The document provides summaries of several research reports and publications from ACT, including: 1) A report examining a more holistic view of college and career readiness that focuses on both core academics and noncognitive skills. 2) A review of the 2014 graduating class in the context of STEM fields to determine student interest and readiness in math and science. 3) A highlight of the college and career readiness of the 2014 ACT-tested graduating class, which is updated annually. 4) A report identifying the enrollment status and migration patterns of 2013 ACT-tested graduates attending two-year and four-year colleges.

1. Policy Reports
Broadening the Definition of
College and Career Readiness:
A Holistic Approach
By Krista Mattern, Jeremy Burrus, Wayne Camara,
Ryan O’Connor, Mary Ann Hansen, James Gambrell,
Alex Casillas, Becky Bobek
ACT Research Report Series 2014 (5)
Broadening the Definition of College and
Career Readiness: A Holistic Approach—
Examines the development of a more holistic
view of college and career readiness, focusing
on core academics as well as noncognitive skills.
www.act.org/research/researchers/reports/pdf/
ACT_RR2014-5.pdf
The Condition
of STEM 2014
National
The Condition of STEM 2014—Reviews the
2014 graduating class in the context of STEM
(science, technology, engineering, mathematics)-
related fields to determine student interest levels
in specific STEM fields and, more importantly,
readiness in math and science of those
interested in STEM careers. www.act.org/stemcondition/14
The Condition of
College & Career
Readiness
2014
National
The Condition of College & Career
Readiness 2014—Highlights the college and
career readiness of the ACT-tested high school
class of 2014. This report is updated annually.
www.act.org/newsroom/data/2014
The Reality
of College
Readiness
2013
National
The Reality of College Readiness
2013—Identifies the enrollment and
migration status of ACT-tested high school
graduates, including data for two- and
four-year colleges and percentages of
students meeting ACT College Readiness Benchmarks.
www.act.org/readinessreality/13
ACT Research
ACT is a nonprofit organization committed to producing
research that focuses on key issues in education and workforce
development. Our goal is to serve as a data resource. We strive
to provide policymakers with the information they need to
inform education and workforce development policy and to give
educators the tools they need to lead more students toward
college and career success. What follows are some recent and
groundbreaking research studies from ACT.
College Choice Reports
College Choice Report 2014
Expanding
Opportunities
A College Choice Report for the
Graduating Class of 2014
Part 1: Preferences
and Prospects
Expanding
Opportunities—A
College Choice Report
for the Graduating
Class of 2014, Part 1:
Preferences and
Prospects—Focuses on specific testing
behaviors that may expand college
opportunities available to students.
www.act.org/collegechoice/14
College Choice Report 2013
A Profile of 2013 ACT-TesTed
high sChool grAduATes
College Choice
Report
Part 1
Preferences
and Prospects
Part 1: Preferences and
Prospects—Focuses on
students’ choice and
certainty of planned major,
interest-major fit, best-
fitting major, and selection
of major. www.act.org/collegechoice/13
A Profile of 2013 ACT-TesTed
high sChool grAduATes
College
Choice
Report
Part 2
Enrollment Patterns
Part 2: Enrollment
Patterns—Focuses on
college enrollment,
consistency of college
major choice, persistence
within majors, and
changes in interest-major fit.
www.act.org/collegechoice/13
A PROFILE OF 2013 ACT-TESTED
HIGH SCHOOL GRADUATES
College
Choice
Report
Part 3
Persistence and Transfer
Part 3: Persistence and
Transfer (coming in
spring 2015)—Focuses
on student persistence
within majors between the
first and second year of
college, changes in interest-major fit
among students who changed majors,
and the relationship between interest-
major fit and student persistence.
www.act.org/collegechoice/13
College Choice Report 2012
A Profile of 2012 ACT-TesTed
high sChool grAduATes
College
Choice
Report
Part 1
Preferences
and Prospects
Part 1: Preferences and
Prospects—Contains
students’ self-reported
college preferences and
ACT Educational
Opportunity Service
participation rates. www.act.org/
collegechoice/12
A Profile of 2012 ACT-TesTed
high sChool grAduATes
College
Choice
Report
Part 2
Enrollment Patterns
Part 2: Enrollment
Patterns—Examines
college enrollment trends,
focusing on student
mobility, how college
choices match
preferences, and student enrollment
rates. www.act.org/collegechoice/12
A Profile of 2012 ACT-TesTed
high sChool grAduATes
College
Choice
Report
Part 3
Persistence and Transfer
Part 3: Persistence and
Transfer—Reports on
student persistence within
postsecondary education
and examines the
relationships between
students’ reported college preferences
and their transfer patterns. www.act.org/
collegechoice/12
The College Choice
Report is an annual
series that follows an
ACT-tested high school
graduating class from
high school through
the second year of
college. www.act.org/
collegechoice

2. Issue Briefs
Email research.policy@act.org for more information. © 2014 by ACT, Inc. All rights reserved. 2630
www.act.org/research-policy
Issue Brief
ACT Research & Policy
October 2014
This study was a
cooperative effort of the
Texas-ACT College Success
Research Consortium,
a research partnership
between ACT and the
following Texas four-year
postsecondary institutions:
• The University of Texas
at Austin
• Texas A&M University
at College Station
• Texas A&M University
at Commerce
• University of Texas-Pan
American
Dual-Credit/Dual-Enrollment Coursework
and Long-Term College Success in Texas
Justine Radunzel, Julie Noble, and Sue Wheeler
Key Findings
In this study we compare the short- and long-term
college outcomes of incoming students who had
and had not taken dual-credit/dual-enrollment
courses in high school. Data for the study were
provided by four member institutions of the
Texas-ACT College Success Research Consortium.
Primary findings suggest that, compared to
students with no dual credit, students entering
college with dual credit are generally:1
• More likely to be successful in college,
including completing a bachelor’s degree
in a more timely manner
• As likely to earn a grade of B or higher in
subsequent courses taken in college
Moreover, among dual-credit students:
• Those entering college with a greater number
of dual-credit hours are more likely to progress
toward a degree and complete a bachelor’s
degree in a timely manner, and they do so
without accumulating a substantially greater
number of credit hours by graduation.
• Their chances of college success do not
differ between those who take most of their
dual-credit coursework through a two-year
institution and those who take most through a
four-year institution.
Introduction
As part of the Texas-ACT College Success
Research Consortium, ACT collaborates with
member institutions on research studies of
interest to both parties. This report summarizes
the results from a recent Consortium study on
the implications of dual credit/dual enrollment2
for college success. For most of the participating
institutions, many of their incoming freshmen
enter college with a sizable number of dual-
credit hours—that is, college credit hours earned
from successful completion of college-level
courses taken while in high school that might
also apply toward a high school diploma.3
These
dual-credit hours do not include college credits
earned by examination, such as credits resulting
from Advanced Placement (AP) or International
Baccalaureate (IB) courses. According to Texas
legislation, districts in the state are to offer
students an opportunity to earn a minimum
of 12 college credit hours through AP, IB, or
dual-credit courses. However, to participate in
dual-credit coursework in Texas, students are
generally required to meet certain academic and
nonacademic eligibility requirements.
Several arguments in support of offering dual-
credit programs for high school students have
been put forth in the literature. For example, since
such programs are usually offered in full or in part
at the school and/or state’s expense, it has been
suggested that such programs save students
time and money by allowing students to get an
early start on their college education.4
Moreover,
such programs may help make the transition
from high school to college easier for students,
as well as boost their chances of completing a
college degree in a timely manner.5
Others have
suggested that offering dual-credit programs
provides students access to a broader range of
courses that better prepare them for college-level
coursework and increases college awareness,
access, and opportunity for students from
underrepresented demographic groups.6
Dual-Credit/Dual-Enrollment Coursework
and Long-Term College Success in Texas—
Describes the differences in early and
long-term college success rates among
incoming college students who had and had not
taken dual-credit/dual-enrollment courses in
high school. www.act.org/research/policymakers/pdf/
DualCreditTexasReport.pdf
Email research.policy@act.org for more information. © 2014 by ACT, Inc. All rights reserved. 1516
www.act.org/research-policy
Issue Brief
ACT Research & Policy
May 2014
Chasing the College Dream
in Hard Economic Times
Richard Buddin and Michelle Croft
Slow economic growth in the past several years
has strained the financial resources of many
American families and heightened financial
burdens for families hoping to support their
children’s college education. Real gross domestic
product (GDP) fell by more than 5% during
the Great Recession from the fourth quarter of
2007 to the second quarter of 2009.1
Economic
growth has returned since then, but annual real
GDP growth was 2.5%, 1.8%, 2.8%, and 1.9%,
respectively, for 2010 through 2013 as compared
with average annual growth of 3.3% for the
decade before the recession.2
The economic
slowdown has been widespread, with sharp
increases in unemployment and poverty rates
coupled with sharp decreases in the values of
home and financial assets.3
These economic struggles come at a critical
time for high school students who rely on family
resources to fund large portions of college
expenses. Although federal student loans are
available to help finance college expenses,
there is an expectation that families whose
adjusted gross income is at least $23,000 a
year will contribute to their dependent students’
education.4
For the 2011–2012 school year,
parents contributed approximately 37% of the
total cost of college attendance: 28% from parent
income and savings and 9% from parent loans.5
Given that about 87% of high school graduates
aspire to earn a college degree,6
many families
are tasked with paying for college.
Finding a way to pay for college is particularly
important, as a college degree has many benefits.7
College graduates have substantially better labor
market outcomes than do high school graduates
with similar backgrounds.8
Young workers with a
college degree have much lower unemployment
rates than similar workers with only a high school
diploma. In addition, young workers with four-
year degrees earn 60% more than high school
graduates with no postsecondary training, and this
wage gap grows as workers advance in careers.
While the returns to college are substantial,
the economic slowdown could affect college
enrollments in conflicting ways. One possibility
is a decrease in college enrollment or degree
attainment due to lack of funding. Students
who postpone college are less likely to earn a
college diploma. The bulk of college enrollments
have generally occurred in the fall immediately
following high school graduation. About 60% of
high school graduates enter college immediately
following high school, but only 6% of seniors
begin college after taking a year off from school.9
Delayed entrants are less likely to complete
college than are students who immediately enter
college after high school, even after controlling
for the background and achievement scores of
delayed entrants.10
Alternatively, it is possible that the economic
slowdown may increase college enrollments
as there are fewer other options for unskilled
workers with only a high school degree. For
instance, recent research by Barr and Turner has
shown that for the 18–23 age group, there is a
relationship between unemployment and college
attendance where college attendance increases
as unemployment increases.11
This is consistent
with research studying prior recessions.12
Chasing the College Dream in Hard
Economic Times—Describes how hard
economic times highlight the challenges of
paying for college when costs are rising and
family financial resources are declining.
www.act.org/research/policymakers/pdf/
ChasingtheDream.pdf
research.policy@act.org for more information.
© 2014 by ACT, Inc. All rights reserved. 2705
www.act.org/research-policy
Issue Brief
ACT Research & Policy
September 2014
Evidence suggests that
value-added measures of
teacher effectiveness can be
a valuable tool to improve
teacher evaluation, identify
teachers on the extremes of
effectiveness, and identify
factors that improve
student performance in
the classroom.
Recent Validity Evidence for Value-Added
Measures of Teacher Performance
Richard Buddin and Michelle Croft
Value-added measures are becoming a common
component in teacher evaluations. By the
2016–2017 school year, most if not all states will
have implemented a teacher evaluation system
that includes the use of value-added measures.1
This shift to include student achievement data
in teacher evaluations is not without its critics.
However, many of the criticisms prevalent today
were levied when value-added measures were
first gaining popularity in the mid-2000s. Since
that time a number of rigorous studies have
addressed these criticisms and provided validity
evidence to support the use of value-added
measures as a component of teacher evaluation.
The criticisms have likely persisted despite the
evidence supporting value-added measures
because the value-added measures are such
a departure from traditional teacher evaluation
systems. Under the traditional system, evaluations
are based on short classroom observations by
school principals or other school administrative
personnel where nearly all teachers receive the
highest ratings.2
Basing teachers’ evaluations
on their students’ academic performance is a
new use of student test scores. Also, the value-
added models are more technical (though less
subjective) than classroom observations, and
they are not always communicated in a way that
parents, teachers, or school administrators can
easily understand.3
In this report, we (1) explain what we mean by
value-added measures, (2) identify the common
criticisms of value-added measures and the
research evidence that addresses those criticisms,
and (3) provide validity evidence for the use of
value-added measures in teacher evaluations.
What Value-Added Measures Are
Over the past decade, numerous studies have
used longitudinal student-level data to estimate
the contribution of teachers to student learning.4
The methods these studies have relied upon,
called value-added methods, isolate teacher
contributions to student outcomes by estimating
the effects of teachers on student achievement
conditional on prior-year test scores and student-
level measures of student demographics and
background. The value-added approach relies on
teacher “output” as measured by improvements
in student test scores. This approach is a sharp
departure from orthodox measures of teacher
quality that have relied on teacher preparation
and training (e.g., education level, experience,
or subject matter knowledge) and occasional
classroom observations by a school administrator.
Researchers of value-added measures typically
find wide variability in teacher effects, suggesting
that some teachers may be much more effective
than others at improving student achievement.
Some findings are common across most studies.
• Experience. New teachers are typically less
effective than others, but teacher effects vary
little with experience after the first year or two
of teaching.5
• Advanced degrees. Teachers with master’s
degrees have similar effects to teachers with
only bachelor’s degrees.6
• Certification. Teachers with alternative
certification are often just as effective at
improving test scores as teachers certified
through traditional programs.7
Recent Validity Evidence for Value-Added
Measures of Teacher Performance—Reviews
four main criticisms regarding the validity of
teacher evaluations based on student academic
performance and refutes those criticisms with
evidence from recent research studies.
www.act.org/research/policymakers/pdf/Measures-of-
Teacher-Performance.pdf
ACT Research and Policy
Research Reports
Educator Reports
Policy Reports
Issue/Information Briefs
www.act.org/research
infobrief@act.org for more information or to suggest ideas for future ACT Issue Briefs.
Issue Brief February 2013
©2013 by ACT, Inc. All rights reserved. The ACT®
is a registered trademark of ACT, Inc., in the U.S.A. and other countries. 19523
Noncollege-bound students are
less likely to take the practical steps
needed for college admissions
and enrollment, and thus are
potentially closing the door on future
opportunities including the possibility
of a higher education.
Noncollege-Bound Students:
A Closer Look
It was estimated that 92% of 2004 high school graduates in the United
States planned to continue their education after high school (Chen, X.,
Wu, J., Tasoff, S., Weko, T., 2010a). Why might students not plan to go
to college? Common concerns include inadequate academic preparation,
a lack of understanding of the enrollment process, and the perceived
economic benefit of college attendance (Hahn & Price, 2008; Nagaoka,
Roderick, & Coca, 2009; Paulson 1990). In this brief we examine the
academic preparation of high school students who do not plan to go to
college, hereafter referred to as noncollege-bound students.
Despite the overwhelming majority of high school graduates who
plan on going to college, only 68% of the 2010 graduating cohort
actually enrolled in a higher education institution after high school
(United States Department of Education, 2011, Table 210). Of those
that do enroll, many are underprepared for first-year college courses in
English Composition, College Algebra, Biology, and social sciences. For
example, among high school graduates meeting no College Readiness
Benchmarks, about 50% still enrolled in college the fall after high
school (ACT, 2012).
Noncollege-bound students are less likely to take the practical steps
needed for college admissions and enrollment, and thus are potentially
closing the door on future opportunities including the possibility of a
higher education. For example, while almost 82% of all 2004 graduates
took or planned to take a college entrance exam, only about 33% of
noncollege-bound students took either the ACT or SAT (Chen, X., Wu,
J., Tasoff, S., Weko, T., 2010b).
The information gleaned from noncollege-bound students presents an
opportunity to identify issues related to enrollment and success in
college. This brief reports on a longitudinal study of noncollege-bound
students who nevertheless enrolled in college and documents their
outcomes. We examined students who participated in ACT statewide
adoption programs in Colorado and Illinois where all public high
school students took the ACT regardless of their post-high school plans.
Noncollege-Bound Students: A Closer
Look—Examines the academic preparation of
high school students who do not plan to go to
college. www.act.org/research/policymakers/
pdf/NoncollegeboundStudents.pdf
Information Briefs
The ACT Information Brief Series
presents quick snapshots of recent ACT
research findings on a variety of topics in
education and work, drawing on our
extensive college readiness and career
skills data. Go to www.act.org/research/
researchers/briefs for more information.
© 2014 by ACT, Inc. All rights reserved. ACT®
is a registered trademark of ACT, Inc., in the USA and other countries. 1667
www.act.org/research-policy infobrief@act.org for more information or to suggest ideas for future ACT Information Briefs.
Information Brief 2014-16
ACT Research & Policy
April 2014
First-Generation College and Low-Income Families
by School Location
Richard Buddin
Percent of 2013 High School Students by First-Generation College and Low-Income Status for High School Locations
47
61
51
50
9
10
12
12
23
17
20
20
21
13
17
18
0 20 40 60 80 100
Urban
Suburban
Town
Rural
Percent
Not first generation,
not low income
First generation,
not low income
Not first generation,
low income
First generation,
low income
Note: Data come from 587,008 high school graduates in 2013 in at least one of eleven states that had ACT®
college readiness assessment testing for
all students. Families with annual incomes of less than $36,000 are defined as low income. Students whose parents or guardians have no postsecondary
education are defined as first-generation students.
Schools face challenges to address the educational needs of students
from different backgrounds. Students from low-income families tend to
have fewer home resources to support learning and worse academic
outcomes than others. Similarly, students whose parents or guardians
did not attend a two- or four-year college may have less knowledge of
the importance of postsecondary education than other students.
Urban schools face the greatest challenges in dealing with low-
income, first-generation students, while suburban schools have the
smallest share of these students. About 21% of students in urban
schools are low-income, first-generation students as compared with
18% in rural areas, 17% in towns, and 13% in suburban schools.
About 23% of urban low-income students have a parent with some
postsecondary education as compared with only 17% of suburban
students and 20% of both rural and town schools. About 9% to 12%
of students in each type of school come from first-generation families
with moderate or high incomes.
About 21% of 2013 high
school graduates from urban
areas who participated in
statewide ACT testing come
from low-income families
where neither parent
received any postsecondary
education.
First-Generation
College and Low-
Income Families by
School Location—
www.act.org/
research/researchers/briefs/2014-16.
html
© 2014 by ACT, Inc. All rights reserved. ACT®
is a registered trademark of ACT, Inc., in the USA and other countries. 1666
www.act.org/research-policy infobrief@act.org for more information or to suggest ideas for future ACT Information Briefs.
Information Brief 2014-15
ACT Research & Policy
April 2014
College Enrollment by Student Background and School Location
Richard Buddin
Immediate College Enrollment Rates by First-Generation College and Low-Income Status for High School Locations
First generation, low income
Not first generation, low income
First generation, not low income
Not first generation, not low income
72
74
70
70
47
51
47
47
56
56
54
54
41
40
37
38
35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 75
Urban
Suburban
Town
Rural
Percent Enrolled in College Immediately after High School
Note: Data come from 587,008 high school graduates in 2013 in at least one of eleven states that had ACT®
college readiness assessment testing for
all students. Families with annual incomes of less than $36,000 are defined as low income. Students whose parents or guardians have no postsecondary
education are defined as first-generation students.
Low-income and first-generation students have lower college
enrollment rates immediately after high school graduation than
students from middle- or high-income families with at least one
parent or guardian who has some postsecondary education. Family
income and parental education may affect student resources
available in the home as well as motivation and support for academic
endeavors.
Smaller percentages of low-income, first-generation students enroll
in college than any of the other groups. Parental postsecondary
education has a substantial effect on whether students enroll in
college. Among low-income families, enrollment rates are 15 to
17 percentage points lower for first-generation students than for
students with at least one parent/guardian with some postsecondary
education. At the same time, first-generation students from middle-
and high-income families have lower college enrollment rates than
students from low-income families with at least one college-educated
parent/guardian. Middle- and high-income students with a college-
educated parent/guardian have much higher college enrollment rates
than all other groups.
These college enrollment patterns remain consistent across high
school location categories, as shown above.
First-generation college
students from middle- and
high-income families have
lower college enrollment
rates than students from
low-income families with at
least one college-educated
parent/guardian, regardless
of high school location.
College Enrollment
by Student
Background and
School Location—
www.act.org/
research/researchers/briefs/2014-15.
html
© 2014 by ACT, Inc. All rights reserved. ACT®
is a registered trademark of ACT, Inc., in the USA and other countries. 1665
www.act.org/research-policy infobrief@act.org for more information or to suggest ideas for future ACT Information Briefs.
Information Brief 2014-14
ACT Research & Policy
April 2014
Trends in Freshman Dropouts and Transfers: 2006–2012
Richard Buddin
Percent of ACT-Tested High School Graduates Who Immediately Enrolled in College and Dropped Out or
Transferred by Their Second Year by College Type and Year
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012
PercentofFreshmanDroppingOutor
TransferringbyStartofSecondYear
High School Graduating Class
2-year dropout
2-year transfer
4-year dropout
4-year transfer
Note: Data come from 6,848,429 high school graduates who took the ACT between 2006 and 2012 and immediately enrolled in a 2- or 4-year college
the fall following their graduation.
Many college freshmen leave college or transfer to another college
within their first year of postsecondary education. As shown in the
chart above, dropout rates are much higher at two-year colleges than
four-year colleges.
Among students who took the ACT®
college readiness assessment
between 2006 and 2012, the dropout rate was about 27% at
two-year colleges in 2006 and had risen by about 2 percentage
points by 2009. The four-year college dropout rate was about 12%
in both 2006 and 2012. Dropout rates fell for both college groups for
2008 high school graduates. Limited employment prospects during
the Great Recession is one possible explanation for this trend.
At both two- and four-year colleges, fewer students are transferring
between schools. Between 2006 and 2012, transfers from two-year
colleges decreased from 18.3% to 17.7%. Similarly, transfers from
four-year colleges decreased from 13.6% in 2006 to 12.5% in 2012.
Students who enroll at
two-year colleges
immediately after high
school graduation are more
likely to drop out of college
by the start of their second
year than students who
immediately enroll at
four-year colleges.
Trends in Freshman
Dropouts and
Transfers: 2006–
2012—www.act.org/
research/researchers/
briefs/2014-14.html
College Student Retention
and Graduation Rates
Since 1983, ACT has used the ACT
Institutional Data Questionaire to track
first-to-second-year retention rates and
persistence to degree rates, providing
national benchmarks for institution type
and level of selectivity. www.act.org/
research/policymakers/reports/
graduation.html
National Collegiate Retention and
Persistence to Degree Rates
Since 1983, ACT has collected a comprehensive database of first- to second-year retention rates
and persistence to degree rates. These rates provide national benchmarks for institution type and
level of selectivity. Data are compiled by ACT from the ACT Institutional Data Questionnaire, an
annual survey of information collected from two-year and four-year
postsecondary institutions.
First- to Second-Year Retention Rates
Table 1: Summary Table: National First- to Second-Year Retention Rates by Institutional Type
Table 2: First- to Second-Year Retention Rates: Two-Year Colleges by Admission Selectivity
Table 3: First- to Second-Year Retention Rates: Four-Year Public Colleges by Level of Selectivity and
Degrees Offered
Table 4: First- to Second-Year Retention Rates: Four-Year Private Colleges by Level of Selectivity and
Degrees Offered
Persistence to Degree Rates
Table 5: Summary Table: National Persistence to Degree Rates by Institutional Type
Table 6: Persistence to Degree Rates: Two-Year Institutions by Level of Selectivity
Table 7: Persistence to Degree Rates: Four-Year Public Institutions by Degrees Offered and Level of
Selectivity
Table 8: Persistence to Degree Rates: Four-Year Private Institutions by Degrees Offered and Level of
Selectivity
For more information, contact ACT Educational Services at 319.341.2275 or go to
www.act.org
1
© 2012 by ACT, Inc. All rights reserved. 18537
National Collegiate
Retention and
Persistence to
Degree Rates—
www.act.org/
research/policymakers/pdf/retain_2012.
pdf
2014 Retention/Completion
Summary Tables
© 2014 by ACT, Inc. All rights reserved. 2058
2014 Retention/
Completion
Summary Tables—
www.act.org/
research/
policymakers/pdf/14retain_trends.pdf
Research and
Survey Services
ACT offers a variety of research services
for educators and educational institutions
in the following areas:
• Recruitment, admissions, placement,
and enrollment
• Retention
• Skill growth in general education
Go to www.act.org/research-policy/
research-survey-services for more
information.
Policy Platforms
An essential part of the ACT mission is
to help people achieve education and
workplace success. ACT policy platforms
articulate our recommendations in three
areas:
• K–12 education
• Postsecondary education
• Workforce development
Go to www.act.org/policyplatforms for
more information.
ACT promotes education and workforce policy solutions at the national, state, and local levels.
Go to www.act.org/research for more information.
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© 2015 by ACT, Inc. All rights reserved. 3157