., & Karam, C. (2018). Corporate social responsibility
in developing countries as an emerging field of study.
International Journal of Management Reviews, 20(1), 32-61.
10/3/14, 9:42 AMAcademic ASAP - Document
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The End of History and the Last Man
Richard K. Betts

Foreign Affairs. 89.6 (November-December 2010): p186.
Book review
COPYRIGHT 2010 Council on Foreign Relations, Inc.
http://www.foreignaffairs.org.ezproxy.fiu.edu
Full Text:
The End of History and the Last Man.
By Francis Fukuyama.
Free Press, 1992, 400 pp.
The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order.
By Samuel P. Huntington.
Simon & Schuster, 1996, 368 pp.
The Tragedy of Great Power Politics.
By John J. Mearsheimer.
Norton, 2001, 448 pp.
"Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from
any intellectual influence, are usually the slave of some
defunct economist," John Maynard Keynes once wrote.
Politicians and pundits view the world through instincts and
assumptions rooted in some philosopher's Big Idea. Some ideas
are old and taken for granted throughout society. For most
Americans, it is the ideas of the liberal tradition, from John
Locke to Woodrow Wilson, that shape their thinking about
foreign policy. The sacred concepts of freedom, individualism,
and cooperation are so ingrained in U.S. political culture that
most people assume them to be the natural order of things,

universal values that people everywhere would embrace if given
the chance.
In times of change, people wonder more consciously about how
the world works. The hiatus between the Cold War and 9/11
was such a time; conventional wisdom begged to be reinvented.
Nearly a century of titanic struggle over which ideology
would be the model for organizing societies around the globe--
fascism, communism, or Western liberal democracy--had left
only the last one standing. After a worldwide contest of
superpowers, the only conflicts left were local, numerous but
minor.
What would the driving forces of world politics be after the
twentieth century, the century of total war? Among the theorists
who jumped into the market for models of the future, three
stood out: Francis Fukuyama, Samuel Huntington, and John
Mearsheimer. Each made a splash with a controversial article,
then refined the argument in a book--Fukuyama in The End of
History and the Last Man, Huntington in The Clash of
Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, and
Mearsheimer in
The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. Each presented a bold and
sweeping vision that struck a chord with certain readers, and
each was dismissed by others whose beliefs were offended or
who jumped to conclusions about what they thought the
arguments implied. (Reactions were extreme because most
debate swirled around the bare-bones arguments in the initial
articles rather than the full, refined versions in the later books.
This essay aims to give the full versions of all three arguments
their due.)
None of the three visions won out as the new conventional
wisdom, although Fukuyama's rang truest when the Berlin Wall
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Page 2 of
fell, Huntington's did so after 9/11, and Mearsheimer's may do
so once China's power is full grown. Yet all three ideas remain
beacons, because even practical policymakers who shun ivory-
tower theories still tend to think roughly in terms of one of
them, and no other visions have yet been offered that match
their scope and depth. Each outlines a course toward peace and
stability if statesmen make the right choices--but none offers
any confidence that the wrong choices will be avoided.
CONVERGENCE OR DIVERSITY?
Most optimistic was Fukuyama's vision of the final modern
consensus on democracy and capitalism, the globalization of
Western liberalism, and the "homogenization of all human
societies," driven by technology and wealth. Some were put off
by
his presentation of a dense philosophical interpretation of Hegel

and Nietzsche, but of the three visions, Fukuyama's still
offered the one closest to mainstream American thinking. It
resonated with other testaments to the promise of American
leadership and Western norms, such as Joseph Nye's idea of soft
power, G. John Ikenberry's global constitutionalism, and the
democratic peace theory of Michael Doyle and others. And it
went beyond the celebration of economic globalization
exemplified by the works of pundits such as Thomas Friedman.
Fukuyama's version was deeper, distinguished in a way that
would ultimately qualify his optimism and make his forecast
more compatible with Mearsheimer's and Huntington's.
Fukuyama de-emphasized mainstream liberalism's focus on
materialism and justice by stressing "the struggle for
recognition," the spiritual quest for human dignity and equality
(or sometimes for superiority), as a crucial ingredient in the
transformation.
Understood properly, Fukuyama was nowhere near as naive as
his critics assumed. He did not claim that history (in Hegel's
sense of a progression of human relations from lordship and
bondage to freedom, equality, and constitutional government)
had fully ended; rather, he argued that it was in the process of
ending, with the main obstacles overcome but loose ends still
to be tied up. His main point was that "liberal democracy
remains the only coherent political aspiration that spans
different
regions and cultures across the globe," but he recognized that
illiberal politics and conflict would persist for some time in the
developing world, which remains "stuck in history."
Fukuyama likened the process of history to a strung-out wagon
train, in which some wagons get temporarily stopped,
damaged, or diverted but eventually arrive at the same
destination. With no more fundamental disagreements about
how
societies should be organized, there would be nothing important

to fight about. Fukuyama's original essay in The National
Interest in 1989 was quite ahead of its time, written before
Mikhail Gorbachev ended the Cold War. Even many who
mistakenly saw the message as simplistic assumed that the
collapse of communism left Western values as the wave of the
future, and catastrophic war a relic of the past.
Like most red-blooded Americans, Fukuyama rejected the sour
realist theory of international relations, which sees history not
as a progression toward enlightenment and peace but as a cycle
of conflict. Epochal threats made realism persuasive during
much of the century of total war, but at bottom it is alien to
American instincts and popular only among some cranky
conservatives, Marxists, and academic theorists. (I have been
accused of being among them.) Most people happily
pronounced it passe once the communist threat imploded.
"Treating a disease that no longer exists," Fukuyama claimed,
"realists now find themselves proposing costly and dangerous
cures to healthy patients."
Mearsheimer, however, is an unregenerate realist, and he threw
cold water on the Cold War victory. Bucking the tide of
optimism, he argued that international life would continue to be
the brutal competition for power it had always been. He
characterized the competition as tragic because countries end in
conflict not out of malevolence but despite their desire for
peace. In the absence of a world government to enforce rights,
they find it impossible to trust one another, and simply striving
for security drives them to seek control of their environment
and thus dominance. If peace is to last, it will have to be
fashioned from a stable balance of power, not the spread of nice
ideas. In short, there is nothing really new about the new
world.
Mearsheimer was a party pooper, defying what seemed to be
common sense. Many found it easy to write him off when he

claimed the revival of traditional conflicts would soon make
everyone nostalgic for the simplicity and stability of the Cold
War. But realism can never be written off for long. This school
of thought has always agitated, even angered, American
Page 3 of
liberals and neoconservatives (who are in many ways just
liberals in wolves' clothing). The theory falls out of favor
whenever peace breaks out, but it keeps coming back because
peace never proves permanent. Mearsheimer's vision is
especially telling because it is an extreme version of realism
that does not see any benign actors in the system and assumes
that all great powers seek hegemony: "There are no status quo
powers ... save for the occasional hegemon that wants to
maintain its dominating position."
THE WEST AND THE REST
Huntington's idea, first broached in this magazine, was the most
novel and jarring. Like Fukuyama, Huntingto n recognized
the impact of globalization, but he saw it generating conflict
rather than consensus. In tune with Mearsheimer, he believed
"soft power is power only when it rests on a foundation of hard
power," but he saw the relevant concentrations of power as
transnational cultural areas--eight basic civilizations--rather
than particular states. What Fukuyama saw as a liberal bow
wave, Huntington saw as the crest of the wave, an ethnocentric
Western model whose force had peaked. To Huntington, the

world was unifying economically and technologically but not
socially. "The forces of integration in the world are real and are
precisely what are generating counterforces of cultural
assertion," he wrote. The West would remain dominant for some
time
but was beginning a gradual decline relative to other
civilizations, especially those in Asia. The biggest cleavage in
world
politics would be between the civilizations of the West and "the
rest."
Huntington packed his 1996 book with data about the upsurge of
non-Western cultures: the small and shrinking proportion of
the world's population made up by the West and Japan (15
percent at the time); the decreasing percentage of people abroad
speaking English; the "indigenization" of higher education
replacing the custom of study abroad, which had given Third
World elites personal experience of the West; the revival of
non-Christian religions everywhere; and so on. To Huntington,
there was more than one wagon train, to use Fukuyama's image,
and the ones on a different route were gathering speed.
Huntington's main point was that modernization is not the same
as westernization. Foreigners' participation in Western
consumer culture does not mean that they accept Western
values, such as social pluralism, the rule of law, the separ ation
of
church and state, representative government, or individualism.
"The essence of Western civilization is the Magna Carta, not
the Magna Mac," Huntington wrote. This means that
"somewhere in the Middle East a half-dozen young men could
well be
dressed in jeans, drinking Coke, listening to rap, and between
their bows to Mecca, putting together a bomb to blow up an
American airliner."

The homogenization Fukuyama saw resembled what Huntington
called "Davos culture," referring to the annual meeting of
elites in Switzerland. This was the transnational consensus of
the jet set, who, Huntington wrote, "control virtually all
international institutions, many of the world's governments, and
the bulk of the world's economic and military capabilities."
Huntington, however, saw politics like a populist and pointed
out how thin a veneer this elite was--"less than 50 million
people or 1 percent of the world's population." The masses and
middle classes of other civilizations have their own agendas.
The progress of democratization celebrated at the end of history
does not foster universal values but opens up those agendas
and empowers nativist movements. "Politicians in non-Western
societies do not win elections by showing how Western they
are," Huntington reminded readers. Although he did not say so,
the mistaken identification of modernization with
westernization comes naturally to so many U.S. analysts
because they understand exotic countries through stays at
Western-
style hotels and meetings with cosmopolitan Davos people--the
local frontmen--rather than through conversations in local
languages with upwardly mobile citizens.
Many misread Huntington's initial article as a xenophobic call
to arms for the West against "the rest." The later book made
clear that his aim was quite the opposite: to prevent the growing
clash of civilizations from becoming a war of civilizations.
He called for humility instead of hubris, writing, "Western
belief in the universality of Western culture suffers three
problems: it is false; it is immoral; and it is dangerous."
Spreading Western values does not promote peace but provokes
resistance: "If non-Western societies are once again to be
shaped by Western culture, it will happen only as a result of the
expansion, deployment, and impact of Western power.
Imperialism is the necessary logical consequence of
universalism."

The wiser alternative, he argued, is to accept that "the security
of the world requires acceptance of global multiculturality."
Page 4 of
So Fukuyama's solution was Huntington's problem. To avoid
escalating conflict between civilizations requires rejecting
universalism, respecting the legitimacy of non-Western
cultures, and, most of all, refraining from intervention in the
conflicts
of non-Western civilizations. Staying out, Huntington wrote, "is
the first requirement of peace." This would turn out to be
especially difficult in dealing with the Islamic world, which, he
said, has a record of being "far more involved in intergroup
violence than the people of any other civilization."
AFTER 9/11
When al Qaeda struck the Twin Towers and the Pentagon, many
skeptics decided that Huntington had been prescient after
all. The Middle East expert Fouad Ajami wrote in The New
York Times, "I doubted Samuel Huntington when he predicted a
struggle between Islam and the West. My mistake." Fukuyama
nevertheless remained untroubled. In the afterword to a later
edition of his book, he argued that Muslim countries outside the
Arab world would be able to democratize and that violent
Islamist doctrines are simply radical ideologies inspired by
Western fascism and communism and "do not reflect any core
teachings of Islam." In the original book, Fukuyama dismissed

Islam as a challenge to the West because it had no appeal
outside areas that were already Islamic: "It can win back lapsed
adherents, but has no resonance for young people in Berlin,
Tokyo, or Moscow."
Writing before 9/11, Fukuyama saw the Islamic exception as a
minor distraction. Mearsheimer had nothing at all to say about
it, since no Islamic state is a great power, the only political unit
he considers important. As for terrorism, the word does not
even appear in the index to either of their books. Huntington, in
contrast, forthrightly saw Islam as a significant challenge,
believing that it is more vibrant than Fukuyama thought. For
example, he explained that Islamic fundamentalists are
disproportionately intellectuals and technocrats from "the more
'modern' sectors of the middle class."
Of the three, only Huntington anticipated how big a loose end in
the end of history Islam would be. After The Clash of
Civilizations was published, the Islamic world presented a
multifront military challenge to Americans--partly as the United
States sought to defend itself against al Qaeda; partly because
Washington backs Israel, a Western outpost in a Muslim
region; and partly because President George W. Bush scorned
Huntington's warning against meddling and launched the
disastrous invasion of Iraq, which antagonized Muslims around
the world. In the first decade of the twenty-first century,
Fukuyama and Mearsheimer seemed to have missed where the
action would be. None of the three, however, believed that
terrorism and Islamic revolution would remain the main events.
In the post-Cold War hiatus, the visions of Fukuyama,
Huntington, and Mearsheimer pointed to very different forces
setting
the odds of conflict or cooperation. These visions seemed
starkly opposed to one another, and those who found one
convincing considered the others flat-out wrong. But when one

peels away the top layers of the three arguments and gets
down to the conditions the authors set for their forecasts, it
turns out that they point in a remarkably similar--and
pessimistic-
-direction.
By the end his book, Fukuyama--the most optimistic of the
three--turns out to lack conviction. His vision is more complex
and contingent than other versions of liberal theory, and less
triumphant. He goes beyond the many who embrace
globalization and Davos culture and worries that economic
plenty and technological comforts are not enough to keep
history
ended, because "man is not simply an economic animal." The
real story is the moral one, the struggle for recognition.
Fukuyama frets that Nietzsche's idea of the will to power --that
people will strive to be not just equal but superior--will
reignite the impulses to violence that the end of history was
supposed to put to rest. He admits that this spiritual dimension
gives power to the least Davos-like forces: nationalism (which
Mearsheimer sees as a major engine of international conflict)
and religion (which Huntington sees as the most underestimated
motivating force in politics).
Converging with the other two authors, Fukuyama worries that a
Western civilization that went no further than the triumph of
materialism and justice "would be unable to defend itself from
civilizations ... whose citizens were ready to forsake comfort
and safety and who were not afraid to risk their lives for the
sake of dominion." Although confident that history is ending, he
concedes that boredom with the result, or exceptions to the rule,
may restart it. By the last chapter of Fukuyama's book,
Nietzsche has gained on Hegel, and history seems to be at not
an end but an intermission.

Page 5 of
WILL CHINA RESTART HISTORY?
The West's future relations with China, the one country on the
way to ending the era of unipolarity, is the issue that brings the
implications of the three visions closest to one another. Each
author offers an option for avoiding conflict. For Fukuyama,
that option is for China to join the West and accept the end of
history. For Mearsheimer, it is for the West to form a potent
coalition to balance and contain China's power. For Huntington,
it is the reverse--to respect China's difference and hold back
from attempts to stifle its influence. (Huntington considers both
confrontation and accommodation plausible but believes the
former would require actions more decisive than what U.S.
policy has yet contemplated.) None of the three, however, gives
any reason to believe that these courses toward peace are as
likely to be taken as ones that promise a clash.
Fukuyama has little to say about China and does not claim that
it will necessarily evolve along Western lines. This leaves it
as an elephant-sized exception to the end of history, with no
reason to expect that its "struggle for recognition" will not
match
those of rising powers that have come before. Both Huntington
and Mearsheimer assume that China will seek hegemony in
Asia. Huntington also presents data showing China as the only
major power that has been more violent than Muslim states;
in crises, it has used force at a rate more than four times as high
as that of the United States. He also notes that Chinese

culture is uncomfortable with multipolarity, balance, and
equality--potential grounds for international stability on
Western
terms. Instead, he argues, the Chinese find hierarchy and the
historic "Sinocentric" order in East Asia most natural.
As for Mearsheimer, China is the issue on which his tragic
diagnosis is, sadly, most convincing (although his prescription
may not be). His early forecast that NATO would disintegrate
after the Cold War has worn thinner with each passing year,
whereas Fukuyama's and Huntington's belief that the unity of
the West has put insecurity into permanent remission there has
held up better so far. On the future of China, however,
Mearsheimer has more of the historical record supporting his
pessimism. As the scholar Robert Gilpin has argued,
"hegemonic transitions"--when a rising power begins to
overtake the
dominant one--have rarely been peaceful. The United Kingdom's
bow to the United States a century ago was, but Fukuyama
and Huntington could chalk that one up to cultural and
ideological affinity--ingredients absent between China and the
United
States.
To Mearsheimer, the liberal policy of "engagement" offers no
solution to China's rising power and will only make it worse.
"The United States has a profound interest in seeing Chinese
economic growth slow," he writes. "However," he continues,
"the United States has pursued a strategy to have the opposite
effect." But economic warfare that could work toward hobbling
China would also provoke it and is not a plausible option in any
case.
If one believes the rest of Mearsheimer's book, China's rise
should not alarm the author so much. He argues that bipolar
international systems are naturally the most stable. He denies

that the current system is unipolar, but it is hard to see it as
genuinely multipolar; no other power yet rivals the United
States. If the Cold War system qualified as bipolar, a coming
one
in which China becomes a second superpower should, too.
So should Americans relax after all? No. Affection for
bipolarity is wrong. It rests too much on the fortunate "long
peace" of
the Cold War--which was not that stable much of the time--and
it is not clear why lessons should not be drawn from the other
examples of bipolarity that produced catastrophic wars: Athens
versus Sparta and Rome versus Carthage. Other realists, such
as Geoffrey Blainey and Robert Gilpin, are more convincing in
seeing hierarchy as the most stable order and parity as a
source of miscalculation and risk taking. If stability is the only
thing worth caring about, then conceding Chinese dominance
in Asia could be the lesser evil. Yet Mearsheimer fears potential
Chinese hegemony in the region. So either way, the realist
prognosis looks grim.
Optimism depends on alternatives that all of the three theorists
consider unlikely. One is the common liberal vision, but this
is the simple materialist sort that Fukuyama considers too
sterile to last. Another would be a conservative prescription of
restraint, such as Huntington's, but this is out of character for
Americans and has been ever since they became accustomed to
muscular activism after 1945. In his book The Post-American
World, Fareed Zakaria combines something of both of these.
He sees a world of reduced danger as economics trumps
politics. But there is a leaden lining in his optimism, too.
Zakaria
views the U.S. political system as its "core weakness" because
of the gap between the savvy cosmopolitan elite (the Davos

Page 6 of
people) and the myopic popular majority that drags the country
down. If their cherished political system is the problem, can
Americans really be hopeful?
Huntington is more of a democrat, yet he also fears that
Americans will not face up to hard choices. "If the United
States is
not willing to fight against Chinese hegemony, it will need to
foreswear its universalism," he warns--but this would be an
unlikely sharp turn away from tradition and triumph. "The
greatest danger," he fears, "is that the United States will make
no
clear choice and stumble into a war with China without
considering carefully whether this is in its national interest and
without being prepared to wage such a war effectively."
THE LIMITS OF BIG IDEAS
None of the three authors wrote of the darkest visions about the
future, which go beyond politics. (For example, Martin Rees,
in his book Our Final Hour, and Fred Ikle, in Annihilation From
Within, reveal all too many ways in which natural disasters
or scientific advances in bioengineering, artificial intelligence,
and weapons of mass destruction could trigger apocalyptic
results.) Nevertheless, the three most arresting visions that
focused on world politics after the Cold War have turned out to
be
disturbing. The world in 2010 hardly seems on a more

promising track than when Fukuyama, Huntington, and
Mearsheimer
made their cases, and few today would bet that statesmen wi ll
make the policy choices the three recommended.
This is a reminder that simple visions, however powerful, do
not hold up as reliable predictors of particular developments.
Visions are vital for clarifying thinking about the forces that
drive international relations, the main directions to expect
events
to take, and one's basic faith in matters of politics, but they
cannot account for many specifics in the actual complexity of
political life. The biggest ideas may also yield the least accurate
estimates. The psychologist Philip Tetlock, in Expert
Political Judgment, compiled detailed scorecards for the
predictions of political experts and found that ones known for
overarching grand theories ("hedgehogs," in Isaiah Berlin's
classification) did worse on average than those with more
complicated and contingent analyses ("foxes")--and that the
forecasting records of any sorts of experts turn out to be very
weak. Readers looking for an excuse to ignore dire predictions
might also take comfort from evidence that forecasting is
altogether hopeless. Nassim Nicholas Taleb, the author of The
Black Swan, argues that most world-changing developments
turn out to be predicted by no one, the result of highly
improbable events outside analysts' equations. The
overwhelming
randomness of what causes things in economic and political life
is inescapable, Taleb argues; big ideas are only big illusions.
Reminders of the limits of theory ring true to practical people.
But if causes and effects are hopelessly random, then there is
no hope for informed policy. Terminal uncertainty, however, is
not an option for statesmen. They cannot just take shots in the
dark, so they cannot do without some assumptions about how
the world works. This is why practical people are slaves of

defunct economists or contemporary political theorists.
Policymakers need intellectual anchors if they are to make
informed
decisions that are any more likely to move the world in the right
direction than the wrong one.
So what do the three visions offer? Despite what seemed like
stark differences when they were first advanced, many of their
implications wound up being on the same page. Fukuyama
captured the drama of the West's final unification, a momentous
consolidation of liberalism on a grand scale and a world-
shaping development even if the Western model does not prove
universal. A less ambitious version of Fukuyama's vision that
stops short of demanding the full westernization of "the rest" is
quite compatible with Huntington's, which urged the West to
concentrate on keeping itself together, solving its own
problems, reversing a trend of creeping decadence, and
renewing its vitality. In contrast to many U.S. liberals'
preference,
Huntington sought universalism at home and multiculturalism
abroad. Fukuyama's vision can also be surprisingly compatible
with Mearsheimer's, since Fukuyama conceded that realism still
applied to dealings with the part of the world still stuck in
history. (Mearsheimer, however, disagreed with the notion that
Western states had outgrown the possibility of war among
themselves.)
Huntington, too, accepted much of realism, since in his view,
civilizational struggle is still played out in large part among the
"core states" in each culture. He also agreed that the China
question could not be resolved by Davos-style liberalism's
solution--engagement through …
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Perpetual warfare
John Gray
Published 08 September 2011
As the ruins of the twin towers still smouldered, the west
plunged into a series of conflicts
it could not win. Can it now confront its diminished place in the
world?
The 11 September 2001 attacks were a new kind of warfare.
Waged by small, decentralised, highly mobile groups not
identified with any state or government, this hypermodern type
of conflict aims not to conquer territory or destroy the enemy's
military forces, but to weaken the adversary's society internally.
For all its medieval trappings, al-Qaeda is deeply modern: its
ideology owes more to Lenin than to Islamic theology, while its
organisation is that of a decentralised global franchise
operation.
The US response was a variant of conventional warfare: a
Vietnam-like counter-insurgency directed against the Taliban in
Afghanistan - only incidentally connected with al-Qaeda but an
equally elusive force - followed by an attack on the state of
Iraq, the effect of which was to allow al-Qaeda to build a
presence in the country that it had lacked when Saddam Hussein
was in power. The new type of war was not understood, and the
failure of the US-led riposte was preordained
Terror is not a nebulous, all-pervading, demonic force. In more
clear-thinking times, events that are now routinely described
as acts of terrorism were seen as episodes in normal historical
conflicts. Politicians and military people spoke of civil wars,
insurrections and political assassinations rather than lumping
together all forms of political violence into a single terrorist
threat. It was also understood that political violence can never
finally be eradicated. Today such sobriety is rare. Suicide
bombing is interpreted as the expression of a religious culture

of martyrdom, when it is a technique that was first developed by
the Tamil Tigers, a Marxist-Leninist group.
The 1995 Oklahoma bombing and the 22 June massacre on
Utøya island show that indigenous, far-right ideas can also have
deadly effects; the Aum Shinrikyo cult in Japan would have
wreaked cataclysmic damage if it had been able to implement its
plan to use anthrax against the population. In Britain, far more
people have been killed and injured by offshoots of the Irish
Republican Army than by Islamist groups. If we are to talk of
terrorism, the intimidation and murder by some American
fundamentalist Christians of doctors who perform abortions also
falls into that category. The threats to peace and security that
we face are more specific and more diverse than the global evil
posited in the "war on terror".
When it launched the 9/11 attacks, al-Qaeda demonstrated a
firm grip on strategic logic. Nothing could be better calculated
to
throw western governments into panic than an assault on the
World Trade Center - a monument to faith in the civilising
magic
of affluence. Later attacks in Bali, Madrid, London and
elsewhere demonstrated the capacity of the network to operate
on a
global scale. A sober response to 9/11 would have involved
focusing resources on intelligence-gathering and using the
results to deter and disable terrorist activity in the countries
that al-Qaeda was targeting. Instead, the west's response has
been much as al-Qaeda's strategists intended: a succession of
costly, unwinnable conflicts that have eroded the west's
freedom and diminished its security, while exacerbating the
serious but not unmanageable threat posed by al-Qaeda itself. If
it
is true that the danger may now be receding, it is because new
movements of change are making al-Qaeda increasingly
irrelevant.

irrelevant.
The conflicts triggered by 9/11 have all been fought on false
premises. Bombing al-Qaeda bases in Afghanistan was a
legitimate act of self-defence and, in the context of US politics,
may have been inevitable, but it was not the only option. The
relationship between the Taliban and al-Qaeda has never been
simple or unproblematic, and there is evidence that the
Taliban may have been considering expelling al-Qaeda from
Afghanistan when the bombing campaign got under way.
Whether an alternative strategy, focused on convincing the
Taliban regime to enforce such a policy, could have been
effective
is uncertain. What is clear is that, ten years later, the US-led
coalition has been exploring a similar scenario - tacitly
recognising that the fundamental problem has never been
military. Even more than the Soviets - whose ruthless
occupation
some Afghans now remember as being preferable to the chaos of
the present conflict - western forces have fought a war that
lacked any achievable political goals. Unfortunately, the
prospect of an orderly exit may prove to be just another mirage.
Welcomed by many Afghans and by some of the Taliban, the
initial objective of ejecting al-Qaeda from the country was soon
achieved. It is doubtful how much western security was
improved. Al-Qaeda does not need permanent bases and has
moved
on to Pakistan, Yemen and post-Saddam Iraq. As the US became
ever more preoccupied with a non-existent threat from Iraq,
Afghanistan was forgotten and the Taliban returned.
The war has continued, with a series of shifting goals -
installing democracy, promoting economic and social
development,
battling the drug trade and the like - all of them unrealisable.
Building schools and hospitals may be a fine thing, but it will

count for nothing when teachers and doctors are terrorised and
killed after allied forces make their inevitable withdrawal from
much of the country.
Linking the Afghan mission with the nonsensical "war on drugs"
has been predictably counterproductive. Destroying drug
production - the Americans at one point thinking of spraying the
whole of Helmand Valley with weedkiller to wipe out the
opium fields - would also have destroyed much of the Afghan
economy. There is constant talk of preparing government forces
to take over responsibility for security, Bamiyan being the first
province handed over, on 17 July. But where government is
weak and lacking in legitimacy, and where allegiance to any
authority has long been a tradable commodity, it should be
obvious that improving the training of local forces will not
ensure their loyalty. Presiding over a territory that has never
been
ruled by a modern state, the Afghan government is not much
more than a funnel for endemic corruption. In the event of a
full-
scale pull-out of US-led forces, it would be lucky to survive for
more than 48 hours.
In the blind rush to export an idealised version of western
governance, it has been forgotten that democracy comes in
several
versions, some of them highly illiberal. If a functioning
democracy were to develop in Afghanistan in the current
conditions, it
would most likely be a variant of the Rousseau type that exists
in Iran. The effect could be to entrench the power of the
Taliban.
Built up by elements in Pakistani intelligence and financed with
Saudi money, the Taliban waged a pitiless war on Afghan
culture and traditions. At the same time they flouted the most
basic human values. Stoning gay people and women who are
victims of rape is barbarism pure and simple. Rather than
preventing such atrocities, an Iranian-style Afghan democracy

could
instead confer legitimacy on those who commit them.
It is hard to imagine any kind of democracy in Afghanistan in
the foreseeable future. In the event of a full drawdown of
western
forces, a many-sided civil war would ensue and the hapless
peoples of Afghanistan would face a future without effective
government, democratic or otherwise. At this point, the analogy
with Vietnam becomes misleading. In Vietnam, the US retreat
allowed the well-organised and competent government in the
North to take control of the country. In Afghanistan, departing
US-led forces would leave an ungoverned space.
Again, the underlying problem is political rather than military.
There can be no peace in Afghanistan for as long as it is used
as a theatre to play out regional conflicts. Without a solution to
the division of Kashmir, the Afghans will continue to be pawns
in the struggle between India and Pakistan (both nuclear
powers) while Iran, Russia and China watch alertly on the
sidelines.
Perhaps Washington could once have brokered a settlement in
the region, but with President Barack Obama having declared
victory 18 months in advance of a US retreat, that time is gone.
A pull-out would create a geopolitical vacuum in the region.
That is why - assuming a worsening economic crisis in America
doesn't force the issue - US forces are unlikely to make
anything like a total withdrawal any time soon.
In contrast to Afghanistan, where even the Soviets could not
instal a modern state, Saddam's Iraq was a thoroughly modern
despotism. If western intervention in these quite different
countries has failed in similar ways, one reason is that, in both
cases,
the west was unprepared to deal with the condition of anarchy
that it had created.
Regime change in Iraq was engineered in the belief that
something like liberal democracy would emerge of its own
accord.

But after nearly a quarter-century in power, Saddam's
dictatorship was practically coextensive with the Iraqi state, and
toppling
the tyrant meant destroying any kind of government in the
country. US policies - such as disbanding the Iraqi army -
hastened
this outcome, but it was principally a consequence of regime
change itself. As the scale of the disaster began to unfold, it
became conventional wisdom to claim that insufficient thought
had been given to post-invasion planning. But before the war
started it was clear that no one had the skills required to govern
the failed state that the overthrow of the regime would create.
The result - the Kurds hiving off as a de facto independent state
and the rest of what had been Iraq governed by a shifting
coalition of sectarian parties, with Shia politicians increasingly
under Iranian influence - was in no way surprising. If there had
been any serious forethought, the invasion would not have been
launched.
It is not often that foreign policies come to grief because of an
intellectual error, but this has been the case ever since the ide a
of humanitarian war took hold during the 1990s. Semi-
successful in the Balkans, humanitarian intervention fuelled the
illusion
that - with only a small dose of force - freedom and democracy
could be implanted anywhere in the world. Since then, the
western elite have been gripped by the idea that authoritarian
regimes are atavistic relics that will soon be swept aside in the
grand march of history. There is nothing atavistic about tyranny
- Nazism and Stalinism were unequivocally modern, like al-
grand march of history. There is nothing atavistic about tyranny
- Nazism and Stalinism were unequivocally modern, like al-
Qaeda today - and freedom is not the same as democracy.

Neoconservatives talk sagely of being "on the right side of
history" - as if a process of evolution had begun, at the end of
which
all of humankind will at last become like the neocons. Rather,
what is happening is that the world is returning to the normality
of only a few centuries ago, when power and wealth were more
evenly distributed between east and west. There is nothing
that need be feared in this shift, but it destroys the myth that the
west is a model for the whole of humanity.
The notion that the Arab spring is a rerun of Europe's 1848
revolutions is an example of this kind of thinking. Those who
make
the comparison are asserting ownership of movements that owe
very little to the west. When Tony Blair and his fellow
neocons tell the Arab world that it must modernise, they assume
that modernisation is a quick and peaceful process that ends
with the adoption of "democratic capitalism". A little history
shows a different picture. The popular protests of 1848 were
soon
defeated. Europe became democratic only after two world wars
and a long cold war. Building a Europe of democratic nation
states was a lengthy and violent business, involving ethnic
cleansing between the two wars, and then again after the fall of
Yugoslavia in 1991.
Nor is the global order that was then put in place in any sense
stable. The European project is coming apart at the seams,
while in the US - only a few years ago incessantly lecturing the
world on the need to embrace the "Washington consensus" -
the financial system has collapsed. Supposedly the end of
history, "democratic capitalism" of the sort that prevail ed over
the
past two decades now looks like a blind alley.
In this light, why should the peoples of the Arab world retrace
the west's journey? They would be better off striking out on
paths of their own. Western declarations of support for the new
Arab protest movements are in any case sel ective. Not much

outrage is voiced at torture and murder in Bahrain - home to a
US navy base, and a vital link in the supply of oil from Saudi
Arabia.
Lying behind these inconsistencies is an awkward geostrategic
fact. When they give rhetorical backing to protest in the Middle
East and North Africa, western governments are speaking as
they did when they backed democracy in the Soviet bloc. Yet
while the fall of communism seemed for a time to enlarge
western power, the west now finds itself in the position of the
former
Soviet Union, losing control of events as popular uprisings
threaten regimes it has kept in power for decades.
It is often claimed that the uprisings in the Arab world show
that the west has been short-sighted in pursuing stability over
more high-minded goals. It was not western realpolitik which
triggered the protests, however. Much has been written about
the role of social networks in powering the uprisings, and new
media were undoubtedly an important factor. But, to an extent
that has not been appreciated, the Arab protest movements
emerged as an unintended consequence of western weakness.
The demand for change had a specific cause: the steep rise in
food prices that was produced by the liquidity released by Ben
Bernanke, chairman of the US Federal Reserve, into global
markets. Quantitative easing (QE) is, in effect, a policy of
creating
new money and, just like money-printing by governments and
central banks in the past, it tends to produce inflation. In this
case, the inflation showed up in asset prices - in stock markets
and on the commodity markets.
The protests in Tunisia began as bread riots, and though
graduate unemployment may have been a larger factor in Egypt,
the
protests there occurred against a background in which the
country - one of the world's biggest importers of wheat - was
facing
a steep rise in the price of food. Not only in the Middle East but

in the world as a whole, there is a looming problem of food
scarcity, which is partly a result of the sheer growth in human
numbers, projected to increase from roughly seven billion at
present to more than nine billion in 2050. The sudden rise in the
cost of food was not only a result of increasing demand,
however. Another factor was the Federal Reserve's attempt to
refloat the sinking American economy with a flood of cheap
money, beginning with the ultra-low interest rates engineered
by Alan Greenspan from 2001 onwards, which led to a
speculative boom in commodity prices. Driving up living costs
in poor countries that import much of their food, American
monetary policy has been a potent force for regime change. In
an ironic twist, US weakness has unwittingly sparked
revolution in the Arab world as its blundering attempts to
impose regime change by force have been swallowed by the
sands.
There are some who see the entire war on terror as a cover for
neo-colonialism. Behind all the pro clamations about
democracy and human rights, they say, the real goal was
building pipelines in Afghanistan and seizing oilfields in Iraq.
In fact,
the course of events has been much more absurd. There is no
evidence of consecutive thought of the kind required to make
any conspiracy theory credible. Certainly there has been
disinformation - plenty of it - but rather than concealing any
covert
strategy, it masked the lack of any strategy at all. Despite
denials at the time, oil was a crucial factor in the decision to
invade
Iraq, but western companies cannot operate effectively in
conditions of near-anarchy, and it was only at the start of this
year
that Iraqi oil production reached levels it achieved under
Saddam. Again, there was never any realistic chance of western
forces using Afghanistan as an energy corridor or of harvesting
the country's abundant mineral wealth - if any country benefits,

it will be China, which by standing aside from the conflict does
not face the security problems of western businesses and has
a better chance of establishing a long-term presence in
Afghanistan. The wars of the past decade have been colossally
expensive, costing billions of dollars and accelerating the US
decline into national bankruptcy. As an exercise in
neocolonialism, perpetual warfare has been strikingly
unprofitable.
More than by disinformation, the decade of war has been shaped
by delusion. Today, for western leaders, the utility of force is
not so much to achieve any specific goal as to preserve a sense
of their importance in the world. Wealth and power are
flowing to the east and south, but Europe and the US still claim
global leadership. More than by any humanitarian impulse, it
seems to have been this need to reaffirm a distinctive western
destiny that motivated the Libyan adventure.
Fearful of being dragged into the chaos that will ensue if Libya
fragments, the Obama administration has not been a
cheerleader for this intervention, which is primarily a European
folly. The commonplace that Nato forces lack a clear exit
strategy misses the point. How could they have such a strategy,
when they have no rationale for being in Libya in the first
place? Intervention might have been justified if the objective
had been simply to prevent carnage in Benghazi - though the
risk
place? Intervention might have been justified if the objective
had been simply to prevent carnage in Benghazi - though the
risk
of killing on the scale that is happening in Syria, where the west
has shown no interest in intervening, seems to have been
small.
But an end to violence could be secured only by negotiating

with Muammar al-Gaddafi and leaving him in power, an
outcome
unacceptable to David Cameron and Nicolas Sarkozy, insecure
and impulsive leaders anxious to make their mark on the
international scene. So, Britain and France have opted for
regime change, risking creating another failed state. Libya does
not
have the religious divisions of Iraq, but now that the fragmented
opposition finds itself struggling to govern a still tribal and
fractured country, it must be an open question whether a
tolerable level of order can be maintained without further
engagement by the west - including boots on the ground.
The posturing that has surrounded the Libyan adventure
highlights the contradictions of humanitarian warfare. Its
advocates
declare that the west has a duty to protect universal values, with
neoconservatives railing against critics as feeble moral
relativists. Coming from neocons, who more than anyone else
undermined the ban on torture - one of the fixed points in any
civilised ethics - the assault on relativism has a hollow ring.
However, the contradictions of humanitarian warfare affect its
more principled advocates as well. Contrary to postmodern
relativists, some values are humanly universal. The trouble is
that
these values are often in conflict. Peace and justice are
universal goods, but they are at odds in Libya. Branding
Gaddafi a
war criminal (as the International Criminal Court did on 27
June) may have been right in terms of justice. Whether he would
have chosen to leave if the way had been smoothed for him (as
some in the Obama administration seem to have wanted at
one time) cannot be known. But closing off any exit for the
Libyan tyrant could only have had the effect of prolonging the
war.
Humanitarian military intervention is exposed to these conflicts
of values just like any other kind of warfare.

The illusions of liberal intervention are screening out the risks
faced by western countries. One comes from upheaval in the
Gulf. Peak oil leaves Saudi Arabia the world's pivotal producer.
Any disruption in production resulting from conflict in the Gulf
would detonate an oil shock bigger than any other in the past.
Contrary to what some on the left believe, the greatest danger
of war may not come from the US or Israel. Upheaval in
Bahrain illustrates the mounting risk of conflict between the
Saudis
and the Iranians, which Olivier Roy ("The long war between
Sunni and Shia", New Statesman, 20 June 2011) has described
as the defining schism in the Middle East - a schism whose
depth was revealed when a former head of Saudi intelligence
warned Nato officials in June this year that the kingdom would
build nuclear weapons once Iran acquired them. As it drifts
away from Europe, Turkey, too, is becoming an increasingly
powerful player in the region.
The west would be wise to curb its dependency on oil, but that
will not remove the risk of resource wars. The coming conflicts
will not be mainly between the west and the rest. Advancing
industrialisation has set in motion a new Great Game in which
western states are not the most important players. China is the
world's largest energy consumer after the US and will soon be
first; but its fiercest rival for oil in future is likely to be India,
rather than the US.
The danger comes not only from peak oil. Peaking minerals,
arable land and fresh water are likely to inflame existing
conflicts
and spark new ones in many parts of the world. As Mark Lynas
has noted ("Panic stations", New Statesman, 21 March 2011),
countries that reject nuclear power are likely to turn to coal and
gas, speeding up global warming as a result. Some countries
may well try to control the climate through geo-engineering,
and it would not be surprising if weather-modifying
technologies
were turned to military use.

If a new pattern of conflict is developing around natural
resources, another is emerging in cyberspace. There are those
who
argue that the danger is being exaggerated, but there can be no
doubt that as the economy and infrastructure become more
reliant on computers, they become more vulnerable to cyber-
attack. Practically every part of an advanced modern society can
be disabled in this way - power supply, airports, banks,
companies, television stations and personal computers, for
example.
Cyber-attack already occurs frequently, with episodes reported
in the Baltic countries and the Middle East, among other
places. Touted as a realm of freedom and transparency,
cyberspace has become another site of conflict.
Our present insecurity is not a passing phase - a station on the
way to a state of peace and stability. Insecurity will be the
common con dition in any future that is realistically imaginable.
Our leaders should be looking for intelligent ways of adjusting
to this state of affairs. But it is precisely the capacity for
realistic thinking that is lacking. Talk of victory in Afghanistan
is
delusional - just as the idea that liberal democracy would follow
regime change in Iraq was delusional. Yet the role of such
discourse is not to represent things as they are, nor even as they
might some day become. It is to create a pseudo-reality that
insulates rulers and those they rule from painful facts.
The September 2001 attacks succeeded in producing what their
perpetrators intended: a suspension of rational thought.
Beginning as an ill-considered response to a new type of
conflict, the permanent warfare that followed became a
displacement activity, the function of which has been to distract
attention from the west's problems - declining skills, falling
living standards, debt and festering unrest.
Sooner or later, the cost of maintaining the west's illusions will
become prohibitive. Countries whose economies are
floundering cannot for long sustain vast, costly and ineffective

military-industrial complexes. To be sure, the retreat of western
power will not usher in any age of peace. War will not cease, if
only because conflicts over natural resources are certain to
increase. The normal conflicts of history - including many types
of political violence - will continue. But the curtain is about to
fall on the absurd and gruesome spectacle of the past decade,
when the west waged unceasing war in order to avoid
confronting its true position in the world.
John Gray is the NS lead book reviewer. His most recent book
is "The Immortalization Commission: Science and the Strange
Quest
to Defeat Death" (Allen Lane, £18.99)
Running Head: REFLECTIONS WRITING ….3
1
REFLECTIONS WRITING…. 3
2
MADS 6645: PARTICIPATATION OF CHANGE IN SOCIAL
ACTIVITIES
Reflection
Prof. Rajesh Kumar
Student’s Name
Objective
In this reflection I will look into the quote documented by the

research, “responses to pressures to be more socially
responsible, corporations are becoming more active in global
communities through direct involvement in social initiatives
“(Harres & Warren, 2008, p. 163). Defined as “a commitment to
improving community well-being through discretionary business
practices and contributions of corporate resources” (Kotler &
Lee, 2005, p. 3). This quote explains that in this era where
every sector or being is proving to be of high responsibility
socially, this has found many companies or corporations
involving themselves in social initiatives across all global
communities.
Reflective
This quote brings a reflection in my recent past where in my
country the social well-being of some citizens would not be
described to anything close to good. The people living in slums
with no good shelter, with nothing to put in the mouth, and of
poor-quality clothing. The people literally lacked the basic
necessities.
The talents of the youths and people from this area go
unrecognized as they have no place to have their capabilities
practiced to enhance them. As a result, one street child was
once broadcasted on how they survived in this kind of lives in
the street. It was a sympathetic time watching this. Few days
later there came up a well wisher who rescued the child’s life
by having catered for all his expenses and providing quality
basic needs.
This scenario impacted many organizations and companies more
so from the Non profit making organizations in the urge to bring
change in the society.
I have seen firms like Colgate whose agenda is now reaching
the less communities by supplying their products to school s,
areas of less fortunate their products that include petroleum
jelly, the bathing soaps and toothpaste also to an extent of
sponsoring these people for better amenities in other areas. In

addition, other companies are also sponsoring the talents shown
by children in these areas through forming football clubs that
are funded by these companies.
Other corporations like Caltech have also found way in
beginning social initiative by providing funds to the female
gender who are more vulnerable to the society to begin
businesses in order to be able to earn from these activities and
cater for their family’s needs. I have also seen this corporation
provide trainings to the youths empowering them to be able to
have skills that can feed them.
Companies like Coco-cola are today supporting university
events to enhance growth of talents. Events like choosing of Mr.
and Miss of a given institution, competitions that try to choose
the best models for a given university or school. In the long for
participating in social contribution change has found many
firms getting involved in bringing more initiatives in the
community making the society to grow.
Interpretive
From the quote there is some pressure for corporation to
participate in community activities. In the aim of improving the
well-being of the community through their direct involvement in
activities associated with the community.
Something that had been left for NGOs in helping the poor is
now being done by most companies say, Caltech, Sportpesa,
betin, coco cola and more. I once though this was a way of
Helping the society but the motive behind these activities for
most of the companies is to marketing their brands. When
companies come to the aid of these people, in return their
brands will be known by the people hence increasing the
number of their potential customers. In return their sales
increase attracting more profits in return.
So, the pressure brought about by many companies making
profits as a result advertising their products in the name of
“participating in social initiatives” other companies out there

are facing competition. They should hence also join in helping
the community or society to grow from this they will also gain
profits and eventually a change in the poor society.
Decisional
In my profession as a social worker, having more ideas on how
the people in the field or those in need then, I choose to work
with the companies intending to come into this idea of
participating in social initiatives. Through my profession I will
offer advisory services to the corporations on what of services
the common people really need.
I will mobilize more people to support this companies in order
to promote them since on buying their products, this will
increase their ability to participate in more community projects
hence empowering more people. Call for the people in the locals
to take the support positively in order to improve their social
lives and talents as opportunities never knock twice.
References
Moog, S., Spicer, A., & Böhm, S. (2015). The politics of multi-
stakeholder initiatives: The crisis of the Forest Stewardship
Council. Journal of Business Ethics, 128(3), 469-493.
Johnson, B. R., Connolly, E., & Carter, T. S. (2011). Corporate
social responsibility: The role of Fortune 100 companies in
domestic and international natural disasters. Corporate Social
Responsibility and Environmental Management, 18(6), 352-369.
Running Head: REFLECTION 2
1
REFLECTION 2

2
MADS6645: Marketing Social Change
Reflection
Prof. Rajesh Kumar
Aakanksha Karingula
Fairleigh Dickinson University
Objective
For this reflection I choose to elaborate on the quote “if you
really loved me you would ...” educational manuals techniques
and the videos accompanying which create curricula for
programs like H and M known as the social technologies. This
concept was developed by Institute Promundo, define as “all
educational material, methodological procedures or tested
techniques, validated and with a proven social impact created
with the aim of solving a social problem” (Instituto Promundo,

2008c). this quote means that there has been creation of social
technologies through some known programs which have been
brough about to solve a problem facing the society like HIV
transmission. Where the women and girls have been to a high
risk of getting infected as compared to men.
Reflective
Thisbrings a reflection of how youths of this generation are
most vulnerable to contracting HIV. Many women especially
those not formally educated don’t understand the need of the
use of contraceptives that would prevent the HIV transmit ion
from their partners to them. Many youths in the name of youths
don’t learn behaviors in isolation which mean that youths
wouldn’t grow if let to stay at their parent’s homes has also led
to many of them getting exposed to this problem in the society.
Where the female gender is exposed to more norms of the
society compared to the male gender. The female gender has
less power when it comes to controlling their partners on
faithfulness and use of protection terms hence exposing them to
more risk. In my youth age I had a colleague brought up by her
parents with restrictions of not having social interactions.
She wouldn’t have time to learn of the world as she wasn’t
exposed to any program that would educate her on how she
would tackle some life issues. As a result, once her parents were
off tried to utilize the opportunity well in the name of freedom
that exposed her contracting the virus. Similarly, male child
treated the same will automatically respond the same to the
situation.
Giving the youth the freedom to interact to the outside world
will enhance a better tomorrow. It will result to changes and
bring about a society with healthier relations and a strong
culture as “Youth men don’t learn in isolation” hence reducing
the risk of viral infection and enhancing more programs to
guide the society and some social technologies to aid in the
same.

Interpretive
This to me meant that one’s behavior was not responsible for
social problems in the society. Whether literate or illiterate,
exposed or isolated that wouldn’t affect to the change of some
of the social problems in the society.
From the quote is quite evident that social problems are caused
by some level of literacy as one will be able to understand when
something is done out of love or not. “if you really loved me
you would have … “could be it referred to you would have used
protection to prevent the partner from contracting the disease.
When one is aware of the methods, they would use to prevent it
then they are able to advocate for the same hence solving the
problem facing the society.
If young men would be exposed and not isolated, they would
learn aspects of the society, the culture making them bold on
what is expected of them thus controlling them in right
direction.
From the idea the educational techniques accompanying videos,
and manuals have been brought about to solve these social
problems by educating the people in the society on how best
they would respond to matters to reduce the risk of exposure.
Decisional
In my profession as a psychological counsellor, I will educate
the mass on how they can best adhere to matters. For instance,
to women and girls who are of lesser voice in the society, I will
ensure I address the prevention needs and the consequences that
may befall them. With this the risk of them being exposed to
social problems from their partners.
I will advocate for the use social technologies whose impact is
set to solve social problems. This platform is of great help as
they teach the society on a wider view of what the society
holds. Explain the techniques, the methodological procedures in
performing the task.
Call for young men to be exposed to the society for them to

learn more on what the culture requires and have a sense of
freedom. When in their parent’s homes they are not in a
position to learn as they would on interacting with their peers.
References
Introne, J., Laubacher, R., Olson, G., & Malone, T. (2013).
Solving wicked social problems with socio-computational
systems. KI-Künstliche Intelligenz, 27(1), 45-52.
Ghanotakis, E., Peacock, D., & Wilcher, R. (2012). The
importance of addressing gender inequality in efforts to end
vertical transmission of HIV. Journal of the International AIDS
Society, 15, 17385.
Lawan, U. M., Amole, G., GamboJahun, M., & EneAbute, J.
(2015). Psychosocial challenges and adherence to antiretroviral
therapy among HIV-positive adolescents attending an ART
center in Kano, northwestern Nigeria. International Journal of
Medical Science and Public Health, 4(10), 1439-1445.

(student name here)
Prepared for Rajesh Kumar
FDU
Assignment # 1; First Reflection
FIRST JOURNAL ENTRY 2
Objective
This is my first reflective writing entry for PIDP 3100:
Foundations of Adult Learning.
For this assignment I have chosen to look at the quote “ “21
st
century competencies” include
“deep understanding, flexibility and the capacity to make
creative connections” and “a range of
so-called ‘soft skills’ including good team-working” ” (Merriam
& Bierema, 2014, p.4). At its

core, this quote is saying that it is no longer satisfactory to
simply know the facts and theory of a
particular field of study, it is also important to be effective in
the way we deal with people in our
chosen profession.
Reflective
This quote brings home the frustration I dealt with in my former
career managing an IT
team. Trying to get highly intelligent IT professionals to carry
on a simple conversation,
especially in a business setting, was exceedingly difficult. Many
of these folks graduated in the
‘80’s and ‘90’s and were very well educated in how computer
systems operated. However, the
skills they needed to “sell” their ideas to management were not
taught. As a result, many good
ideas were never brought to fruition. In some cases, an inferior
solution was chosen simply
because the employee proposing the idea was far more coherent
to the people signing the
cheques.
This has led me to emphasize the idea of professionalism in my
students. Much of my

week in the classroom is in a lab setting. One of the courses I
helped develop involves
performing a scheduled inspection on a small aircraft. The class
is broken into groups of three to
four students, predetermined by the instructor. It is very self-
directed in that the group members
select tasks from the inspection sheet, research how to do it,
then perform the inspection. The
emphasis of the evaluation is not based on whether or not they
complete the entire inspection,
but rather the quality of the work in completing those tasks.
Essentially, we don’t teach the students how to do the task; we
try and teach the students
how to work as a team. Quite often, we’ll grade a student
poorly, even though they are proficient
in performing the task, simply because they are working as
“loners”. With a daily rubric to
provide feedback, they can take steps to correct this tendency.
This is the first time I’ve been
involved in a course like this and we’ve had a tremendous
amount of positive feedback from the

students on this course. Unfortunately, when other instructors
teach the same course, this
approach can be lost.
Interpretive
There is one incident that really brought home the “aha” feeling
for me. A few years ago,
a group of students rebuilt a light aircraft engine as part of a lab
course. During a run in the test
cell, the engine suffered a catastrophic failure. Fortunately,
there were neither injuries nor further
damage to the facility. However, the $30,000 engine was
destroyed. The cause of the failure was
determined to be an under-torqued nut on a connecting rod. We
now use the engine as an
“educational tool” to show the results of not following
instructions.
However, the first year I taught this course and showed a group
of students the engine, I
was asked “Did the student fail the course?” I thought about the
question and replied that he
hadn’t. In fact, he got a pretty good mark.
I then posed the question, “What do you think the purpose of
this course is?” Some reply

that it’s to rebuild an engine. If that was the case, we wouldn’t
disassemble them to begin with.
Others say that it’s to learn about what’s inside an engine. If
that was the case, we’d simply take
ONE engine apart and show the students the parts without
risking ten engines worth $30,000
each! Usually someone will come close to the answer I’m
looking for: we have them rebuild
engines because it’s a good exercise for them to learn and
practice teamwork, following
instructions and hand skills. The student responsible for
damaging the engine only made one
mistake. However, he was an excellent team player and showed
excellent leadership skills, even
owning up to the mistake.
In lab courses, it’s easy to demonstrate and promote soft skills.
Traditional lecture style
courses can be a lot tougher. “Soft skills cannot necessarily be
taught as separate course material,
and require much practice and repetition. From the very
beginning, professors should make clear

that there are actual grade ramifications for neglecting certain
soft skills, such as
professionalism.” (Adjunct Professor Link, 2016, para. 10). For
this reason, in our lab courses,
we have started using rubrics defining what we regard as
professional behaviour and marking the
students accordingly. It provides the students with timely
feedback and instructors with
validation for the marks given. I had always though that this
type of skill could not be taught in a
lecture style course, but now realize that it can and must be
integrated into my courses.
Decisional
To bring the idea of soft skills into the classroom, I will be
trying techniques in my
Aircraft Systems lecture classes that will require many of the
soft skills outlined by Schultz such
as interpersonal skills, communication skills, problem-solving
skills and teamwork (Schultz,
2014). An in-class research activity with the students working
in small groups could easily be
used. An aircraft systems problem can be described, requiring
the students to develop a

troubleshooting plan and present their findings. I can evaluate
their teamwork and problem
solving skills as they work. Communication skills can be
evaluated as they present their findings.
The Adjunct Professor Link (2016) suggests critiquing e-mail
etiquette as a method to
evaluate professionalism. Building on this, I will be looking at
ways to incorporate discussion
forums in the curriculum for the same purpose. So far, all of the
adult educational courses,
including PIDP 3100, have used forums for evaluation so I
intend to try this in my classes.
As both the Adjunct Professor Link (2016) and Schultz (2104)
suggest, leaving it up to
the students to learn professionalism on their own is a recipe for
failure. Going forward, I plan to
put a lot more emphasis on these skills in my own classroom. I
plan to use one quote from my
research in class. It is attributed to Rick Stephens, Senior Vice
President of HR, The Boeing
Corporation and I believe it sums up the importance of soft
skills nicely: “There's not one

specific thing or skill people have to have to work for us. But I
can tell you why we fire people:
soft skills. We hire for hard skills. We fire for soft skills.”
(Adjunct Professor Link, 2016)
References
Merriam, S. B. & Bierema, L. L. (2014). Adult learning. San
Francisco, CA: John Wiley & Sons.
Adjunct Professor Link. (2016). Shifting to a Hard Focus on
Soft Skills. Retrieved from
https://adjunctprofessorlink.com/blog/best-practices-for-
teaching/Adjunct-Professor-
Link---Shifting-to-a-Hard-Focus-on-Soft-Skills
Schultz, J. (2014). Soft Skills Curriculum in CTE Education.
Retrieved from
http://www.aeseducation.com/2014/06/soft-skills-curriculum-
cte-education/
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QoI67VeE3ds&feature=yout
u.be
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SntBj0FIApw&feature=yout
u.be
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N2qZX3M_9MY

teaching/Adjunct-Professor-Link---Shifting-to-a-Hard-Focus-
on-Soft-Skills
teaching/Adjunct-Professor-Link---Shifting-to-a-Hard-Focus-
on-Soft-Skills
http://www.aeseducation.com/2014/06/soft-skills-curriculum-
cte-education/
FIRST REFLECTION 4
Assignment 1: First Reflection
Prof. Rajesh Kumar
FDU
(Harmandeep Kaur Dhanda)
(1882590)
Objective
For this reflective writing I have chosen to address the quote
“social marketing is about influencing behaviors”; “similar to

commercial sector marketers who sell goods and services, social
marketers are selling behaviors.” As they elaborated, social
marketers typically try to influence their target audience toward
four behavioral changes: accepting a new behavior, reject a
potential undesirable behavior, modify a current behavior or
abandon an old undesirable behavior (Kotler & Lee, 2008). In
other words, this quote simply means that social marketing is
similar to commercial marketing i.e. selling of toothpaste or
policies with the only difference that in social marketing we sell
behaviors instead of goods and services.
Reflective
I found it very interesting because it was something new for
me. I had never thought of marketing in such a way before.
Earlier marketing for me was only promoting goods and
services in order to increase the sales. But now it is much more.
The fact that a behavior of an individual is influenced which is
the core of social marketing is the most fascinating part for me.
I still remember the lecture in which I learnt that ‘behavior
change is hallmark of social marketing’ was the time when my
perspective towards marketing changed. The picture about the
social campaigns became more clear.
Interpretive
It has changed the way I look at marketing and its techniques.
My knowledge about this topic has broadened far and wide. I
am able to visualize the bigger picture now. I would like to
discuss a example of advertisement I saw many years ago. It
was an advertisement regarding anti- smoking. I had seen it
multiple times like a usual commercial advertisement. But never
noticed that it was much more because it carried a strong
message of changing a behavior particularly abonding the
undesirable behavior of smoking (Kapoor, 2015).
Another example of one of the most successful campaign to
eradicate Polio from India is also focused on the change of the
behavior which is accepting a new behavior of drinking 2 drops
of Polio vaccine by children under five years of age (John &
Vashistha, 2013). Similarly, as a part of anti- TB campaign in

India the important message of getting oneself checked by a
doctor if a person observes cough for more than 14 days is
conveyed through media which is also a kind of social
marketing (Sandhu, 2011).
One of the present day example of modifying a current behavior
which is at its peak nowadays because of worldwide outbreak of
pandemic Covid-19 is the habit of washing hands for 20 seconds
quite often and keeping the surroundings clean as a measure to
control the spread of the virus.
Decisional
All that I have learnt till now about social marketing and
behavior change, I will be using it in my upcoming projects
keeping the special attention to the fact that whatever social
marketing project I do behavior change needs to be the main
focus point. In addition, I have also decided to share this
knowledge with my family, friends and colleagues about social
marketing. I am sure they would also be surprised and happy to
know something novel like me. In addition, I am also going to
identify the behavior changes in the past as well as the ongoing
campaigns making the efficient use of all the knowledge I have
gained about social marketing.
References
Kapoor, V. (2015). Anti-tobacco campaign: Together we
can…Indian Journal of Dentistry, 6(2), 59-70.
Kotler, P. & Lee, N.(2008). Social Marketing: Influencing
Behaviors for Good:Sage.
John, T.J. and Vashistha, V.M. (2013).Eradicating
poliomyelitis:India’s journey from hyperendemic to polio-free
status. Indian Journal Of Medicinal Research, 137(5), 881-894.
Sandhu, G.K. (2011). Tuberculosis: Current Situation,
Challenges and Overview of its Control Programs in India.
Journal of Global Infectious Diseases, 3(2), 143-150.

Assignment Description and Marking Rubric
Page 1
Assignment 1: Reflective Writing 15%
Description In this course you will be asked to make three (3)
reflective writing entries. This is a self-directed
reflective assignment. Link your reflection to research, feelings,
personal experiences and online or class
discussions. Substantiate your entries with details and/or
examples. Use these four headings as you
write. The questions are there to guide you.
Objective
What is this quote or idea about? What caught your attention?
Reflective
Why did you choose this quote or idea? How do you identify
with it?
Interpretive
What does it mean to you? What insights did you get from the
quote or idea?
How has your thinking changed by reflecting on this quote or
idea?
Decisional
How can this new or enhanced interpretation be applied to your
professional practice?

The reflective writing entries will be responses to quotes from
your course textbook,
“If you really loved me, you would . . .”
The educational techniques, manuals, and accompanying videos
that make up
the curricula for Programs H and M are termed “social
technologies,” a concept
developed by Instituto Promundo and defined as “all
educational material,
methodological procedures or tested techniques, validated and
with a proven
social impact created with the aim of solving a social problem”
(Instituto
Promundo, 2008c).
A top priority must be to address the prevention needs of
women and girls . . .
biologically, women are twice as likely as men to contract HIV.
And many
women—including those who are married—have little power to
ensure their
partners are faithful or use condoms. (Gates, 2007)

For the young men and women targeted by the interventions, the
conclusion is
that addressing unequal gender norms, especially machismo
attitudes, is a vital
part of HIV-prevention strategies. These changes can
conceivably extend into
future generations, leading to a culture with stronger, healthier
personal
relationships. “Young men don’t learn behaviors in isolation,”
said Dr. Gary
Barker, former executive director of Promundo and one of
Program H’s creators.
Just recently, a TB patient from a village called Morne Michel
hadn’t shown
up for his monthly doctor’s appointment. So—this was one of
the rules—
someone had to go and find him. The annals of international
health
contain many stories of adequately financed projects that failed
because
“noncompliant” patients didn’t take all their medicines. (Paul)
Farmer
said, “The only non-compliant people are physicians. If the
patient doesn’t
get better, it’s your own fault. Fix it.” —Kidder, 2004, p. 36
Aha moment!!!
What
So What
What is next

As an early adopter of social marketing, Canada has i ntegrated
social marketing into many of its
public health strategies for more than 30 years. Initially, social
marketing was primarily used by
national government departments, such as Health Canada
(Mintz, 2004), and nongovernmental
agencies like ParticipACTION, a national physical activity
promotion agency (Edwards, 2004). Social
marketing is now used in a more extensive and sustained way at
all levels by an ever-growing
constituency of trained professionals to address a broader range
of public health issues.
You can't rely on cold turkey alone...; “Cold Turkey,”
emphasizes the importance of having a plan
for organizing the quitting process. The star of the campaign is
a real cold turkey, representing the
difficulty of quitting “cold turkey” without a plan in place.
Social media and new technologies play an important role in
how today’s teens live, play, and work.
The truth® Web site, www.thetruth.com, has distinct interactive
elements designed to engage and
amuse teens, while sharing important information about tobacco
use.
The truth® Campaign uses evidence-based research, research
with teen audiences, marketing and
social science research, and lessons learned from the most
successful anti-tobacco campaigns to
inform its strategies.
“We’re not anti-smoker, or anti-smoking. We’re just anti-
manipulations. With that in mind, we try to
‘out’ Big Tobacco’s tactics so everyone knows what they’re up
to.”

Saskatchewan people will feel that they are part of a
“movement” and that SIM is more than an
organization or program (this feeling should translate to a
strong and shared sense of belonging and
accomplishment).
Measures fall into three categories—output measures for
program activities;outcome measures for
target audience responses and changes in knowledge, beliefs,
and behavior; and impact measures
for contributions to the plan purposes (e.g., reductions in
obesity as a result of many more people
buying healthy foods and/or beverages due to a social marketing
campaign).
Because different communication channels have different
characteristics, it could be more effective
and efficient to have a good idea of the media budget and media
options that a social marketing
campaign could have before communication elements are
created.
The fast-changing media landscape is both a blessing and a
“curse” for marketers; social marketers
are no exception. As a blessing, social marketers have more and
more media choices to target their
audiences more precisely and effectively. As a “curse,” the
increasingly perplexing media landscape
requires social marketers to think “out of the box”—not only
considering those traditional media or
the media they are familiar with, but also thinking about those
non traditional and emerging media
that their target audiences often tend to use or be exposed to.
A core product comprises the benefits that the target audience
will experience or expect in

exchange for performing the targeted behavior, or that will be
highlighted in a social marketing
campaign (e.g., a healthier life and the reduction in the risk of
becoming obese or overweight). An
actual product is the desired behavior, often embodied by its
major features and described in
specific terms (such as healthy foods or beverages available at
vending machines). An
augmented product refers to any additional tangible objects
and/or services that will be included in
the offer and promoted to the target market. An augmented
product helps perform the targeted
behavior or increase its appeal (e.g., information on healthy
products available in vending
machines).
A positioning statement describes what the target audience is
supposed to feel and think about the
targeted behavior and its related benefits. A positioning
statement, together with brand identity, is
inspired by the description of the target audience and its
barriers, competitors, and influencers. It
differentiates the targeted behavior from alternative or preferred
ones. Effective positioning will
guide the development of the marketing mix strategies in the
next step, helping ensure that the offer
in a social marketing campaign will land on and occupy a
distinctive place in the minds of the target
audience.
The 4Ps should be developed and presented in the following
order, with the product strategy at the
beginning of the sequence and the promotion strategy at the
end. Promotion is at the end because
it ensures that the target markets become aware of the targeted
product, its price, and its

accessibility, which need to be developed prior to the promotion
strategy.
A social marketing campaign also needs to establish
quantifiable measures, called marketing
goals, relevant to the marketing objectives. Marketing goals,
responding to behavior objectives,
knowledge objectives, and belief objectives should be ideally
SMART—specific, measurable,
achievable, relevant, and time-bound (Haughey, n.d.) in terms
of knowledge, attitudes, and
behavior changes.
An audience segment is identified and aggregated by the shared
characteristics and needs of the
people in a broad audience, including similar demographics ,
psychographics, geographics, behaviors,
social networks, community assets, and stage of change.
Typically, a SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and
threats) analysis is conducted at this
step to provide a quick audit of organizational strengths and
weaknesses and environmental
opportunities and threats. Strengths to maximize and
weaknesses to minimize include internal
factors such as levels of funding, management support, current
partners, delivery system
capabilities, and the sponsor’s reputation. Opportunities to take
advantage of and threats to prepare
for include major trends and events outside your influence—
those often associated with
demographic, psychographic, geographic, economic, cultural,
political, legal, and technological
forces.
Any social marketing campaign for public health needs a clearly
determined public health problem,

which might be a severe epidemic (like SARS), an evolving
issue (like the increases in teen
smoking), or a justifiable need (like public education on the
prevention of hepatitis B).
While “social marketing is one of the fastest-growing areas of
marketing and communications, it is
also frequently one of the most misunderstood” (Houghton,
2008, p. 1).
The confusion between social marketing and social media has
given rise to a serious challenge to
the identity of social marketing as a field of practice, research,
and education. To clean this
“muddy water” is a battle that all social marketers have to fight
right now—and in the years to
come.
Research has documented that “[i]n response to pressures to be
more socially responsible,
corporations are becoming more active in global communities
through direct involvement in social
initiatives” (Hess & Warren, 2008, p. 163). Defined as “a
commitment to improving community well-
being through discretionary business practices and contributions
of corporate resources” (Kotler &
Lee, 2005, p. 3)
Public health issues are often so complex that no single agency
is able to “make a dent by itself.”
No wonder some social marketers even deem partnership as one
of the “additional social
marketing Ps” (Weinreich, 2006, p. 1).
Partners for social marketers can be nonprofit organizations (at

local, national, or international
levels), private sectors, governments, media organizations, l ocal
communities (or online
communities), and even individuals (like volunteers).
Today, social marketing has been applied to an even broader
array of public health activities
and programs—from the safe drinking water campaign in
Madagascar, to the promotion of
mosquito nets in Nigeria, and then to the anti–drink driving
program in Australia (yes, drink
driving!)
“social marketing is about influencing behaviors”; “[s]imilar to
commercial sector marketers who
sell goods and services, social marketers are selling behaviors”
(p. 8). As they elaborated, social
marketers typically try to influence their target audience toward
four behavioral changes:
the genius of modern marketing is not the 4Ps, or audience
research, or even exchange, but
rather the management paradigm that studies, selects, balances,
and manipulates the 4Ps to
achieve behavior change. We keep shortening “The Marketing
Mix” to the 4Ps. . . . [I]t is the
“mix” that matters most. This is exactly what all the message
campaigns miss—they never ask
about the other 3Ps and that is why so many of them fail.
(Kotler & Lee, 2008, p. 3)
Social marketing is a process that applies marketing principles
and techniques to create,
communicate, and deliver value in order to influence target
audience behaviors that benefit
society as well as the target audience. (P. Kotler, N. R. Lee, &

M. Rothschild, personal
communication, September 19, 2006)
Kotler and Levy clearly proposed that as “a pervasive societal
activity,” marketing “goes
considerably beyond the selling of toothpaste, soap, and steel,”
urging marketing researchers and
practitioners to consider “whether traditional marketing
principles are transferable to the marketing
of organizations, persons, and ideas” (p. 10).
Running Head: FIRST REFLECTION 2
Assignment #1: First Reflection
Prepared for Rajesh Kumar
FDU
Prabhjeet Kaur
1889090

Objective
This is my first reflection for the course and I will be working
on the quote “Research has documented that “[i]n response to
pressures to be more socially responsible, corporations are
becoming more active in global communities through direct
involvement in social initiatives” (Hess & Warren, 2008, p.
163). Defined as “a commitment to improving community
wellbeing through discretionary business practices and
contributions of corporate resources” (Kotler & Lee, 2005, p.
3)”. According to this quote, many companies are now actively
working towards community well-being which only became
possible due to the increasing pressures on these firms.
Reflective
This quote reminds me of the renowned corporate companies
such as Coca Cola, Pepsico, Nestle, H&M, Walmart, etc. which
are taking initiatives to help the society. I remember
commercials from companies like ITC and Hindustan Unilever,
used to say that part of the spending will go to some projects
for community development. Little did I know at that time, that
these companies were practicing corporate social responsibility.
They were communicating their cause-related marketing through
television. One such program was ITC’s Primary Education
programme which aimed to provide quality education to
children from weaker sections of the society (ITC’s Primary
Education Programme, n.d.). I remember there was a message
behind every “classmate notebook” product by ITC citing the
Primary Education Programme and how the company is working
towards meeting the essential need for child education.
This made me realize that most of the companies nowadays are
doing community development initiatives. This helps in
building the reputation of the company along with societal

Running head FIRST REFLECTION1FIRST REFLECTION4

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