The document discusses why Marxism was adopted by the German labor movement while British labor did not. It explains that decades of liberal and radical uprisings in Germany in response to oppression, censorship, and limited freedoms under absolutist rule created tensions that the Marxist ideology emerged to address. Specifically, the anti-socialist laws of 1878 that outlawed socialism in Germany for 12 years paradoxically strengthened the Marxist movement by driving it underground and fostering solidarity among socialists.

1. Whydid the Germanlabourmovement adopt a Marxistprogramwhile the British one didnot?
To understandthe reasonsforthe emergence of the MarxistideologyinGermany,one mustfirst
understandthe decadesleadinguptothe heightof the socialist movementinGermany.The
beginningsof the movementemergedasaresultof a destabilisingEurope.Poorharvests,decreasing
industrial productionandthe Britishfinancial crashof 1826 helpedtoreignite the fervourof political
tensionsinEurope.1
The revolutionof the 1830’s, liberals begantopressure the Habsurgmonarch.
Most notablywasa growingdiscontentwiththe states’influence oncivil society.2
The harsh
censorshiplawsimposedbythe police andmonarchswouldlimittrue radical actionuntil the
followingdecade,althoughconcessionswere made.3
Germanliberalswouldgoonto use the War
scare of Frenchinvasiontofurtherthe concessionsof the monarchs. Liberalswere abletogainmore
power,usingthe crisistogarner supportof citizens’militiaandlegal reformsinthe Germanstate of
Baden.4
Liberalsaswell were able topushforreformthat allowedareview of foreignpolicy
spendingin Württemberg.Meanwhile,inPrussia,KingFrederickWilliamIV’sdesire toraise loansto
bolsterrail networkswaslimitedby‘Hardenberg’sState DebtLaw’whichrequiredthe supportof
the realms,allowingliberalstopushfora constitutional government.5
Bythe 1840’s, Liberalshad
made stridestowardssecuringconstitutionalGovernments,withthe revolutionsof 1848 marking
the beginningof true socialistdevelopmentsastensionsbetweenliberalsandradicalsgrew.
The Revolutionsof the 1830s didnotsupressthe discontentof mostEuropeans,butratherdelayed
the inevitable.The revolutionaryyearsof 1848-49, whichwere asmuch a revolutionbythe radicals
as that by liberalsultimatelysawthe liberalsemerge inpower.6
The FrankfurtParliamentwhichwas
institutedtodrafta constitutionforGermanyultimatelyfailed,asconstitutional monarchsfailed
create a constitutionalmonarchyunder the PrussianKing,whichhe called“the crownfromthe
gutter”. The vorparlamentorpre parliamentresponsibleforpreparingelectionstothe national
assemblydecidedthatsuffrage wouldonlybe giventotaxpayers orlandholders.The liberalscame
to representagrowingmiddle classwhichKarl Marx describedinhisCommunistManifestoas“the
epochof the bourgeoisie.”7
Thisriftthatgrew,as radicalsfaceddual oppositionof conservativesand
liberalsalikewouldwhatwouldforce the workersof Germanytopursue a Marxistapproach.
Like mostof Europe,Germanyoverthe course of the mid-19th
intothe 20th
wouldsee radical
industrialisationandsubsequentlabourmovements.Whilstinsome wayoranother,socialistsideas
were explored,Germanywouldbecome anearlyexperimentinsocial democracy andlaterMarxism
as a resultof both the revolutionsof the decadesbefore,butalsoasa resultof laterconservative
policiesbyBismarck. Tosay Marxismwasthe onlybranchof socialismtoemerge fromthe labour
movementwouldbe tofail toacknowledgethe furtherunderlyingconditionsof the rise of Marxism.
Whilstmanyclubsand guildshadplayedanimportantrole inearlysocialistideas inGermany, the
AllgemeinerdeutscherArbeiterverein(ADAV) foundedbyFerdinandLassalle wouldgoonto
compete withthe SDAPforinfluence inthe parliaments.8
Ultimately,Lassalle’svisionforthe German
1 Michael Rapport, Nineteenth Century Europe, (Hampshire: Macmillan,2005),p. 109.
2 Rapport, Nineteenth Century Europe, p. 127.
3 Ibid.,p. 128.
4 Ibid.,p. 129.
5 Ibid.,p. 129.
6 Gary Steenson, “Not one man Not one Penny!” German Social Democracy, 1863-1914,(Pittsburgh:University
of Pittsburgh Press,1981), p. 3.
7 Michael Rapport, Nineteenth Century Europe, (Hampshire: Macmillan,2005),p. 117.
8 Gilles Dauvéand Denis Authier, " Origins of the German Workers Movement" in The Communist Left in
Germany 1918-1921 (France:World Almanac Education Group, 1973),accessed May 8, 2015,
https://www.marxists.org/subject/germany-1918-23/dauve-authier/ch02.htm#h2

2. workersmovementsoughttoachieve workers’rightswithinthe bounds of the capitalistsystemand
underPrussianhegemony.9
Lassallismwouldcontinue tobe the dominantideologyforthe socialist
movementuntil afterthe abolitionof antisocialistpoliciesinthe 1890s.
The socialistmovementwouldundergoaseriesof transformationsleadinguptoGermanunification.
The ADAV underthe influence of LassallismandState Socialismwouldmergewiththe SDAPat
Gotha in1875.10
The SDAPfoundedby AugustBebel Karl Liebknechtwasa response towardsthe
path beingtakenbythe ADAV towardsstate unityunderPrussianhegemony.11
The partythatwould
emerge fromthis wouldcome tobe knownas the SADPand laterthe SPD.12
At the unitycongress,
the ADAV ultimatelyhadavoteradvantage andthe mergerwouldbe consideredavictoryforthe
ADAV andfor Lassallism.13
WhilstMarx andEngelsconsideredthisablow tointernationalsocialism,
Bebel wasconvincedthatgiventime,the influence of Lassallismwoulddiminish.Hisprediction
wouldcome true duringthe ‘outlawperiod’whereMarxismwouldcome tobe the leadingideology
inGermany’slargestlabourparty.
AfterGermanunification,Bismarckcame tosee socialistmovement’senemiesof the state,
ultimatelyoutlawingsocialisminGermanyfrom1878 until the prohibitionwasliftedin1890. 14
UnfortunatelyforBismarck,the law‘ratherthanrestrictingthe growthof socialism’ ultimatelyledto
a sense of ‘camaraderie’amongstthe socialists.15
Duringthe outlaw period,Marxismbecomethe
leadingideologythe SADP.16
Thismove wouldbe helpedby‘twoof the mostskilledtheoreticians’in
the party, EduardBernstein andKarl Kautsky,whowouldfindinspirationinthe wordof Engels’ Anit-
Duhring17
Duringthisperiod,State Socialism wasnolongerfeasibleinthe eyesof many moderates,
withthe leadersof oldLassalleanmovement fadingintoobscurity.18
The radical Marxistmovement
that sweptthroughthe SADP duringthese yearswas,at the core,a reactiontothe anti-socialistlaw
itself,andthe 12 yearsof oppressiongeneratedbyit.19
Rudolf Hilferdingwouldgoonto describe
thisformof reactionaryMarxismas “Bismarxism”,inreference toBismarck’s“bloodandIron
politics”whichBismarckemphasisedinhisearlyspeeches.20
Thiswouldbe officiallyculminatedin
the ‘Erfurt Program’of 1891 whenthe partyofficiallyadoptedMarxism21
. Althoughthe movement
itself wouldnothave survivedwere itnotfora greatsocialistculture thatwashedoverGermanyin
the yearsleadingup to the anti-socialistlaws,butmore importantlyduring.The collectionof clubs
and societieshelpedtokeepthe socialistfire alive,whichwillbe exploredinthe nextparagraph.
9 Steenson, German Social Democracy, (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburgh Press,1981),p. 10.
10 Ibid.,p. 31.
11 Dauvé and Authier, " Origins of the German Workers Movement" in The Communist Left in Germany 1918-
1921 (France: World Almanac Education Group, 1973), https://www.marxists.org/subject/germany-1918-
23/dauve-authier/ch02.htm#h2
12 Steenson, German Social Democracy, (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburgh Press,1981),p. 31.
13 Ibid.,p.31.
14 Rapport, Nineteenth Century Europe, p. 285.
15 Steenson, German Social Democracy, (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburgh Press,1981),p. xiv.
16 Ibid.,p. 38.
17 Ibid.,p. 38.
18 Ibid.,p. 34.
19 Ibid.,p. 38.
20 Guenther Roth, The Social Democrats in Imperial Germany: A Study in Working-Class Isolation and National
Integration, (New Jersey, The Bedminster Press,1963), p. 169.
21 Roth, The Social Democrats in Imperial Germany, (New Jersey, The Bedminster Press,1963),p. 168.

3. Duringthe years of anti-socialistlegislation,Socialistmovementshad tomove underground. Taverns
were one suchplace where the movementcouldcontinue.22
Formany,the twobecame intrinsically
linked. Beyondthisthough,andmore widely,the seriesof voluntaryorganisationsthatspread
throughoutGermanythatheldaffiliationswiththe socialistmovementandfree trade unionswould
be essential inorganisingthe people aswell asameansof networkingduringthe anti-socialist
period.23
Educational clubswere the earliestmeansforsocialistcommunitytodevelop,and
emerged duringthe 1840’s. Such groupsincludedthe Arbeiterbildungsvereine orthe
Handwerkerbildungsvereine grewrapidlytowardsthe endof the decade,withnumbersreaching
intowithinthe realmof 600-700 workers.24
One of the fastestgrowingorganisedpasstimesbecame
singing,asspecialisedlabourmovementassociationsdevelopedwithinthe confinesof the ADAV and
othermovements.25
By1873 it’sbelievedthatthere were over26Lassalleansingingsocieties,with
membersreachingintothe hundreds.26
Butbeyond generatingasense of fellowshipamongworkers
and socialists,thesegroupshadgreatpractical implications.Throughthe use of songs,jingles
slogansetc,the socialistideologycouldbe simplifiedforamuch wideraudience.27
The anti-socialist
legislationforcedmanyof these political groupstodissolve,forcinganadjustmentintactics.These
groupswouldcontinue tolive onincamouflage organisation(Tarnvereine),adoptingnon-political
statutesandadoptinglessconspicuous names.The socialistmovementwouldgoontoadopt a sub-
culture of its own.Forexample,‘the goalsof the labourmovementwere oftenexpressedingeneral,
abstract and loftylanguage’. 28
‘Pastoral imagesenhancedthe beautyandhighidealism’of the class
struggle andoppression,withapurpose asdescribedbyJosephZapf,tobreakthe ‘capitalistyoke’.29
Groups wouldalsoflourishunderawhole range of activities,fromsportstopoetry,butsongbecame
a keypart of the cultural milieuof the workers,whichplayedavital role inactivelyengaging,
networkingandpromotingthe socialistcause.
If that great rise of Marxism inGermanycame aboutas a reactionto widespreadoppressionof the
unitedworkers,thenthe failure of anyradical socialismtakingovercanbe attributedtothe abilityof
those inpowerto avoidthe dual ‘trapsof Republicanismauthoritarianism’.30
Unionism, the most
prominentexpressionthe labourmovementinthe 19th
centurywas ultimatelyhamperedbya
divisionbetweenunskilledworkersandartisans,asthe industrial revolutionthreatenedskilled
labour.31
For instance,the earlyminers’ unions barredoncostworkers,soastoprotect theirown
interests.Earlyunionswere abletoholdontothispowerdue tothe economicboomof the early
1830’s, withrapid expansionof miningandtextilesallowingemployedartisanstomaintainthe
union,soas to satisfythisdemand.32
SirArchibaldwoulddescribethisearlyuse of unionismasa
‘systemof aristocracyof skilledlaboragainstthe massof unskilledlabour’.33
The Labor movementthoughfailedtogainthe same momentumfoundinGermany.Relative
economicprosperityandadivisioninthe workingclasspreventedsocialismfromgaininganyreal
22 Vernon Lidtke, The Alternative Culture: Socialist Labor in Imperial Germany, (New York, Oxford University
Press,1985),p. 21.
23 Lidtke, The Alternative Culture, (New York, Oxford University Press,1985),p. 22.
24 Steenson, German Social Democracy, (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburgh Press,1981),p. 4.
25 Lidtke, The Alternative Culture, (New York, Oxford University Press,1985),p. 26.
26 Ibid.,p. 27.
27 Ibid.,p. 27.
28 Ibid.,p. 120.
29 Ibid.,p. 120.
30 Rapport, Nineteenth Century Europe, p. 164.
31 Kenneth Brown, The English Labor Movement: 1700-1951,(Dublin,Gill and Macmillan,1982),p.49.
32 Ibid.,p. 46
33 Ibid.,p. 50

4. traction.Like earlyGermansocialism,Englandexperimentedwithforms of State Socialism,most
notably Chartism,which arose aswhatwas consideredadisappointmentbythe 1832 ReformAct to
grant properpolitical representation tothe unskilledworkingclass.34
Chartistswouldfindsupportin
growthindustries andareasof risingpopulation,aslabourintensityandincreasedunskilled
competitiongrewastechnologyfurtherpushedthe workingclassintodesperation.35
Chartism
wouldfail tograb widespreadsupportfora numberof reasons.Forone,the effectivenessof
Chartismand itsadvocacyfor workersrightswere dependentonthe severityof the classdivide.For
example,inLancashire waswidelyadopteddue tothe social inequalitythatexistedbetween
workersandemployersof the dominantcottonindustry.36
The LWMA,foundedin1836 became the
mostprominentleaderinthe movement,whichwasinthe wordsof WilliamLovettdesignedto,“to
draw intoone bondof unitythe intelligentandinfluentialportionof the workingclassesintownand
country.To seekbyeverylegal meanstoplace all classesof societyinpossessionof the equal
political andsocial rights”.37
The groupwouldultimatelytrytosubmitseveral petitionsto
Governmentencompassing6keyareasregardingequal politicalrepresentation.38
Radicalism
spurredby multiple rejectionsof the proposal wouldleadtoriotssuchas thatof the PlugPlotRiots
amongthe minersinStaffordshire.Thiswouldleadtoawidespreaddisillusionmentwiththe
movementandleadthe UtopianSocialistmovementintoirreparable disarray. 39
Karl Marx believedinthe ‘GermanIdeology’,the notionthatthe inabilityforthe labourmovement
to expressitself wouldultimatelyevolvethe movementintoaMarxistone.40
The inabilityfor
Chartismto gainpopularsupportdidnotspell the endforsocialism.Economicunreststartingin
1880 leadto ‘new’unionism,andthe growthof Marxistliterature generatedmore socialistunions.41
Socialismfacedimmediateproblemswithitsradicalisation,withthe Social DemocraticFederation,
foundedin1884 sponsoreddemonstrationsinLondonwhichescalatedintoviolence,tarnishingthe
reputationof workersocialism.42
Middle Classsocialistssuchasthe Fabianssoughtto permeate the
political scene bycreatinginindependentlabourparty.The IndependentLabourPartywas formed
by twoformerLiberalswhodesertedthe partyafteraparty rejectionof workingclasscandidates.43
The Trades UnionCongress,the national coordinatorof trade unionswouldgoonto supportthe ILP
afteranti-unionpressuregrewinthe 1890’s. The ILP’ssuccesswouldcome tosatisfythe radical
movement,andultimatelypreventingthe creationof anywidespreadMarxistmovement.
34 Ibid.,p. 91.
35 Ibid.,p. 98.
36 Ibid.,p. 102.
37 Ibid.,p. 91.
38 Ibid.,p. 91.
39 Ibid.,p. 122.
40 Dauvé and Authier, " Origins of the German Workers Movement" in The Communist Left in Germany 1918-
1921 (France: World Almanac Education Group, 1973), https://www.marxists.org/subject/germany-1918-
23/dauve-authier/ch02.htm#h2
41 Rapport, Nineteenth Century Europe, p. 280.
42 Ibid.,p. 280.
43 Ibid.,p. 281