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Revenue Statistics in Latin America
and the Caribbean 2020
Virtual launch
7 May 2020 - from 17:00 to 18:30 CEST : 11:00 to 12:30 CST
HOUSEKEEPING rules :
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• Submit questions via Q&A function
• Webinar is being recorded and will be made available in the coming days.
• Join the conversation on social media by using #RevStatsLatAm
Grace Perez-Navarro
Deputy Director, OECD
Centre for Tax Policy
and Administration
Revenue Statistics in Latin America
and the Caribbean 2020
Virtual launch
7 May 2020
• Comprehensive, detailed statistics on tax revenues in 26 Latin
American and Caribbean countries
– 2020 edition provides data on tax revenues from 1990 to 2018
– Thematic chapters on resource revenues and on equivalent fiscal
pressure in the region
• Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean provides a
critical evidence base for policymakers and researchers in the region
• These data are important in understanding the region’s fiscal
resources to address challenges posed by Covid-19
Revenue Statistics in Latin America & the Caribbean
Tax-to-GDP ratios in LAC ranged from 12.1% in Guatemala to 42.3%
in Cuba Total tax revenues in LAC countries and OECD, 2018
(Percentage of GDP)
Note Countries are classified into regions following ECLAC’s classification in the Economic Survey of Latin America and
the Caribbean 2018 ( Table I.4)
Source: OECD/UN-ECLAC/CIAT/IDB (2020), Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean
12.1
13.2
14.0
14.6
16.1
16.4
17.6
19.4
20.0
20.6
21.1
21.1
22.3
23.0
23.1
24.0
24.2
25.4
27.4
27.8
28.8
29.2
29.7
33.1
33.1
34.3
42.3
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45
Guatemala
Dominican Republic
Paraguay
Panama
Mexico
Peru
Bahamas
Colombia
Saint Lucia
Ecuador
Chile
El Salvador
Honduras
Nicaragua
LAC average
Costa Rica
Trinidad and Tobago
Bolivia
Guyana
Jamaica
Argentina
Uruguay
Belize
Brazil
Barbados
OECD average
Cuba
%
Central America and Mexico South America Caribbean
Tax revenues in LAC increased on average in 2018 and
continued their trend toward the OECD average
Total tax revenues in LAC and OECD, 1990-2018
(Percentage of GDP)
Source: OECD/UN-ECLAC/CIAT/IDB (2020), Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
%
Differences (OECD-LAC) in tax-to-GDP ratios (p.p) LAC average OECD average
In 2018, large increases were seen in three Caribbean countries,
while decreases were seen in several South American countries
Tax revenue change by country, 2017-18
(percentage points of GDP)
Source: OECD/UN-ECLAC/CIAT/IDB (2020), Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean
-2
-1
0
1
2
3
4
p.p change
However, vulnerabilities in the region’s fiscal capacities
remain…
• The increase in the region’s average tax-to-GDP ratio in 2018 reflects a
slight recovery in the economic environment due to increased trade and
higher commodity prices & recovery from natural disasters in the
Caribbean in 2017.
• However, the outlook beyond 2018 is more vulnerable:
– Economic conditions have been less favourable since 2019, in
particular due to falls in the price of oil and other commodities
– The impact of recent social unrest in the region and of Covid-19 pose
further challenges for fiscal systems
• The structure of tax systems in LAC countries also poses challenges:
– low revenues from key taxes remain a constraint on revenue
generation and a source of vulnerability
– low levels of PIT & SSCs, and high reliance on goods and services
taxes, reduce scope for redistribution
LAC countries rely predominantly on goods & services taxes,
with low levels of PIT and SSCs
Tax revenue composition in LAC and OECD, 2017
Source: OECD/UN-ECLAC/CIAT/IDB (2020), Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean
Since 2007, CIT revenues in LAC have declined and PIT
revenues have steadily increased
Revenue from CIT and PIT in LAC and
OECD, 2007-18 (% of GDP)
Source: OECD/UN-ECLAC/CIAT/IDB (2020), Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019
Average statutory CIT rate in LAC (%)
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
%
OECD (1100 PIT) LAC (1100 PIT)
LAC (1200 CIT) OECD (1200 CIT)
OECD (PIT) LAC (PIT)
LAC (CIT) OECD (CIT)
The health and economic crisis caused by covid-19 poses strong
challenges to fiscal capacity in LAC
• LAC’s tax-to-GDP ratio remains far below that of the OECD –(23.1% and
34.3% respectively).
• Low levels of revenue generation constrain redistribution and spending
on public services (notably health) - raising questions about how
emergency social protection measures will be financed.
• Weaker administrative systems for managing taxes and transfers relative
to those in OECD countries reduce the tools available for the LAC region
to respond to the crisis.
• Looking ahead, it will be necessary to boost the role of tax systems in
balancing the priorities of stimulating inclusive development and repairing
governments’ fiscal positions.
Gracias!
www.latameconomy.org/es/revenue-statistics/
www.oecd.org/ctp/revenue-statistics-in-latin-america-
and-the-caribbean-24104736.htm
Noel Pérez
Coordinator Fiscal
Affairs Unit, ECLAC
SPECIAL FEATURE
Fiscal revenues from non-renewable
natural resources in Latin America and
the Caribbean
Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean 2020
Noel Pérez Benítez - CEPAL
May 7, 2020
A rebound in international oil prices bolstered oil and gas
revenues in LAC in 2018, especially those derived from royalties
Fiscal revenues from oil and gas extraction in nine LAC countries, by instrument, 2010-18
Source: Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), based on CEPALSTAT (ECLAC, 2020).
Note: Country sample includes Argentina, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico, Peru, and
Trinidad and Tobago. Percentage of GDP data is the simple average of all countries in the sample.
0
20,000
40,000
60,000
80,000
100,000
120,000
140,000
160,000
180,000
200,000
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
Millions of USD
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
% of GDP
Incometaxes Other taxes Dividends
Other non-tax revenues Royalties and other participations
The impact of higher prices in 2018 on hydrocarbons revenues at
the country level was unequal
Fiscal revenues from oil and gas extraction in nine LAC countries, 2017-18
Source: Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), based on CEPALSTAT (ECLAC, 2020).
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Guatemala
Argentina
Peru
Brazil
Colombia
LAC-9
TrinidadandTobago
Mexico
Bolivia(Plur.Stateof)
Ecuador
2018 levels 2018-2017 changes
Percentage of GDP and p.p change
CIT mining revenues, which predominate in LAC, continued to
rise in 2018 as favorable price dynamics boosted profitability
Fiscal revenues from mining in 11 LAC countries, by instrument, 2010-18
Source: Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), based on CEPALSTAT (ECLAC, 2020).
Note: Country sample includes Argentina, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Dominican Republic, Ecuador,
Guatemala, Jamaica, Mexico and Peru. Percentage of GDP data is the simple average of all countries in the sample.
0
5,000
10,000
15,000
20,000
25,000
30,000
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
Millions of USD
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
1
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
% of GDP
Incometaxes Other taxes Dividends
Other non-tax revenues Royalties and other participations
Higher mining revenues in LAC largely reflected strong increases
in Chile and Peru during 2018
Fiscal revenues from mining in 11 LAC countries, 2017-18
Source: Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), based on CEPALSTAT (ECLAC, 2020).
-0.4
-0.2
0.0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1.0
1.2
1.4
1.6
Guatemala
Jamaica
Argentina
Ecuador
Brazil
DominicanRepublic
Mexico
LAC-11
Colombia
Bolivia(Plur.Stateof)
Peru
Chile
2018 levels 2018-2017 changes
Percentage of GDP and p.p change
Fiscal revenues from non-renewable natural resources are
estimated to slide in 2019, with a further decline likely in 2020
Observed and estimated fiscal revenues from hydrocarbons and mining in selected LAC countries, 2010-19
(Percentage of GDP)
0.8
0.9
0.7
0.5
0.4
0.3
0.2
0.3
0.4 0.3
5.1
6.0 6.0
5.7
5.3
3.5
2.0 2.0
2.7 2.5
0.0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1.0
1.2
1.4
1.6
1.8
2.0
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019
%%
Mining (right axis) Hydrocarbons (left axis)
Source: Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), based on CEPALSTAT (ECLAC, 2020).
Note: Mining country sample includes: Argentina, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Dominican Republic, Ecuador,
Guatemala, Jamaica, Mexico and Peru. Hydrocarbons country sample includes: Argentina, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Brazil,
Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico, Peru, and Trinidad and Tobago. See report for more information on estimation methodology.
Santiago Díaz de Sarralde
Tax Studies and Research
Director, CIAT
Estadísticas tributarias en
América Latina y el Caribe
La presión fiscal equivalente
en América Latina y el
Caribe: Ampliando el mapa
de los ingresos fiscales de la
región
Revenue Statistics in Latin
America and the Caribbean
Equivalent Fiscal Pressure in
Latin America and the
Caribbean: Enlarging the
Map of the Region’s Fiscal
Revenue
PFE = IT + CSSpub + CSSpriv + RNnoT
Donde:
IT:Ingresos tributarios gobierno general
excluyendo las contribuciones a la
seguridad social
CSSpub: Contribuciones de la
Seguridad Social (esquemas públicos)
CSSpriv: Contribuciones obligatorias a
los sistemas de seguro social
(esquemas privados)
RNnoT: Ingresos no tributarios
provenientes de la explotación de
recursos naturales.
EFP = TR + SSCpub + SSCpriv + NRnoT
Where:
TR: general government tax revenues
excluding social security contributions
SSCpub: social security contributions
(public systems)
SSCpriv: compulsory social insurance
contributions (private systems)
NRnoT: non-tax revenues derived from
the exploitation of natural resources
Base de datos de recaudación BID-CIAT
IDB-CIAT Revenue Collection database
Con la metodología tradicional
la presión fiscal fue del 23.1%
en 2018. Considerando la
metodología de la PFE, los
nuevos recursos aportan 1.9%
del PIB, alcanzando el 25% del
PIB. En períodos de bonanza de
los precios de los minerales,
estos han llegado a contribuir
con 2% del PIB (año 2013)
With the traditional
methodology fiscal pressure
stood at 23.1% of GDP in 2018.
Using the EFP methodology, the
new resources add 1.9% of
GDP, bringing the total to 25%
of GDP. During mineral price
booms, these have managed to
contribute 2% of GDP (2013)
La presión fiscal tradicional se
han mantenido relativamente
estables desde 1990 y en 2018
concentraron el 92.3% de la
PFE (con los recursos
tributarios en torno al 75%). La
participación de CSS privadas
ha crecido y hoy representa el
3.8%. Los ingresos no
tributarios por recursos
naturales se han caracterizado
por una participación volátil.
Traditional fiscal pressure has
remained relatively stable since
1990. In 2018, they accounted
for 92.3% of EFP’ (tax
resources around 75%). The
share of private SSCs has
increased and today accounts
for 3.8% of LAC’s EFP. The
share of non-tax revenues from
natural resources has been
volatile.
A nivel individual de países, los
rangos entre niveles máximos y
mínimos de la PFE entre países
son muy significativos. Cuba
presenta la mayor carga fiscal
de la región (42.3% del PIB) y
Guatemala la menor (12.1%)
At the individual country level,
the ranges between maximum
and minimum levels of EFP
among countries are very
significant.Cuba has the highest
tax burden in the region (42.3%
of GDP in 2017), and
Guatemala has the lowest
(12.1%)
En cuanto a la estructura
tributaria, en regímenes
privados, Chile lidera la
recaudación regional con 4.7%
del PIB, siendo importantes en
Uruguay (3.8%), El Salvador
(3.5%) y la República Dominicana
(2.8%). En cuanto a los ingresos
no tributarios por recursos
naturales, los que más
recaudaron en 2018 fueron
Bolivia (4.5%), México (4.2%) y
Trinidad y Tobago (3.4% del PIB)
Regarding the tax structure, in
private systems, Chile leads the
region in revenue with 4.7% of
GDP; also important are Uruguay
(3.8%), El Salvador (3.5%) and
the Dominican Republic (2.8%).
As regards non-tax revenues
from natural resources, the
countries that generated the
most in 2018 were Bolivia
(4.5%), Mexico (4.2%), and
Trinidad and Tobago (3.4% of
GDP)
Comparativo (ratio) con OCDE de
la PFE de ALC, con y sin recursos
naturales, 1990-2017
Porcentaje de la recaudación
promedio de OCDE-34
En 1990 la PFE de ALC
representaba el 51.3% de la
OCDE, en el año 2000 el 57.4% y
en 2017 el 67.8%. Desde 2010
las diferencias en la PFE se han
mantenido relativamente
estables.
Comparison (ratio) of LAC’s EFP
with the OECD, with and without
natural resources, 1990-2017
Percentage of OECD-34 average
LAC’s EFP stood at 51.3% of the
OECD in 1990, at 57.4% in 2000,
and at 67.8% in 2017. Since
2010, the differences in EFP
have been relatively stable
Estadísticas tributarias en
América Latina y el Caribe
La presión fiscal equivalente
en América Latina y el
Caribe: Ampliando el mapa
de los ingresos fiscales de la
región
Revenue Statistics in Latin
America and the Caribbean
Equivalent Fiscal Pressure in
Latin America and the
Caribbean: Enlarging the
Map of the Region’s Fiscal
Revenue
Base de datos de recaudación BID-CIAT
IDB-CIAT Revenue Collection database
Muchas gracias a todos los
consultores y colaboradores que
han hecho posible esta base de
datos, en especial a Dalmiro
Morán y Agnes Rojas
Thank you very much to all the
consultants and collaborators that
made this database possible,
especially to Dalmiro Morán y
Agnes Rojas
Santiago Díaz de Sarralde. CIAT
Alberto Barreix. BID/IADB
José Roberto Afonso
Instituto Brasiliense de
Direito Público
Especialista em finanças públicas
www.joserobertoafonso.com.br /ZeRobertoAfonsozeroberto@joserobertoafonso.com.br
Brazil: Tax & Reform
José Roberto Afonso
CEPAL, OECD, CIAT
Santiago, Chile, May 7/2020
Brazilian Debate: Current Proposals
Proposta PEC 110/2019 PEC 45/2019 Proposta RFB/Cintra
Emenda Substitutiva nº2 à
PEC 45/19
Proposta Instituto Brasil 200
Tributos extintos
1) IPI, IOF, CSLL, PIS/Pasep,
Cofins, Salário-Educação, Cide-
Combustíveis, ICMS e ISS; 2)
CSLL
IPI, PIS/Pasep, Cofins, ICMS e
ISS
1) IPI, CSLL, PIS/Pasep; Cofins
e Contrib. Previdenciárias
IPI, IOF, Cofins, CSLL, Contr.
Previdenciárias (exceto
individuais), Sistema S, Salário-
Educação e Cide-Combustíveis
90 tributos (não
especificados)
Tributos criados
1) IBS (IVA) e Imposto
Seletivo; 2) IRPJ incorpora a
CSLL
IBS (IVA) e Imposto Seletivo
"Imposto sobre Pagamentos"
(IP)
IUF (Transações Financeiras)
Imposto sobre Movimentação
Financeira (IMF)
Competência
1) IBS = Associação de Estados
e IS = União; 2) IRPJ = União
IBS = Comitê Gestor (União,
Estados e Municípios) e IS =
União
IP = União IUF = União IMF = União
Alíquotas
Alíquotas calculadas com base
na arrecadação e distribuição
de receitas de 2015
A ser calculada nos dois anos
iniciais da fase de transição
(alíquota de referência)
Estimada em 1,2% no débito e
no crédito (2,4%, no total)
1,611 % no débito e no
crédito
Estimada em 2,5% no débito e
no crédito (5%, no total)
Transição 15 anos
10 anos na substituição dos
tributos / 50 anos na
distribuição de receitas
dentro da federação
Imediata, com ajuste de
alíquota após 12 meses
Desconhecida Desconhecida
WHAT'S
SIMILAR?
Unification of taxes
• Supression of Taxes:
IPI, PIS, COFINS, ICMS e
ISS
Creating a VAT
• Broad base (merchandise x service)
• Full use of tax credits
• Not including other taxes in VAT
base
• Taxation at destination
Create Excise taxes
Restriction on the
granting of tax
benefits
Taxation at destination Smooth Transition
32
Tax Burden Composition by Tax Base
Source: Self elaboration
Evolution of Gross Tax Burden % of GDP- 2000/2020p
Source: Self elaboration
Brazil: after/during the pandemic
Brazil: after/during the pandemic
Conclusions: World
 Goods and services will lose space for
assignment of rights and broad automation
 Employment: brutal and structural
unemployment (new jobs)
 Income: little or no autonomous national
space to tax corporations' profit
 New taxes: “robot” tax is incipient and
secondary debate
 Legal structure: flexibility is necessary to deal
with uncertainty and redefine taxes and their
application
Total uncertainty about new
taxes and systems ....
It is only certain that the future
will be very different from the
present.
Conclusions: Brazil
 Brazillian tax system was created in 1965; there
were several projects and reform attempts, but
there were no significant changes.
 Current reform projects have an emphasis on the
creation of a VAT and the reform of indirect
taxation, which is precisely the one hardest hit by
the recession.
 COVID will accelerate the digitization of all
economies, especially in relation to services, and
will cause the regional redistribution of production.
Brazilian experts are already discussing these
aspects (see book “Taxation 4.0”)
José Roberto Afonso is an economist and accountant,
doctor in economics from UNICAMP and master from UFRJ,
postdoctoral fellow at ISCSP Lisbon,
IDP professor and independent consultant.
Celso Correia Neto, José Evande Araujo e Hadassah Santana
have collaborated in the analyzes.
More works, own and third parties, on the portal:
www.joserobertoafonso.com.br
37
www.joserobertoafonso.com.br /ZeRobertoAfonsozeroberto@joserobertoafonso.com.br

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Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean 2020

  • 1. Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean 2020 Virtual launch 7 May 2020 - from 17:00 to 18:30 CEST : 11:00 to 12:30 CST HOUSEKEEPING rules : • Chat function disabled for security purposes • Submit questions via Q&A function • Webinar is being recorded and will be made available in the coming days. • Join the conversation on social media by using #RevStatsLatAm
  • 2. Grace Perez-Navarro Deputy Director, OECD Centre for Tax Policy and Administration
  • 3. Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean 2020 Virtual launch 7 May 2020
  • 4. • Comprehensive, detailed statistics on tax revenues in 26 Latin American and Caribbean countries – 2020 edition provides data on tax revenues from 1990 to 2018 – Thematic chapters on resource revenues and on equivalent fiscal pressure in the region • Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean provides a critical evidence base for policymakers and researchers in the region • These data are important in understanding the region’s fiscal resources to address challenges posed by Covid-19 Revenue Statistics in Latin America & the Caribbean
  • 5. Tax-to-GDP ratios in LAC ranged from 12.1% in Guatemala to 42.3% in Cuba Total tax revenues in LAC countries and OECD, 2018 (Percentage of GDP) Note Countries are classified into regions following ECLAC’s classification in the Economic Survey of Latin America and the Caribbean 2018 ( Table I.4) Source: OECD/UN-ECLAC/CIAT/IDB (2020), Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean 12.1 13.2 14.0 14.6 16.1 16.4 17.6 19.4 20.0 20.6 21.1 21.1 22.3 23.0 23.1 24.0 24.2 25.4 27.4 27.8 28.8 29.2 29.7 33.1 33.1 34.3 42.3 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 Guatemala Dominican Republic Paraguay Panama Mexico Peru Bahamas Colombia Saint Lucia Ecuador Chile El Salvador Honduras Nicaragua LAC average Costa Rica Trinidad and Tobago Bolivia Guyana Jamaica Argentina Uruguay Belize Brazil Barbados OECD average Cuba % Central America and Mexico South America Caribbean
  • 6. Tax revenues in LAC increased on average in 2018 and continued their trend toward the OECD average Total tax revenues in LAC and OECD, 1990-2018 (Percentage of GDP) Source: OECD/UN-ECLAC/CIAT/IDB (2020), Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 % Differences (OECD-LAC) in tax-to-GDP ratios (p.p) LAC average OECD average
  • 7. In 2018, large increases were seen in three Caribbean countries, while decreases were seen in several South American countries Tax revenue change by country, 2017-18 (percentage points of GDP) Source: OECD/UN-ECLAC/CIAT/IDB (2020), Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 p.p change
  • 8. However, vulnerabilities in the region’s fiscal capacities remain… • The increase in the region’s average tax-to-GDP ratio in 2018 reflects a slight recovery in the economic environment due to increased trade and higher commodity prices & recovery from natural disasters in the Caribbean in 2017. • However, the outlook beyond 2018 is more vulnerable: – Economic conditions have been less favourable since 2019, in particular due to falls in the price of oil and other commodities – The impact of recent social unrest in the region and of Covid-19 pose further challenges for fiscal systems • The structure of tax systems in LAC countries also poses challenges: – low revenues from key taxes remain a constraint on revenue generation and a source of vulnerability – low levels of PIT & SSCs, and high reliance on goods and services taxes, reduce scope for redistribution
  • 9. LAC countries rely predominantly on goods & services taxes, with low levels of PIT and SSCs Tax revenue composition in LAC and OECD, 2017 Source: OECD/UN-ECLAC/CIAT/IDB (2020), Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean
  • 10. Since 2007, CIT revenues in LAC have declined and PIT revenues have steadily increased Revenue from CIT and PIT in LAC and OECD, 2007-18 (% of GDP) Source: OECD/UN-ECLAC/CIAT/IDB (2020), Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 Average statutory CIT rate in LAC (%) 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 % OECD (1100 PIT) LAC (1100 PIT) LAC (1200 CIT) OECD (1200 CIT) OECD (PIT) LAC (PIT) LAC (CIT) OECD (CIT)
  • 11. The health and economic crisis caused by covid-19 poses strong challenges to fiscal capacity in LAC • LAC’s tax-to-GDP ratio remains far below that of the OECD –(23.1% and 34.3% respectively). • Low levels of revenue generation constrain redistribution and spending on public services (notably health) - raising questions about how emergency social protection measures will be financed. • Weaker administrative systems for managing taxes and transfers relative to those in OECD countries reduce the tools available for the LAC region to respond to the crisis. • Looking ahead, it will be necessary to boost the role of tax systems in balancing the priorities of stimulating inclusive development and repairing governments’ fiscal positions.
  • 14. SPECIAL FEATURE Fiscal revenues from non-renewable natural resources in Latin America and the Caribbean Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean 2020 Noel Pérez Benítez - CEPAL May 7, 2020
  • 15. A rebound in international oil prices bolstered oil and gas revenues in LAC in 2018, especially those derived from royalties Fiscal revenues from oil and gas extraction in nine LAC countries, by instrument, 2010-18 Source: Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), based on CEPALSTAT (ECLAC, 2020). Note: Country sample includes Argentina, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico, Peru, and Trinidad and Tobago. Percentage of GDP data is the simple average of all countries in the sample. 0 20,000 40,000 60,000 80,000 100,000 120,000 140,000 160,000 180,000 200,000 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 Millions of USD 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 % of GDP Incometaxes Other taxes Dividends Other non-tax revenues Royalties and other participations
  • 16. The impact of higher prices in 2018 on hydrocarbons revenues at the country level was unequal Fiscal revenues from oil and gas extraction in nine LAC countries, 2017-18 Source: Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), based on CEPALSTAT (ECLAC, 2020). 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Guatemala Argentina Peru Brazil Colombia LAC-9 TrinidadandTobago Mexico Bolivia(Plur.Stateof) Ecuador 2018 levels 2018-2017 changes Percentage of GDP and p.p change
  • 17. CIT mining revenues, which predominate in LAC, continued to rise in 2018 as favorable price dynamics boosted profitability Fiscal revenues from mining in 11 LAC countries, by instrument, 2010-18 Source: Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), based on CEPALSTAT (ECLAC, 2020). Note: Country sample includes Argentina, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Jamaica, Mexico and Peru. Percentage of GDP data is the simple average of all countries in the sample. 0 5,000 10,000 15,000 20,000 25,000 30,000 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 Millions of USD 0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8 0.9 1 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 % of GDP Incometaxes Other taxes Dividends Other non-tax revenues Royalties and other participations
  • 18. Higher mining revenues in LAC largely reflected strong increases in Chile and Peru during 2018 Fiscal revenues from mining in 11 LAC countries, 2017-18 Source: Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), based on CEPALSTAT (ECLAC, 2020). -0.4 -0.2 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 1.2 1.4 1.6 Guatemala Jamaica Argentina Ecuador Brazil DominicanRepublic Mexico LAC-11 Colombia Bolivia(Plur.Stateof) Peru Chile 2018 levels 2018-2017 changes Percentage of GDP and p.p change
  • 19. Fiscal revenues from non-renewable natural resources are estimated to slide in 2019, with a further decline likely in 2020 Observed and estimated fiscal revenues from hydrocarbons and mining in selected LAC countries, 2010-19 (Percentage of GDP) 0.8 0.9 0.7 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.3 5.1 6.0 6.0 5.7 5.3 3.5 2.0 2.0 2.7 2.5 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 1.2 1.4 1.6 1.8 2.0 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 %% Mining (right axis) Hydrocarbons (left axis) Source: Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), based on CEPALSTAT (ECLAC, 2020). Note: Mining country sample includes: Argentina, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Jamaica, Mexico and Peru. Hydrocarbons country sample includes: Argentina, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico, Peru, and Trinidad and Tobago. See report for more information on estimation methodology.
  • 20. Santiago Díaz de Sarralde Tax Studies and Research Director, CIAT
  • 21. Estadísticas tributarias en América Latina y el Caribe La presión fiscal equivalente en América Latina y el Caribe: Ampliando el mapa de los ingresos fiscales de la región Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean Equivalent Fiscal Pressure in Latin America and the Caribbean: Enlarging the Map of the Region’s Fiscal Revenue PFE = IT + CSSpub + CSSpriv + RNnoT Donde: IT:Ingresos tributarios gobierno general excluyendo las contribuciones a la seguridad social CSSpub: Contribuciones de la Seguridad Social (esquemas públicos) CSSpriv: Contribuciones obligatorias a los sistemas de seguro social (esquemas privados) RNnoT: Ingresos no tributarios provenientes de la explotación de recursos naturales. EFP = TR + SSCpub + SSCpriv + NRnoT Where: TR: general government tax revenues excluding social security contributions SSCpub: social security contributions (public systems) SSCpriv: compulsory social insurance contributions (private systems) NRnoT: non-tax revenues derived from the exploitation of natural resources Base de datos de recaudación BID-CIAT IDB-CIAT Revenue Collection database
  • 22. Con la metodología tradicional la presión fiscal fue del 23.1% en 2018. Considerando la metodología de la PFE, los nuevos recursos aportan 1.9% del PIB, alcanzando el 25% del PIB. En períodos de bonanza de los precios de los minerales, estos han llegado a contribuir con 2% del PIB (año 2013) With the traditional methodology fiscal pressure stood at 23.1% of GDP in 2018. Using the EFP methodology, the new resources add 1.9% of GDP, bringing the total to 25% of GDP. During mineral price booms, these have managed to contribute 2% of GDP (2013)
  • 23. La presión fiscal tradicional se han mantenido relativamente estables desde 1990 y en 2018 concentraron el 92.3% de la PFE (con los recursos tributarios en torno al 75%). La participación de CSS privadas ha crecido y hoy representa el 3.8%. Los ingresos no tributarios por recursos naturales se han caracterizado por una participación volátil. Traditional fiscal pressure has remained relatively stable since 1990. In 2018, they accounted for 92.3% of EFP’ (tax resources around 75%). The share of private SSCs has increased and today accounts for 3.8% of LAC’s EFP. The share of non-tax revenues from natural resources has been volatile.
  • 24. A nivel individual de países, los rangos entre niveles máximos y mínimos de la PFE entre países son muy significativos. Cuba presenta la mayor carga fiscal de la región (42.3% del PIB) y Guatemala la menor (12.1%) At the individual country level, the ranges between maximum and minimum levels of EFP among countries are very significant.Cuba has the highest tax burden in the region (42.3% of GDP in 2017), and Guatemala has the lowest (12.1%)
  • 25. En cuanto a la estructura tributaria, en regímenes privados, Chile lidera la recaudación regional con 4.7% del PIB, siendo importantes en Uruguay (3.8%), El Salvador (3.5%) y la República Dominicana (2.8%). En cuanto a los ingresos no tributarios por recursos naturales, los que más recaudaron en 2018 fueron Bolivia (4.5%), México (4.2%) y Trinidad y Tobago (3.4% del PIB) Regarding the tax structure, in private systems, Chile leads the region in revenue with 4.7% of GDP; also important are Uruguay (3.8%), El Salvador (3.5%) and the Dominican Republic (2.8%). As regards non-tax revenues from natural resources, the countries that generated the most in 2018 were Bolivia (4.5%), Mexico (4.2%), and Trinidad and Tobago (3.4% of GDP)
  • 26. Comparativo (ratio) con OCDE de la PFE de ALC, con y sin recursos naturales, 1990-2017 Porcentaje de la recaudación promedio de OCDE-34 En 1990 la PFE de ALC representaba el 51.3% de la OCDE, en el año 2000 el 57.4% y en 2017 el 67.8%. Desde 2010 las diferencias en la PFE se han mantenido relativamente estables. Comparison (ratio) of LAC’s EFP with the OECD, with and without natural resources, 1990-2017 Percentage of OECD-34 average LAC’s EFP stood at 51.3% of the OECD in 1990, at 57.4% in 2000, and at 67.8% in 2017. Since 2010, the differences in EFP have been relatively stable
  • 27. Estadísticas tributarias en América Latina y el Caribe La presión fiscal equivalente en América Latina y el Caribe: Ampliando el mapa de los ingresos fiscales de la región Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean Equivalent Fiscal Pressure in Latin America and the Caribbean: Enlarging the Map of the Region’s Fiscal Revenue Base de datos de recaudación BID-CIAT IDB-CIAT Revenue Collection database Muchas gracias a todos los consultores y colaboradores que han hecho posible esta base de datos, en especial a Dalmiro Morán y Agnes Rojas Thank you very much to all the consultants and collaborators that made this database possible, especially to Dalmiro Morán y Agnes Rojas Santiago Díaz de Sarralde. CIAT Alberto Barreix. BID/IADB
  • 28. José Roberto Afonso Instituto Brasiliense de Direito Público
  • 29. Especialista em finanças públicas www.joserobertoafonso.com.br /ZeRobertoAfonsozeroberto@joserobertoafonso.com.br Brazil: Tax & Reform José Roberto Afonso CEPAL, OECD, CIAT Santiago, Chile, May 7/2020
  • 30. Brazilian Debate: Current Proposals Proposta PEC 110/2019 PEC 45/2019 Proposta RFB/Cintra Emenda Substitutiva nº2 à PEC 45/19 Proposta Instituto Brasil 200 Tributos extintos 1) IPI, IOF, CSLL, PIS/Pasep, Cofins, Salário-Educação, Cide- Combustíveis, ICMS e ISS; 2) CSLL IPI, PIS/Pasep, Cofins, ICMS e ISS 1) IPI, CSLL, PIS/Pasep; Cofins e Contrib. Previdenciárias IPI, IOF, Cofins, CSLL, Contr. Previdenciárias (exceto individuais), Sistema S, Salário- Educação e Cide-Combustíveis 90 tributos (não especificados) Tributos criados 1) IBS (IVA) e Imposto Seletivo; 2) IRPJ incorpora a CSLL IBS (IVA) e Imposto Seletivo "Imposto sobre Pagamentos" (IP) IUF (Transações Financeiras) Imposto sobre Movimentação Financeira (IMF) Competência 1) IBS = Associação de Estados e IS = União; 2) IRPJ = União IBS = Comitê Gestor (União, Estados e Municípios) e IS = União IP = União IUF = União IMF = União Alíquotas Alíquotas calculadas com base na arrecadação e distribuição de receitas de 2015 A ser calculada nos dois anos iniciais da fase de transição (alíquota de referência) Estimada em 1,2% no débito e no crédito (2,4%, no total) 1,611 % no débito e no crédito Estimada em 2,5% no débito e no crédito (5%, no total) Transição 15 anos 10 anos na substituição dos tributos / 50 anos na distribuição de receitas dentro da federação Imediata, com ajuste de alíquota após 12 meses Desconhecida Desconhecida
  • 31. WHAT'S SIMILAR? Unification of taxes • Supression of Taxes: IPI, PIS, COFINS, ICMS e ISS Creating a VAT • Broad base (merchandise x service) • Full use of tax credits • Not including other taxes in VAT base • Taxation at destination Create Excise taxes Restriction on the granting of tax benefits Taxation at destination Smooth Transition
  • 32. 32 Tax Burden Composition by Tax Base Source: Self elaboration
  • 33. Evolution of Gross Tax Burden % of GDP- 2000/2020p Source: Self elaboration Brazil: after/during the pandemic
  • 35. Conclusions: World  Goods and services will lose space for assignment of rights and broad automation  Employment: brutal and structural unemployment (new jobs)  Income: little or no autonomous national space to tax corporations' profit  New taxes: “robot” tax is incipient and secondary debate  Legal structure: flexibility is necessary to deal with uncertainty and redefine taxes and their application Total uncertainty about new taxes and systems .... It is only certain that the future will be very different from the present.
  • 36. Conclusions: Brazil  Brazillian tax system was created in 1965; there were several projects and reform attempts, but there were no significant changes.  Current reform projects have an emphasis on the creation of a VAT and the reform of indirect taxation, which is precisely the one hardest hit by the recession.  COVID will accelerate the digitization of all economies, especially in relation to services, and will cause the regional redistribution of production. Brazilian experts are already discussing these aspects (see book “Taxation 4.0”)
  • 37. José Roberto Afonso is an economist and accountant, doctor in economics from UNICAMP and master from UFRJ, postdoctoral fellow at ISCSP Lisbon, IDP professor and independent consultant. Celso Correia Neto, José Evande Araujo e Hadassah Santana have collaborated in the analyzes. More works, own and third parties, on the portal: www.joserobertoafonso.com.br 37 www.joserobertoafonso.com.br /ZeRobertoAfonsozeroberto@joserobertoafonso.com.br

Editor's Notes

  1. SECCIÓN ESPECIAL: Ingresos fiscales provenientes de recursos naturales no renovables en América Latina y el Caribe Reconocer a Michael Hanni. Qusiera arrancar destacando dos puntos importante: 1) Este año incluimos un nuevo país Guatemala (hidrocarburos y minería) y un nuevo sector para Ecuador (minería); y, 2) Por primera vez presentamos información a nivel de instrumentos fiscales: impuesto sobre la renta, otros impuestos, dividendos, regalías y otras participaciones, y otros ingresos no tributarios.] Los ingresos fiscales relacionados con la exploración y producción de petróleo y gas – actividades de “up-stream” – repuntaron en ALC durante 2018. Vale remarcar que el precio promedio de los principales precios spot en el mercado (Western Texas Intermediate (WTI), Brent y Dubai) alcanzó un US$ 68 por barril en 2018, un aumento de 29% sobre su el nivel del año anterior, a pesar de una fuerte corrección a la baja en el cuarto trimestre del año. Los ingresos totales provenientes de la exploración y producción de hidrocarburos alcanzaron un promedio del 2.7% del PIB, en comparación con un 2.0% en 2017 (Gráfico izquierdo). Al nivel regional estos ingresos alcanzaron aproximadamente US$ 95.000 millones de dólares en 2018, lo que representa un incremento de 40% sobre su nivel del año anterior (alrededor del US$ 68.000 millones). No obstante, se mantiene lejos de su máximo reciente de US$ 167.200 millones de 2008. Esta alza se debe principalmente al dinamismo de los ingresos no tributarios – mayormente ingresos por rentas de la propiedad, como regalías y otras participaciones en el valor comercial de la producción– que incrementaron a un 2.3% del PIB (85% del total) desde el 1.7% del PIB en 2017; o alcanzaron unos US$88.000 millones en 2018 frente a los US$ 65.000 millones del año anterior. Cabe mencionar que los ingresos por instrumentos no tributarios representan el grueso de los ingresos petroleros en la región, reflejando el papel prepondiente de las empresas estatales en la producción y la alta captura del valor comercial de la producción por parte de los gobiernos centrales/generales (con regalías y participaciones de 50% o más en algunos países). Vale mencionar que el alza en los precios spot no se tradujo directamente en mayores ingresos no tributarios, ya que la producción en la región mostró una tendencia a la baja durante el año: el petróleo crudo y los condensados cayeron un 8.2% respecto de los niveles de 2017, o un 2.2% excluyendo a Venezuela; y, el gas natural cayó 2.1% (BP, 2019). Los ingresos tributarios del sector también aumentaron durante el año, alcanzando un promedio del 0,4% del PIB en comparación con el 0,2% del PIB en 2017, ya que los ingresos del impuesto sobre la renta corporativa (ISR) aumentaron en línea con la mayor rentabilidad entre los productores de petróleo en la región. A pesar de esta alza, al nivel regional tienen un peso relativamente pequeño – particularmente en términos absolutos en USD. No obstante, destacan incrementos en los ingresos tributarios en Colombia y Trinidad y Tobago durante el año, un factor de importancia en este último país, donde ISR es el mecanismo predominante para capturar las rentas generadas por el sector (caracterizado por una alta participación de empresas privadas). Resulta importante mencionar que los ingresos tributarios parecen más importantes en ciertos años cuando se analizan el promedio de los países por el hecho de que en algunos países este componente es muy importante (p.e. en Trinidad y Tabago los ingresos tributarios relacionados con petróleo y gas promediaron 10,8% del PIB entre 2010 y 2014).
  2. En gran parte el incremento en los ingresos fiscales provenientes de la exploración y explotación de petróleo y gas fue producto de alzas entre 2017 y 2018 en Brasil (1.2% vs 0.4% del PIB), Colombia (1.8% vs 1.1%), Ecuador (8.0% vs 5.6%) and Trinidad and Tobago (3.4% vs 2%). Los ingresos fiscales por petróleo y gas natural en Brasil aumentaron en 2018 a pesar de una disminución en la producción de hidrocarburos, alcanzando el 1.2% del PIB en comparación con el 0.4% del PIB en 2017. Este incremento se debió principalmente a un salto en los ingresos no tributarios, que alcanzaron un 1,1% del PIB en comparación con un 0,4% del PIB en 2017. Los ingresos de la participación especial del gobierno en la producción aumentaron más del doble (a 0,43% del PIB por encima del 0,17% del PIB en 2017) a medida que Petrobras aumentó la producción en campos que estaban sujetos a tasas impositivas más altas. Los ingresos no tributarios también se vieron impulsados por ingresos derivados de los bonos de firma al finalizar la 15ª ronda de licitación para concesiones de exploración y producción de petróleo y gas (equivalente al 0.3% del PIB). En Colombia, los ingresos por hidrocarburos casi se duplicaron en 2018, alcanzando el 1.8% del PIB en comparación con el 1.1% del PIB en 2017, en gran parte debido a los sólidos resultados financieros de Ecopetrol, el productor estatal, provocado por una mayor producción y mejores precios de petróleo y gas. Las utilidades operacionales de la compañía casi se duplicaron en 2017 y aumentaron un 40% más en 2018 (EcoPetrol, 2019). Los ingresos tributarios aumentaron hasta un 0.7% del PIB en 2018, en comparación con un 0.4% en 2017, impulsado por la liquidación de pasivos ISR para el año calendario 2017 y fuertes prepagos de impuestos estimados para el año calendario 2018. En una línea similar, la recuperación de la rentabilidad tuvo un efecto adicional en los ingresos no tributarios: el pago de dividendos por parte de Ecopetrol al gobierno central aumentó al 0.3% del PIB en comparación con un 0.1% del PIB en 2017. Los ingresos petroleros en Ecuador aumentaron significativamente, alcanzando un 8,0% del PIB en 2018 frente a un 5,6% del PIB en 2017, a pesar de una disminución en la producción de hidrocarburos. La disminución en el volumen exportado fue compensada en gran medida por el incremento en el precio del petróleo. Sin embargo, el salto en los ingresos del petróleo se debió en parte al aumento de las ventas internas de los productores estatales. Los ingresos por hidrocarburos en Trinidad y Tobago se recuperaron en 2018, aumentando a 3.4% del PIB desde 2.0% del PIB en 2017. A diferencia de la mayoría de los países productores de hidrocarburos en la región, donde un productor estatal representa una gran parte de la producción total -- e ingresos – en Trinidad y Tobago los principales actores son las grandes empresas multinacionales. El ISR, por lo tanto, juega un papel crucial en la captura de rentas de la explotación de los activos de hidrocarburos del país. La mayor rentabilidad en 2017 y 2018 provocada por los precios más altos del petróleo crudo impulsó los ingresos tributarios del sector, que alcanzaron el 1,8% del PIB en comparación con el 1,2% del PIB en 2017. La adopción de una tasa unificada de regalía del 12,5% para la extracción de gas natural resultó en una duplicación de los ingresos no tributarios del sector (1.6% del PIB comparado con 0.8% del PIB en 2017).
  3. Los precios spot en los mercados internacionales para una amplia gama de minerales y metales industriales aumentaron en la primera mitad de 2018, manteniendo la tendencia establecida en la segunda mitad de 2017. Sin embargo, las crecientes preocupaciones sobre la actividad económica en China y las tensiones comerciales entre China y los Estados Unidos provocaron una contracción en los precios internacionales durante la segunda semestre de 2018. En este entorno, los ingresos fiscales mineros en ALC aumentaron en 2018, alcanzando el 0,39% del PIB en 2018 en comparación con el 0,33% del PIB en 2017, un aumento de 35% en términos de dólares (US$ 13.200 millones en 2018 frente al US$ 9.800 millones en 2017). Este resultado se debió principalmente a un aumento de los ingresos tributarios –principalmente ingresos por concepto del ISR y otros instrumentos tributarios cuya base son las utilidades– que alcanzaron el 0.23% del PIB (59% del total) en comparación con el 0.18% del PIB en 2017, o un aumento del 41% en términos de dólares (alcanzando a los US$ 8.600 millones en 2018 frente a los US$ 6.100 millones en 2017). El incremento en los ingresos tributarios relacionados con el ISR, impulsado principalmente por la liquidación de pasivos tributarios del año anterior y pagos de impuestos estimados, se debió en gran parte al repunte en los precios y al impacto concomitante en los ingresos operacionales de las empresas que operan en el sector. Resulta importante señalar que en contraste con el sector de los hidrocarburos – donde las empresas públicas predominan – en el sector minero las empresas privadas son los principales actores. Además, el marco fiscal aplicado al sector es significativamente diferente, con una participación muy limitada en el valor comercial de la producción (con tasas de 3% o menos para regalías). Por lo tanto, el instrumento más importante para capturar las rentas producidas por la producción es el impuesto sobre la renta (como estos gráficos muestran). Los ingresos no tributarios, por el contrario, registraron un aumento más moderado, llegando al 0,16% del PIB en promedio en 2018 en comparación con el 0,14% del PIB en 2017, o un aumento del 24% en términos de dólares estadounidenses (US$ 3.800 millones en 2018 frente al US$ 4.700 millones en 2017). Este aumento se debió en parte a un importante pago de excedentes por parte de la firma minera estatal chilena CODELCO al gobierno chileno. Los ingresos por regalías y otras participaciones vinculadas al valor comercial de la producción, calculados sobre el precio spot vigente en el momento de la producción, fueron menos dinámicos en comparación con 2017, debido a la corrección en los precios internacionales durante la segunda mitad del año.
  4. El dinamismo de los ingresos mineros en la región durante el 2018 fue producto principalmente de los alzas registrados en Chile (1,4% vs 0,94% del PIB) y Perú (0,9% vs 0,62%). En cambio, en la República Dominicana se registró una caída en los ingresos mineros (0.21% vs 0.41%, principalmente relacionados con la producción de oro). Los ingresos mineros en Chile aumentaron fuertemente en 2018, debido en gran parte al aumento de los pagos de impuestos de los productores privados del país. Los ingresos totales se situaron en el 1,4% del PIB en 2018 en comparación con el 0,94% del PIB en 2017 (un aumento del 60% en términos de USD). Los ingresos tributarios, los ingresos por el ISR y los pagos del impuesto especial a la minería incrementaron considerablemente debido a mayores pagos por la liquidación de pasivos tributarios para el año fiscal 2017 y los pagos anticipados de impuestos estimados en 2018, que a su vez se vieron impulsados ​​por un aumento en la tasa de impuestos corporativos ( del 25.5% al ​​27%). Los ingresos no tributarios, esencialmente transferencias de ganancias del productor estatal CODELCO al gobierno central y los pagos de CODELCO por sus exportaciones de cobre, también mostraron una tendencia al alza, al pasar del 0,48% del PIB en 2017 al 0,58% del PIB. En Perú, los ingresos mineros aumentaron considerablemente apoyado por mayores ingresos vinculados con el ISR. Los ingresos totales alcanzaron el 0,9% del PIB desde frente al 0,62% del PIB en 2017, lo que equivale a un aumento del 53% en términos de USD. Los ingresos tributarios fueron boyantes: incrementaron al 0,72% del PIB desde el 0,46% del PIB en 2017, gracias a los pagos de liquidación del ISR para el año fiscal 2017 y a los pagos anticipados de impuestos estimados en el primer semestre de 2018. Una disminución en la producción de cobre y un aumento relativamente menor en los precios promedio anuales resultó en un incremento más moderado en los ingresos no tributarios de la minería, que llegaron al 0.19% del PIB desde el 0.16% del PIB en 2017. En cambio, la menor producción de oro en la mina Pueblo Viejo (-11%), una empresa conjunta de Barrick Gold (Canadá) y Newmont Goldcorp (Estados Unidos), impactó negativamente los ingresos mineros en la República Dominicana, que cayeron al 0.21% del PIB desde el 0.41% del PIB en 2017. La mayor parte de esta disminución se debió a una contracción en los ingresos tributarios, que cayeron al 0.15% del PIB desde el 0.35% del PIB en 2017, lo que refleja en parte el impacto de una contracción del 25% en las utilidades en 2017 del Pueblo Mina Viejo (Barrick Gold, 2019).
  5. Según las proyecciones de la CEPAL, los ingresos fiscales provenientes de los recursos naturales no renovables disminuyeron en la región en 2019 por la mayor contracción de los precios. Se prevé que los ingresos relacionados con la exploración y producción de petróleo y gas hayan caído a 2.5% del PIB en 2019 en comparación con el 2.7% del PIB en 2018, principalmente como resultado de una disminución del 10% en 2019 del precio spot internacional del petróleo crudo. También es probable que los ingresos fiscales mineros hayan disminuido, cayendo al 0.3% en 2019 en comparación con un 0.4% en 2018, en línea (como parte de la evolución a la baja de los precios de metales y minerales y un impulso de ingresos tributarios relativamente más débil que en 2018. Vale destacar que esta tendencia a la baja se acentuó en los primeros meses de 2020. Los principales precios de referencia del mercado, Brent y Western Texas Intermediate (WTI), cayeron bruscamente a medida que Arabia Saudita y la Federación de Rusia aumentaron la producción para retener su participación en el mercado mundial después de la ruptura en el diálogo entre la Organización de Países Exportadores de Petróleo y la Federación Rusia sobre los recortes de producción de petróleo propuestos a principios al año. Esta tendencia a la baja se vio agravada por la crisis originada por la pandemia del COVID-19, que causó una disminución en el consumo de petróleo en todo el mundo. A medida que las consecuencias económicas del brote han evolucionado, estos precios han seguido bajando. En el caso del WTI, alcanzaron valores negativos a fines de abril, ya que los comerciantes buscaron cerrar sus posiciones antes de tomar posesión de petróleo que no podían almacenar.