1. Winterschool “Migration in the Margins of Europe”
February 7, 2013
Myrte Hoekstra
Research Master Migration, Ethnic Relations, and Multiculturalism
Utrecht University
Word Count: 3131 (including in-text references)
Muslim migrants in Athens: Religious
organization in a hostile environment

2. Introduction: Muslim migrants in Greece and Athens
Over the past two decades Greece – traditionally a country of emigration, not immigration – has had
to deal with the influx of large numbers of documented and undocumented migrants. Among the
many different national and ethnic groups that came to Greece, Muslim migrants stand out because
they are considered both ethnically and religiously 'other'. Although most European countries have
trouble accommodating the presence of Muslim migrants, what makes the Greek situation unique is
the connectedness of the Greek state and the Greek national self-image with Orthodox Christianity,
as well as the identification of Islam with past Ottoman-Turkish repression, and the historical
presence of a Greek Muslim minority in the north of the country. Moreover, the current economic
crisis and the rise of the extreme right have made intergroup relations more tense and the position of
(Muslim) migrants more precarious (Antoniou, 2003).
Muslim immigrants in Greece come from various countries in the Middle-East, South Asia,
and Africa. In most cases they are young males, and generally they carry out unskilled work and
live in the Athens region (Antoniou, 2003). It is estimated that there are around 60.000 Muslim
immigrants in Athens, of which the majority are Pakistani and Bangladeshi. Thus far, the position of
Muslim immigrants has been rather marginalised because migrants do not view Greece as a (final)
destination country, there are few Greek converts that could function as intermediaries, and Muslim
migrants are not supported by politicians and religious leaders from the indigenous Muslim
minority (Triandafyllidou & Gropas, 2009). Muslims in Athens are also marginalised legally.
Whereas the Thracian Muslim minority is represented politically, allowed to organise itself
religiously, and falls under a separate system of legal provisions, these benefits are tied to the region
of Thrace (Antoniou, 2003).
The Greek government has been very hesitant to extend similar provisions to Muslims
outside of Thrace, since they are viewed as being 'not of the nation' by virtue of being Muslim
(Hatziprokopiou & Evergeti, forthcoming). Following the doctrine of ius sanguinis, difference is
defined in ethnic-cum-religious terms and understood as fundamental (Triandafyllidou & Gropas,
2009). This is evident not only in dealings with Muslim migrants, but also in the definition of the
Thracian Muslim minority in religious, rather than linguistic or ethnic terms, and the equation of
their religious difference with being not-Greek or Turkish (Evergeti, Hatziprokopiou & Prevelakis,
forthcoming). Waves of recent migrants have problematised and diversified the way difference and
Islam are constructed, but religion remains the main focus (Hatziprokopiou, forthcoming), as is for
example shown by an experimental study which found that migrants who adopt the majority
religion are seen as 'more Greek' (Grigoropoulou & Chryssochoou, 2011).
Although there is a large concentration of Muslims in Athens, it does not have an official
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3. mosque (or other Islamic religious spaces, such as cemeteries). The discussion about the
construction of a mosque in the capital already started with the annexation of Thessaly in 1881, and
over the years multiple laws to that effect were passed but never implemented (Evergeti,
Hatziprokopiou & Prevelakis, forthcoming). In 2000 the issue resurfaced in the context of the
preparations for the 2004 Olympic Games. Again, two laws were passed but not implemented.
Opposition to the establishment of a mosque centred around the proposed location and religious
orientation of the mosque, and the nationality and background of the imam (Triandafyllidou &
Gropas, 2009). The Orthodox church also used its formal and informal influence to block proposals
for the construction of a mosque (Fokas, 2009). Therefore, Muslims in Athens have to make use of
informal mosques, of which there are estimated to be over one hundred (Hatziprokopiou &
Evergeti, forthcoming).
This study looks at Muslim migrants in Athens and their religious practices and organisation
in a context of migration. This is especially relevant due to the specific characteristics of the
(current) Greek and Athenian context that pose hindrances to the religious life of Muslim migrants:
the lack of official places of worship, the multitude of ethnic groups and religious sects, and the
hostility against migrants and especially Muslim migrants. The data used are collected in Athens in
January 2013. They consist of participant observation and unstructured and semi-structured
interviews with mosque visitors and representatives, and with representatives of ethnic community
organisations.
Functions of mosques in the migration experience
In many religions, public places of worship are important both for performing religious services and
as social spaces. After migration, the need to recreate such spaces in a new country is often acutely
felt. However, the migration experience can change both religious identity and salience (the inner
sense of religiosity and its importance in one's life) and the organisation of religion and religious
practices in the new country. There is some evidence that religion becomes more salient for
migrants because it helps them to preserve their ethnic identity, and religion might also become
more closely linked to politics as migrants mobilise around (religiously oriented) political agendas
(Cadge & Ecklund, 2007). In addition, the functions of religious organisations and places of
worship may change as a result of migration. Foley and Hoge (2007) for instance note that while in
Islamic countries mosques should primarily be seen as 'houses of worship', in a migration context
they are often also community centres. Mosques fulfil not only religious, but also social and
economic functions. Moreover, they are “public statements of identity and spaces of belonging”
(Hatziprokopiou & Evergeti, forthcoming: p.3) that (re)assert identities which have become
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4. problematised when migrants find themselves a religious minority. The ways in which religious life
is organised and experienced in the host country is dependent on the circumstances of migration and
reception, the religious tradition, and the organisational culture of the worship community, which in
turn are influenced by the political and economic climate and the characteristics of migrant
communities (Foley & Hoge, 2007).
Because of the tenuous legal situation regarding Muslim religious institutions in Athens,
most Muslim migrants choose to establish 'cultural associations' in lieu of 'proper' mosques. While
establishing a place of worship requires following lengthy bureaucratic procedures, this is not
necessary for other types of migrant organisations (Kassimeris & Samouris, 2012). Respondents
were quick to stress that the institution referred to in our questions was not a mosque, but a cultural
or educational centre that also allowed room for prayer. All respondents mentioned educational
activities and goals first. For instance, when asked to describe his organisation's activities, the
president of the Moroccan community started by enumerating their educational and social activities,
before saying that they also organise iftar (the evening meal that breaks the fast during Ramadan)
and celebrate other Islamic holidays. Praying was not mentioned until halfway through the
interview when the men present excused themselves to perform the afternoon prayer, which was in
fact done in the organisation's building. Similarly Hussain, the imam of an unofficial mosque that
hosts daily prayer meetings started off by saying “we are not a mosque, we give religious
education”. The education provided is geared towards both children and adults, and focuses on
language skills and cultural education. Such education has two purposes: on the one hand, migrants
strive to maintain their home culture and language (which can also be a pragmatic decision since
many want to go back), and one the other hand they seek to integrate into Greek society. This
duality is exemplified in the case of the Bangladeshi cultural association 'Doel', which hosts a
school for Bangladeshi children. Preserving one's own culture is considered important:
“We like to pass our time nicely – this is our hobby, to keep our culture together (...) We like
to give our children our education. Greek schools are costly. Or if they want to go back later,
they will benefit from this education” (Secretary of Doel).
The curriculum follows Bangladeshi national programs, but also includes Greek language lessons
(taught by an autochthonous Greek woman). In addition, for migrants from Arabic-speaking
countries Arabic language lessons are important both for cultural and religious reasons, as the
Koran is written in Arabic. Indeed, maintenance of the Arabic language is found to be a core value
for Muslim migrants (Gogonas, 2012).
Just like language education focuses both on the country of origin and the host country (and
in some cases even includes foreign languages such as English or French), religious education
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5. needs to be adapted to the migration context. Religious education is very important for Muslim
migrants to offer a counter-weight to the influence of the Orthodox Church in Greek schools
(Fokas, 2009). Muslim children are confronted with other religions and religious figures such as
Jesus at school, and religious education is adapted to take this into account, for example by
explaining that there is only one God who sent both Mohammed and Jesus.
Migrants often organise their religious communities on the basis of ethnicity and/or
language (Cadge & Ecklund, 2007). This is also the case in Athens, where the primary distinction
seems to be between Arab-speaking mosques, and Pakistani and Bangladeshi mosques (where Urdu
and Bangla, respectively, are the languages of choice). The two Arab-speaking mosques that we
visited are multi-ethnic, with worshippers originating from various Middle-Eastern and North-
African countries. Next to language divisions, there are also different religious sects, which makes
collective representation difficult (Hatziprokopiou, forthcoming):
“There are divisions between Afghan people. We are all Muslim but different sects, many
different tribes. There are also other associations, also for other tribes. There are Shia and
Sunni currents, which is why there are three mosques” (President of Afghan
Community Association).
Challenges to religious organisation
The informal character of Muslim places of worship in Athens places religious practices between
the needs of migrants on the one hand, and formal recognition and institutionalisation on the other
(Hatziprokopiou, forthcoming). For many Muslim migrants, religion is a large part of their identity
and becomes more important in the migration process:
“Athens is the only European capital without a mosque. There is much opposition from
locals. The government does nothing. People lost everything, one of the things they have is
religion. They should have a way to worship. There are underground mosques, but this is a
problem because we don't know what's going on” (President of Afghan Community
Association).
“A problem is that we do not have a mosque, a legal one. We don't feel free to do our
activities (...) People have to change their religion because there are no activities. We go to a
basement to pray” (Secretary of Moroccan Community Association).
The importance to having an official mosque was noted by all respondents. There is a need for
'proper' places to pray that are also accessible for other organisations such as NGOs. Opposition to
the construction of mosques is often expressed in practical and administrative concerns
(Hatziprokopiou & Evergeti, forthcoming). This is also the case in Athens as respondents note that
registering as a place of worship is prohibitively expensive and time-consuming.
Informal mosques face challenges related to their semi-legal status. They are financed by members'
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6. voluntary donations (and in some cases, money from foreign governments) and two organisations
mention having moved to a less central place because of financial reasons:
“We are a registered organisation, we started in 2003. Before we had a different centre but
now we moved because of financial reasons (…) Now we are far from the centre in an
unfortunate location – less people participate. People are harassed on the streets” (Secretary
of Doel).
“There is also a nice place which is not a mosque, the Greek-Arab cultural centre. This was
an old factory, bought by a Muslim charity centre. There is a big prayer room and also
schools, but now the expenses are too great and it's too far from the centre” (Secretary of
Moroccan Community Association).
Informal mosques also need to worry about not attracting unwanted attention from the police and
unfriendly neighbours:
“They [the police] are afraid of Taliban, of Al Qaeda having influence there. Our place is
very small, so we rented a bigger place. The third night the local population complained and
we had to close, they said we were a centre of Al Qaeda. Underground mosques are attacked
by fascists – two Pakistani mosques have been bombed. They write slogans. The Afghan
community has three mosques. They are not easy to make. It must not be obvious to the
neighbours that people worship there” (President of Afghan Community Association).
The association of Muslims with fundamentalist religion exists despite radicalisation not being
considered a problem in Greece (Kassimeris & Samouris, 2012), and many respondents in fact
stated that they consider themselves and their community to be a part of “middle-of-the-road”
Islam. In addition to 'organisational harassment', individuals also face hostilities, especially if they
are visibly identifiable as Muslims (for instance, women wearing headscarves).
The challenges mentioned above also influence the nature of religious practice. Informal
mosques that are far from the centre are more difficult to visit, especially if they are located in
unsafe neighbourhoods. They are often small, which necessitates making adjustments to rules of
gender segregation (for instance, the two mosques visited did not have a separate women's entrance)
and limiting the prayer services that are held. Especially Friday services are crowded: one mosque
houses a hundred people in a space of no more than forty square metres. There is also a lack of
people to perform religious services: most imams are respected and well-educated members of the
community but have no specific religious education. Some mosques also share imams.
Agency and resistance
Although the position of Muslims in Athens is marginalised and ethnic and religious divisions
hinder effective mobilisation, there have been some efforts to build networks, both within migrant
circles and with national and international representatives and organisations. One of the first times
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7. that Muslims became visible as Muslims in the public sphere in Athens was during the public
prayers organised for Eid al-Fitr (the festive ending of Ramadan) in 2010, organised by the Muslim
Association of Greece. According to Hatziprokopiou and Evergeti (forthcoming), these prayers do
not only demonstrated the need for an official mosque that could house the large numbers seeking
to celebrate Eid al-Fitr, but also serve to make a political statement regarding the right to a visible
Islamic identity. While the prayers worked to heighten the visibility of Islam, they also incited
violence:
“We used to celebrate Eid al-Fitr in the Olympic Stadium, with all the communities and an
imam from Egypt. You could see that in the news, the Greek accepted it. But last year the
Bangladeshi community celebrated in Attiki square and the locals threw things on them”
(President of Libyan Community Association).
Behind the scenes, migrant associations work to establish national and international
networks. Diplomatic representatives of Muslim countries as well as international Muslim NGOs
have shown interest in the situation of Muslim migrants in Greece (Antoniou, 2003) and migrants
themselves also reach out to these organisations as well as to national politicians and the media.
However, such efforts are generally unsuccessful, as the following quotations demonstrate:
“Our president [of the association] talks a lot to the government, to parliament. He went to
the Ministry of Justice and the bar association. One year ago he appealed to many
departments. They promised to help but we still have the same situation. The embassy also
tried many times. We have contacts with the Afghan, Egyptian, Syrian, Pakistani, Romanian,
and African organisations, also from Congo and Sudan, Philippines, Iraq. If they make any
program they call us. Faruk [the president] is a member of the Council of Immigrants”
(Secretary of Doel).
“The Moroccan embassy knows about the mosque situation, but has not spoken to the Greek
authorities. The embassies of Saudi Arabia and Qatar have tried. Some time ago I made an
interview with a politician from New Democracy (with Al-Jazeera) for the Olympic Games,
they made promises [for a mosque] but nothing happened” (Secretary of Moroccan
Community Association).
“I talked to the [Egyptian] ambassador and to Morsi and the [Egyptian] Minister of Foreign
Affairs. They sent letters and made telephone calls but the Greek Minister denies that there
is a problem when Egyptian state officials approach them” (Imam Hussain).
Conclusion and directions for future research
Muslim migrants in Athens are regarded as double outsiders: they are migrants and may not have
Greek citizenship, and they are religious 'others', challenging the Greek self-image as an orthodox
Christian nation. This 'otherness' is expressed in multiple ways both on the macro- and micro-level,
of which one of the most striking is the lack of an official mosque in Athens, effectively denying
Islam institutionalisation in the capital. This study asked how Muslim migrants organise their
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8. religious life in a context of migration.
Religious buildings of migrants often have other than purely religious functions, such as
social or economic ones (Foley & Hoge, 2007). This was also found in our data, as unofficial
mosques, community centres, and cultural associations provided possibilities to socialise but also
education, both directed at integration into the host society and at home culture and language
maintenance. Such organisations face difficulties, many of which are related to their semi-legal
status and the marginalised status of their members. Lack of finances limits accessibility and the
provision of religious services, and hostility from the police and Greek citizens make it necessary to
'lie low' and not attract unwanted attention. However, given these adversarial circumstances and
also internal ethnic and religious divisions, Muslim organisations are far from passive: they build
(trans)national networks with other organisations and government officials, and also try to be
present in the (international) media and assert their religious rights in the public sphere. Whether the
situation can be improved by increased visibility (as one respondent said: “we should be more
organised. We go on strike for everything, but we do not strike for a mosque.”) or whether this will
be ineffective as long as more systemic changes do not take place, remains to be seen.
Finally, this study is based on fieldwork carried out over a very limited time period, as is
therefore of necessity very selective. Further research should look more broadly at multiple aspects
of religion among immigrants. A focus on religious organisation generally excludes migrants for
whom religion is not particularly important or who for other reasons do not take part in
organisations. Moreover, the characteristics of the researcher (in this case female with no command
of the Greek language) influence the respondents and information that can be accessed. A more
long-term project that also includes Greek speakers and speakers of migrant languages is needed to
get a more complete picture of the diversity in migrants' religious organisations and the religious
practices of both community leaders and ordinary migrants.
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9. Appendix: informal mosques in Athens
1. Entrance of Al Salam mosque at Galaxia street.
2. Children's education inside informal mosque.
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10. Bibliography
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Cadge, W. and Ecklund, E.H. (2007). Immigration and religion. Annual Review of Sociology, 33,
359-379.
Evergeti, V., Hatziprokopiou, P. and Prevelakis, N. (forthcoming). Islam in Greece. In: J. Cesari
(ed.) Handbook of European Islam. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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Foley, M.W. and Hoge, D.R. (2007). Religion and the new immigrants: How faith communities
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