1. The Perpetuation of
Sexism in New Zealand
Culture
MGMT 734 Assignment One
Semester 2, 2008
Jess Maher
3328773

2. Sem 2
[THE PERPETUATION OF SEXISM IN NEW ZEALAND CULTURE] 2008
The Perpetuation of Sexism in New Zealand Culture
Jess Maher | 3328773
Sexism can be defined in numerous ways, traditionally it ‘was defined as merely as
discrimination against women’ (Reid & Clayton, 1992, p251), Lorde (1980, as cited in Andersen &
Collins, 2007) further described sexism as ‘the belief in the inherent superiority of one sex over
the other & thereby the right to dominance’(p53). Yet despite apparent awareness of this and
over thirty-five years of legislation (Houkamau, 2008a), ‘men still dominate organisations in
almost every sense; in terms of jobs, status, reward opportunities; and men and women remain
segregated into different types of work’ (Halford & Leonard, 2001, p2). For centuries, women
have been placed in an underclass position, made to feel subservient to males’ (Chater & Gaster,
1995, p1), this such behaviour or attitude towards women ‘based on traditional stereotypes of
sexual roles’ (Reid & Clayton, 1992, p252) is the critical concern of sexist discrimination.
New Zealand (NZ) has a ‘hard won reputation for gender progress’ (Harward, 2008, p2),
despite our comparatively high percentage of female parliamentarians; 33% compared to the
world average of 17.2% (Harward, 2008), recent evidence supports that ‘occupational
segregation by sex remains persistent’ (Gwartney-Gibbs, 1988, p264). The NZ labour force still
demonstrates strong evidence of such segregation, in 2006 men equated for 75% of NZ’s high
income earners (over $70,000 p/a), while 63% of women had a personal income between $1 and
$5,000 p/a (Statistics New Zealand, 2006, p5). NZ women occupy lower levels of organisations
(Fawcett & Pringle, 2000, p253) and in 2006 on average got paid 14% less than NZ men in full
time salaried positions (Houkamau, 2008b).
‘Sex discrimination usually makes up around seven percent of (Human Rights) complaints (in New Zealand)
and people complaining of sex discrimination are mostly women’ (Human Rights Commision, 2006, p13)
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Sexist discrimination can be found in two forms, direct and indirect (Houkamau, 2008a),
Figure 1.0 demonstrates how there are different types of discrimination and varying levels within
these. Direct discrimination is discrimination that overtly favours one party over another and is
less common to come across in today’s business environment as legislation has attempted to
erratic this (Houkamau, 2008a, p13). The Human Rights Commission reported in 2006 that ‘overt
sex discrimination against women is increasingly “underground”- complaints are mostly about
indirect discrimination’ (p13) which can be illustrated in a number of ways in the NZ labour
market. Most sex discrimination complaints made to the Human Rights Commission (2006) are
made about employment and preemployment issues such as pregnancy, breast feeding and
childcare within the workforce (p13). Women as the nurturers in society are still expected to
compromise their careers in order to look after their family (Ministry of Women's Affairs, 2007),
there is still a perception that this is of lesser value to society which is support in the poor nature
of the current paid parental leave scheme in place in NZ’s legislation (Families Commission,
2007a). ‘Persistent occupational segregation by sex is widely recognised as one of the most
important factors contributing to the women’s Figure 1.0 | Levels & Types of Discrimination
secondary status in the workplace’ (Acker, 1990,
p140) and recent data shows ‘unequivocally that
gender equality is still far from realises in NZ’
(Harward, 2008, p1).
Developed with reference to Houkamau, C. (2008) Recognising power, inclusion
The three different levels at which & exclusion; Racism & Sexism in organisations. [PowerPoint slides], Retrieved
August 1, 2008, from The University of Auckland University CECIL, MGMT 734
discrimination can occur within the areas of direct or Diversity in Orgs
indirect discrimination also highlighted in Figure 1.0; Individual, Organisation and Social
Structure. The model shows the individual at the centre of the figure as it experiences and
influences the other two layers; Organisations and Social Structure, which influence, affect and
draw reference from each other and the Individual level in a ripple effect of sorts. The broadest
level of this model is the social structure which is defined as ‘the broad social values and ideas
which shape society’ (Houkamau, 2008a, p15). At the individual level diversity is understood as
the influence that the differing perspectives and cultures of each gender has on interpersonal
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exchanges (Houkamau, 2008a, p16). The area between these two forces, the organisation level ,
describes the ‘nature of the workplace and paid work’ (Houkamau, 2008a, p15), and for the
purposes of discussing sexism in NZ, this area represents the NZ labour marketplace. This model
of the levels of discrimination has been expanded and explored in order to attempt to
understand the existence and perpetuation of sexist discrimination, within the NZ labour market.
Figure 2.1 demonstrates the multiple considerations with the individual level of
discrimination; socio-biological, socialisation, identity theories
and cognitive categorisation. Socio-biological considerations
(2.1,1) help to explain the different types of work both men
and women are predisposed for different kinds of work as
they are physiologically different (Houkamau, 2008a, p15).
Evidence of ‘men and women choosing certain kinds of work
because they naturally desire particular roles’ (Houkamau,
2008a, p17) is demonstrated in the differences between the
top ten jobs for men and women recorded in NZ’s 2001 Developed with reference to Houkamau, C. (2008).
Recognising power, inclusion & exclusion; Racism & Sexism
in organisations. [PowerPoint slides]. Retrieved June 24,
census; men occupied managerial, technical and trade type 2008, from The University of Auckland University CECIL,
MGMT 317'734 Diversity in Organisations
roles whilst women took on social, communicable, relational
and nurturing roles (Houkamau, 2008a, p5). The independent consideration of socio-biological
factors of difference between the sexes ignores the affect of socialisation, which is debatably of
even more influence on these perceptions and understandings of gender than physiological
differences alone (Powell, Butterfield, & Parent, 2006).
Within this context, socialisation (represented in Figure 2.1,2) refers to the gender roles
in which we are socialised and operate without conscious awareness of them (Houkamau, 2008a,
p18). In order for systems or structures to continue ‘ordinary people internalise the rules’
(Chater & Gaster, 1995, p3) which is an unconscious process taken by following gender role
models and ideologies projected (Frable, 1997; Houkamau, 2008b). This is a simular concept and
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process as experienced through social identity theory (Figure 2.1, 3) in which we ‘adopt
expectations about masculinity and femininity and expect members of other social groups to be
“like” their group’ (Houkamau, 2008a, p19). The perception of gender roles and socialisation
demonstrate rigid models and expectations within society, creating social stigma experiences by
anyone attempting to stray from expected identity models (Frable, 1997; Powell, et al., 2006;
Pringle, 2008). The tendency for segregation by gender of work and social roles is partly created
through organisational practises (Acker, 1990), the inequalities of which are demonstrated at an
organisation level (demonstrated in Figure 2.2).
Discrimination is experienced in the difference in the nature of paid and unpaid work, as
experienced in terms of broad gender roles which assist to shape organisations (Houkamau,
2008a, p38). Human Capital Theory (Figure 2.2, 1) refers to the inequality present within the
preference or tendency of organisations to invest more into the skill formation for men over
women within the labour market (Houkamau, 2008a, p23). If all factors were equal between the
genders, the more years people work, the more opportunity presented for skill formation, yet
women do not have equal control over work experiences relative to men as they commonly have
to miss sometime from the workforce and their careers as they physically give birth to children
(Cohn, 1985; Houkamau, 2008a; Marshall, 1984). Further
evidence of the effect of the discrimination within the
organisation level is demonstrated in the consideration of the
‘glass ceiling’ within the NZ workforce; an invisible barrier
that influences the level to which women are able to rise in
an organisation (Callister, 2004; Houkamau, 2008b).
The culture of organisations (Figure 2.2, 2) makes
Developed with reference to Houkamau, C. (2008). Recognising
power, inclusion & exclusion; Racism & Sexism in organisations.
[PowerPoint slides]. Retrieved June 24, 2008, from The reference to the nature of current organisations benefiting
University of Auckland University CECIL, MGMT 317'734
Diversity in Organisations me over women (Houkamau, 2008a, p20). Since men have
held the majority of power historically in organisations, ‘they take their behaviour and
perspective to represent the human, theorising that organisational structures and processes as
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gender neutral’ (Acker, 1990, p.142). However the nature of the patriarchal system and
masculine culture or organisations has shaped the way we perceive work and the workplace
(Acker, 1990). The social structure layer of sexist discrimination contains the broader values
which feed into sexist activity in the workforce. Figure 2.3 demonstrates the aspects which make
up the organisation level of discrimination; resource distribution and ideology, power is
structural and occupational spheres. This level has strong influence and effect on the
organisational level (featured as Figure 2.2, as well as the Individual level, further explored
below). Resource Distribution and Ideology (Figure 2.3,1) draws reference to the hierarchy in and
given society and its effect on the stratified nature of resource distribution (Houkamau, 2008a,
p22).
There has been strong evidence to suggest that was are still operating in a society based
on patriarchal beliefs (Acker, 1990; Cohn, 1985; Fawcett & Pringle, 2000; Gwartney-Gibbs, 1988;
Marshall, 1995; Powell, et al., 2006) and whilst some feminist research suggests that this should
be ignored the ‘attempt (of feminists seeking invisibility) to play down the gender difference may
bring to the fore the way gender is inherent in enterprise’ (Lewis, 2006, p467). Reference is also
made to the influence of the patriarchal mindset of society when considering that Power is
structural (Figure 2.3, 3). This is wide amounts of literature from the feminist movement which
explores how the dominant groups in society hold power as they design social institutions
according to their own preferences (Acker, 1990,p.142). This also clearly relates to the gendered
nature of organisations experienced within the organisation level of sexist discrimination, as
does the paradigm presented within the Work/Home divide
(Figure 2.3, 3).
Historically the ‘domestic sphere has been the key
source of (women’s) identity, meaningful activity and
satisfaction’ (Pringle & Dixon, 2003, p292), however these
‘traditionally female tasks have long been taken for granted
Developed with reference to Houkamau, C. (2008). Recognising and undervalued’ (Chater & Gaster, 1995, p. 2). Occupational
power, inclusion & exclusion; Racism & Sexism in organisations.
[PowerPoint slides]. Retrieved June 24, 2008, from The
University of Auckland University CECIL, MGMT 317'734
spheres draws reference to this divide between the domestic
Diversity in Organisations
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sphere (‘home’ or unpaid work) and the occupational sphere (work) demonstrated within NZ’s
society (EEO Trust, 2007; Pringle & Dixon, 2003; Sauers, Kennedy, & O'Sullivan, 2002). NZ was
one of the last Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Countries to
implement paid parental leave and the current scheme in operation is one of the least generous
in terms of level and duration and one of the most restrictive in terms of criteria for access and
flexibility of use (Families Commission, 2007b). The perceived difference between the value of
paid and unpaid work is further illustrated by an ‘income and status inequity between men and
women (which) is partly created in organisational processes’ (Acker, 1990, p140). As it is clear
than each of these levels interacts, influences and draws reference to the others, to explore
them in isolation has the potential to misconstrue the perpetuating nature of the interactions
between these
levels.
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Figure 3.0
has been
developed to
demonstrate the
interplay and
perpetuating
nature of the
varying levels of
sexist
discrimination
within the NZ
labour market and
wider society (see
Simplified model developed from Appendix A with reference to Houkamau, C. (2008). Recognising power, inclusion &
Appendix A for a
exclusion; Racism & Sexism in organisations. [PowerPoint slides]. Retrieved June 24, 2008, from The University of
Auckland University CECIL, MGMT 317'734 Diversity in Organisations
considered
application of this model in more detail). The factors considered within the individual level of
discrimination provide a basis of understanding as to the initial development historically of social
constructs within NZ. NZ women have been living in a patriarchal society since the countries
settlement (Chater & Gaster, 1995; Eichler, 1989; Sauers, et al., 2002) and the effect of the
society within which one lives can be of direct influence on the basis for reference in terms of
socialisation, identity theories and cognitive categorisation. Within such a patriarchal structure
where ‘women have been made to feel inferior and subservient to males, the status of unpaid
work has long been undervalued’ (Chater & Gaster, 1995, p1). ‘The total value of unpaid work
(home) in NZ in 1999 was $40 billion, which is equivalent to 39% of NZ’s gross domestic
product(GDB) , females accounted for 64% of the work completed which is equivalent to $25
billion’ (Statistics New Zealand, 2001).
The patriarchal nature of NZ’s economic and social structure is influences every level of
the model and its effects are reverberated throughout (Fawcett & Pringle, 2000; Harward, 2008).
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The underlying influence of the patriarchal structure is clear in the models and identities
experienced by individuals, NZ organisations and their cultures and also the broader social
structure (Debono, 2001; Frable, 1997; Houkamau, 2008b; Sauers, et al., 2002), demonstrating
the influence and impact one layer can be have on the others. The biological and gender cultural
difference within the individual level of discrimination; specially the fact that women physically
give birth to children and are viewed as the nurturers of society, enforces the perception and
expectation of women as less dedicated to organisations (Fawcett & Pringle, 2000; Gwartney-
Gibbs, 1988; Marshall, 1984; Pringle & Dixon, 2003). The role of gender differences in personal
relationships between the sexes seems to be of less importance. Whilst there are endless
amounts of literature to deal with discrimination of organisations when considering ethnicity or
race, there is very little reference to managing the differences experienced in gender (Lewis,
2006). Explanation for the lack of literary attention paid to the cultural differences between
genders which occasionally occur, is partially due to the fact that the majority of individual
compromises between the genders (for example mothers and father sorting child’s a carpool) is
relatively free of such sexist discrimination. Fathers in NZ have long expressed a desire to be
more involved in family life, over half of NZ fathers repost to be likely to paid paternity leave as a
legislative requirement as an independent paid parental leave entitlement (Families Commission,
2007a).
Society’s undervaluation of women’s ability to influence business can also be
demonstrated by the perceived lower value and status of roles which are typically or traditionally
female. Not only is there a strong stigma for men to operate the expectations of their gender
group, but within the understanding of socialisation and social identity theory; when ‘individuals
act outside of our expectations of their likeness to their own group, it is perceived negatively’
(Houkamau, 2008a, p43). When women attempt to portray the attributes of power and success
demonstrated by the male culture, they are perceived negatively and find it more difficult to be
taken seriously than their male counterparts (Acker, 1990; Houkamau, 2008b; Powell, et al.,
2006). Glaser and Smalley (1995) describe the labour market as an ocean; they explore the
differences between the “sharks” whom are ‘rigid and hard nosed, preferring to act alone (men
in the NZ labour force) and “dolphins” whom are ‘firm but fair, excellent communicators,
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extremely initiative and thrive in teams organised around networks’ (women in labour force)
(pg.9). This metaphor is used to explain how women in business can gain more from utilising
their abilities as a dolphin rather than attempting to act as a shark, in a manner which has
potentially more opportunity and increased competitiveness in today’s rapidly changing business
environment.
When understanding gender as a culture unto itself, women have long held the perceived
role in society as the “nurturers” (Ministry of Women's Affairs, 2007; Pringle & Dixon, 2003). This
perception continues to feed the expectation of women to compromise their careers for children
whilst men can continue to work without any pressure to leave the workforce (Ministry of
Women's Affairs, 2007), in 2006, 90% of those in the role of caretakers were women (Statistics
New Zealand, 2006). The model set by these women in current NZ society continues to
encourage the perception that the possibility for interference between home and work
commitments means that women are perceived to be less dedicated to their jobs than their male
counterparts. This perception leads to the evidence of considerably less women holding high
level positions within NZ organisations than NZ men. The evidence of such social perceptions
within a patriarchal system such as that of NZ’s labour market, is demonstrated but the gender
culture of organisations and the association by society and individuals of powerful and successful
personal attributes being assimilated which masculinity (Jones, Pringle, & Shepherd, 2000;
Marshall, 1984) . Even consideration of wages of two roles shared between the different sexes
demonstrates the inequality experiences by women in the workforce, whom got paid on average
14% less than men in comparative fulltime positions (Statistics New Zealand, 2006). The
influence of this is that the broader social values continue to perpetuate and powerful traits
within the labour market continue to be assimilated towards men (Callister, 2005; Frable, 1997;
Powell, et al., 2006). Women on average still complete the majority of unpaid work in NZ, even
when maintaining paid work also (Statistics New Zealand, 2001) demonstrating a clear inequality
between men and women in the domestic sphere (Callister, 2005; Eichler, 1989; Houkamau,
2008b).
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“The discrimination-and-fairness paradigm is based on the recognition that discrimination is wrong, it
idealises assimilation” (Thomas & Ely, p125)
For over thirty five years NZ has attempted to take legislative steps to eradicate
‘behaviour or attitudes based on traditional stereotypes of sexual roles (Harward, 2008, p3) using
an accommodation approach to diversity. Equality between the sexes will not be achieved using
either an assimilation or accommodation model of managing diversity as both incorporate an
understanding of diversity as a negative influence and ultimately perpetuate the ideology that
one sex is inherently ‘subordinate’ or ‘inferior’ (Chater & Gaster, 1995; Eichler, 1989) to the
other. Whilst ‘even as children gender differences are obvious: girls tend to be collaboration-
oriented; while boys tend to be competition-oriented’ (Glaser, 2008, pg2), this is ‘not a right or
wrong situation’ (Morris, 2008, p3). The difference between the sexes are ‘complimentary’
(Chater & Gaster, 1995, p6), the appropriate approach requires individuals, organisations and
society to ‘value the differences’ (Chater & Gaster, 1995, p7). The key to achieving equality is
found in ‘leveraging the differences so men and women work together in a more collaborative
way’ (Morris, 2008, p3).
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Appendix A | Perpetuated considerations between levels
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References
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