Linking Social Change and Developmental Change:
Shifting Pathways of Human Development
Patricia M. Greenfield
University of California, Los Angeles
P. M. Greenfield’s new theory of social change and human development aims to show how changing
sociodemographic ecologies alter cultural values and learning environments and thereby shift
developmental pathways. Worldwide sociodemographic trends include movement from rural resi-
dence, informal education at home, subsistence economy, and low-technology environments to
urban residence, formal schooling, commerce, and high-technology environments. The former
ecology is summarized by the German term Gemeinschaft (“community”) and the latter by the
German term Gesellschaft (“society”; Tönnies, 1887/1957). A review of empirical research dem-
onstrates that, through adaptive processes, movement of any ecological variable in a Gesellschaft
direction shifts cultural values in an individualistic direction and developmental pathways toward
more independent social behavior and more abstract cognition—to give a few examples of the
myriad behaviors that respond to these sociodemographic changes. In contrast, the (much less
frequent) movement of any ecological variable in a Gemeinschaft direction is predicted to move
cultural values and developmental pathways in the opposite direction. In conclusion, sociocultural
environments are not static either in the developed or the developing world and therefore must be
treated dynamically in developmental research.
Keywords: social change, culture, cognitive development, social development, learning
The goal in this article is to develop a theory that links social
change with developmental change. It therefore deals simulta-
neously with two scales of development: change within a lifetime
and change across succeeding generations. In the field of devel-
opmental psychology, one normally thinks of developmental tra-
jectories as a constant across historical time. Indeed, a theoretical
problem is that theory and research in cultural psychology, includ-
ing cultural developmental psychology, assume that cultures are
static rather than dynamic. This article, in contrast, presents a
theory that, paradoxically, sees change in developmental trajec-
tories as the constant. A major goal of the theory of social
change and human development is to explain how, as sociode-
mographic conditions change, cultural values and developmen-
tal patterns are transformed across generations. Because socio-
demographic conditions are changing throughout the world—in
the direction of greater urbanization, higher levels of formal
schooling, increasing commercialization, and ever higher levels
of technology—the influence of social change on developmen-
tal patterns is an important domain in which theory is needed to
guide empirical research and to understand children and youths
in the United States and around the world.
A major strength of the theory of social change and human
development is.
Currently, in the Department of Educational Policy Studies, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, US, Fazal Rizvi has worked in a number of countries, including several senior university research and administrative posts in Australia.
Diversity, it has been widely noted, cannot be read against a universal set of criteria, and that the moral claims surrounding diversity are contextually specific. Traditionally these claims have been nationally defined. In this paper, I will argue that this approach to thinking about diversity is no longer sufficient, and that while the national context still remains pertinent, in the era of globalization, it has become transformed by the emerging processes of transnationalism. Using a number of narratives, I will suggest that the multiple ways in which people now experience, interpret, negotiate and work with diversity are affected by factors that are deeply shaped by the emerging patterns of global mobility and interconnectivity. This recognition has major implications for educational research, requiring new conceptual resources that enable us to ‘read’ diversity as a product of complex interactions between national articulations and their re-constitution by transnational processes.
More details: http://www.eera-ecer.eu/ecer/ecer2010/keynote-speakers/fazal-rizvi/
The recording of the keynote is here:
http://www.eera-ecer.eu/ecer/ecer2010/channel-2/
Individual’s Leadership Style Changes Due to Different Culture in the UKYogeshIJTSRD
This paper investigates the effects of cultural dimensions on individuals’ leadership styles. The study focused on two main themes Culture and Leadership. Two main dimensions considered Power Distance and Individualism to show their effects on individuals’ two main leadership behaviour Democratic and Autocratic leadership styles. Considering a phenomenological approach, the responses of participants were obtained from their replies to an open ended questionnaire. Data were analysed with Hofstede’s 6D Model. Individuals are from America, Lithuania, India, Italy, and Sri Lanka. They are currently working in the UK, performing as managerial roles, shared their cultural experiences and leadership styles. The study shows individuals from India and Sri Lanka have completely changed their leadership styles due to the surveillance of different culture in the UK. The individual from Italy slightly modified her leadership style while the other two participants from America and Lithuania remain unchanged as they have similar cultural dimensions. Dr. Mohammad RashedKhan "Individual’s Leadership Style Changes Due to Different Culture in the UK" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-3 , April 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd41114.pdf Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/management/hrm-and-retail-business/41114/individual’s-leadership-style-changes-due-to-different-culture-in-the-uk/dr-mohammad-rashedkhan
Currently, in the Department of Educational Policy Studies, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, US, Fazal Rizvi has worked in a number of countries, including several senior university research and administrative posts in Australia.
Diversity, it has been widely noted, cannot be read against a universal set of criteria, and that the moral claims surrounding diversity are contextually specific. Traditionally these claims have been nationally defined. In this paper, I will argue that this approach to thinking about diversity is no longer sufficient, and that while the national context still remains pertinent, in the era of globalization, it has become transformed by the emerging processes of transnationalism. Using a number of narratives, I will suggest that the multiple ways in which people now experience, interpret, negotiate and work with diversity are affected by factors that are deeply shaped by the emerging patterns of global mobility and interconnectivity. This recognition has major implications for educational research, requiring new conceptual resources that enable us to ‘read’ diversity as a product of complex interactions between national articulations and their re-constitution by transnational processes.
More details: http://www.eera-ecer.eu/ecer/ecer2010/keynote-speakers/fazal-rizvi/
The recording of the keynote is here:
http://www.eera-ecer.eu/ecer/ecer2010/channel-2/
Individual’s Leadership Style Changes Due to Different Culture in the UKYogeshIJTSRD
This paper investigates the effects of cultural dimensions on individuals’ leadership styles. The study focused on two main themes Culture and Leadership. Two main dimensions considered Power Distance and Individualism to show their effects on individuals’ two main leadership behaviour Democratic and Autocratic leadership styles. Considering a phenomenological approach, the responses of participants were obtained from their replies to an open ended questionnaire. Data were analysed with Hofstede’s 6D Model. Individuals are from America, Lithuania, India, Italy, and Sri Lanka. They are currently working in the UK, performing as managerial roles, shared their cultural experiences and leadership styles. The study shows individuals from India and Sri Lanka have completely changed their leadership styles due to the surveillance of different culture in the UK. The individual from Italy slightly modified her leadership style while the other two participants from America and Lithuania remain unchanged as they have similar cultural dimensions. Dr. Mohammad RashedKhan "Individual’s Leadership Style Changes Due to Different Culture in the UK" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-3 , April 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd41114.pdf Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/management/hrm-and-retail-business/41114/individual’s-leadership-style-changes-due-to-different-culture-in-the-uk/dr-mohammad-rashedkhan
Sujay Cultural Frame of Reference FINAL FINAL FINAL FINAL FINAL.pdfSujay Rao Mandavilli
This is an important part of our ‘globalization of science movement’ particularly for the social sciences
because it allows a multi-cultural and a multi-dimensional interpretation of issues, and also allows
solutions to various intractable and seemingly complex problems and issues birthed in various cultural
contexts. The ideas and concepts of “Cultural frame of reference” and “Cross-cultural frame of
reference” were already introduced by us in passing in our papers on the certainty uncertainty principle,
cross-cultural research design, structured apperception tests, extended identity theory, ethnography of
enculturation, and twenty-first century intellectualism, all of which were published in the year 2023.
This issue is not a trifle or a bagatelle, and not certainly a laughing matter. It therefore deserves to be
studied in all seriousness by social sciences researchers. It has several practical applications in fields such
as social and cultural change and betterment, religious reform, the design of contemporary education
systems, cross-cultural research design, behavioural studies, and even technological advancement and
betterment. These concepts must be brought into fruition through the use of various social science
research techniques such as ethnography, fieldwork, the participant observation method, interviews,
questionnaires, emic studies, and the like. This paper is therefore a logical culmination of all our earlier
efforts, and all the aforesaid papers besides our other papers have been linked together in a continuous
chain.
“Decolonization” of Fundamental Assumptions
Propelling Conception of Relationship Between
Mass Communication and Cultural Domination
Humphrey A. Regis
One critical turn in the history of paradigms that guide the study of the relationships between
(mass) communication and development involved the juxtaposition of an existing conception of
development that sprang from interpretations of history from the more powerful societies with
another conception that sprang from interpretations of history from the less powerful societies.
One critical turn in paradigms for the study of the relationships between (mass) communication
and cultural domination may involve the juxtaposition of the current conception of the cultural
domination that has sprung from interpretations of history from the more powerful societies
with a conception that springs from interpretations of history from the less powerful societies.
The “more-powerful-societies-centered” paradigm conceives of the domination as the outcome
of a process or condition that involves the role of (mass) communication in the importation into
the less powerful and/or exportation from the more powerful of the output of the culture of the
more powerful. The less-powerful-societies-centered paradigm conceives of the domination as
the outcome of the role of (mass) communication in the re-importation by the less powerful or
re-exportation by the more powerful of modifications the more powerful make in the output of
the culture of the less powerful. This second paradigm spawns a bountiful arena for the study of
the relationships between the (mass) communication and the domination – especially between
the (mass) communication and what some call the reggae music “revolution” of the late 1900s.
For the elaboration of each shift, the root is the definition of its core concepts, the elaboration of
the associated human conditions and/or processes, and the further elaboration of the role and
significance of (mass) communication as correlate of, transmitter of, and promoter of change in,
human systems. Thus this manuscript includes a conception of such critical ideas as culture and
cultural change, as well as the criteria for consideration in the characterization of the change. It
applies the conception of cultural change in the older conception of development and the older
conception of cultural domination, and states relationships between mass communication and
conditions and processes that spring from the conceptions. It applies the conception of cultural
change in the later conception of development and proposed conception of cultural domination,
and describes relationships between mass communication and processes that spring from the
conceptions. It applies its ideas in the study of the relationships between mass communication
and the “cultural change" that was the “reggae revolution” of the latter half of the last century,
and argues that between the old and the new co ...
Sociological Theories Essay
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Study on youth and the influence of fashion consumption in developing their identity and culture, seeking to understand the interrelationships between consumption and identity. This study is focus on fashion consumption (dress and grooming) because this issue is representative of contemporary consumption society, also in terms of intensity contain the dynamics of supply and demand, and also its potential to include symbolic elements on your purchase, use and subsequent experience. The study focuses on emergent young people of Lima, as the sector greater social , economic and demographic dynamism of the capital of Peru, in a context of economic growth internationally recognized. Specifically, we have segmented the universitary young people, because constitute a symbolic population of generational change and social mobility on this regional context of economical and social changes.
Democracy Essay. Democracy and Development - Free Essay Example PapersOwl.comKimberly Balentine
Democracy Essay.doc | Democracy | Forms Of Government | Free 30-day .... Essay on Election and Democracy | Election and Democracy Essay for .... Essay On Democracy in India | PDF. Democracy and Education - Free Essay Example | PapersOwl.com. Democracy essay in english for ba result. United States and Democracy Essay Example | Topics and Well Written .... Essay On Democracy | Muhammad Zia Ul Haq | Pakistan. Democracy Essay | Democracy | Initiative.
Ontology as a Hidden Driver of Politics: Commoning and Relational Approaches ...Zack Walsh
This report offers a synthesis of findings from 18 experts who, at a three-day workshop, discussed how shifting the ontological premises of political and economic thought toward process-relational ontology could transform society. The workshop, called “Onto-seeding Societal Transformation,” was co-hosted by the Commons Strategies Group and the Institute for Advanced Sustainability Studies, in Neudenau, Germany, between September 9-12, 2019. It consisted of three successive sessions focused on process-relational approaches to ontology, design patterns, and politics. A final, fourth session focused on the integration of ontology, patterns, and politics in concrete case studies. This report concludes with new questions and next steps for strategically advancing relational approaches to governance and the commons.
Major Benefits and Drivers of IoT.Background According to T.docxjesssueann
Major Benefits and Drivers of IoT.
Background: According to Turban (2015),The major objective of IoT systems is to improve productivity, quality, speed, and the quality of life. There are potentially several major benefits from IoT, especially when combined with Artificial Intelligence (AI).
Reference: Sharda, R., Delen, Dursun, and Turban, E. (2020). Analytics, Data Science, & Artificial Intelligence: Systems for Decision Support. 11th Edition. By PEARSON Education. Inc.
ISBN-13: 978-0-13-519201-6
Assignment/Research: Go to pages 694 to 695 of your recommended textbook and familiarize yourself with the contents therein. Go ahead and make a list of the major benefits and drivers of IoT, thereafter pick two from each list and discuss them briefly.
Your research paper should be at least three pages (800 words), double-spaced, have at least 4 APA references, and typed in an easy-to-read font in MS Word
.
Major Assessment 2 The Educated Person” For educators to be ef.docxjesssueann
Major Assessment 2: The “Educated Person” For educators to be effective in supporting diverse learners, they need to develop, possess, and continually refine their vision of the “educated person.” In other words, they need to have a vision of their goals and outcomes for educating students. Prepare a statement of your image of and beliefs and values about the educated person. Explain your beliefs about the role of the teacher in valuing and encouraging others to value the image of an educated person. Be certain to address the roles of cultural diversity in achieving a viable vision of the educated person. Begin by reading the key documents discussed in the chapters in this section. Reference at least five additional current professional references to illustrate your position. Organize your presentation by sections and use American Psychological Association (APA) style for citing references in the body of the text and for developing your reference list. Include the following sections in your paper:
1. Introduction
2. Vision of learning and the educated person (critical knowledge, skills, dispositions)
3. Role of the teacher in providing an effective instructional program and applying best practices to student learning
4. Critical issues in promoting the success of all students and responding to diverse community needs
5. Capacity to translate the image of the educated person into educational aims and organizational goals and processes
6. Conclusion
7. References
.
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Sujay Cultural Frame of Reference FINAL FINAL FINAL FINAL FINAL.pdfSujay Rao Mandavilli
This is an important part of our ‘globalization of science movement’ particularly for the social sciences
because it allows a multi-cultural and a multi-dimensional interpretation of issues, and also allows
solutions to various intractable and seemingly complex problems and issues birthed in various cultural
contexts. The ideas and concepts of “Cultural frame of reference” and “Cross-cultural frame of
reference” were already introduced by us in passing in our papers on the certainty uncertainty principle,
cross-cultural research design, structured apperception tests, extended identity theory, ethnography of
enculturation, and twenty-first century intellectualism, all of which were published in the year 2023.
This issue is not a trifle or a bagatelle, and not certainly a laughing matter. It therefore deserves to be
studied in all seriousness by social sciences researchers. It has several practical applications in fields such
as social and cultural change and betterment, religious reform, the design of contemporary education
systems, cross-cultural research design, behavioural studies, and even technological advancement and
betterment. These concepts must be brought into fruition through the use of various social science
research techniques such as ethnography, fieldwork, the participant observation method, interviews,
questionnaires, emic studies, and the like. This paper is therefore a logical culmination of all our earlier
efforts, and all the aforesaid papers besides our other papers have been linked together in a continuous
chain.
“Decolonization” of Fundamental Assumptions
Propelling Conception of Relationship Between
Mass Communication and Cultural Domination
Humphrey A. Regis
One critical turn in the history of paradigms that guide the study of the relationships between
(mass) communication and development involved the juxtaposition of an existing conception of
development that sprang from interpretations of history from the more powerful societies with
another conception that sprang from interpretations of history from the less powerful societies.
One critical turn in paradigms for the study of the relationships between (mass) communication
and cultural domination may involve the juxtaposition of the current conception of the cultural
domination that has sprung from interpretations of history from the more powerful societies
with a conception that springs from interpretations of history from the less powerful societies.
The “more-powerful-societies-centered” paradigm conceives of the domination as the outcome
of a process or condition that involves the role of (mass) communication in the importation into
the less powerful and/or exportation from the more powerful of the output of the culture of the
more powerful. The less-powerful-societies-centered paradigm conceives of the domination as
the outcome of the role of (mass) communication in the re-importation by the less powerful or
re-exportation by the more powerful of modifications the more powerful make in the output of
the culture of the less powerful. This second paradigm spawns a bountiful arena for the study of
the relationships between the (mass) communication and the domination – especially between
the (mass) communication and what some call the reggae music “revolution” of the late 1900s.
For the elaboration of each shift, the root is the definition of its core concepts, the elaboration of
the associated human conditions and/or processes, and the further elaboration of the role and
significance of (mass) communication as correlate of, transmitter of, and promoter of change in,
human systems. Thus this manuscript includes a conception of such critical ideas as culture and
cultural change, as well as the criteria for consideration in the characterization of the change. It
applies the conception of cultural change in the older conception of development and the older
conception of cultural domination, and states relationships between mass communication and
conditions and processes that spring from the conceptions. It applies the conception of cultural
change in the later conception of development and proposed conception of cultural domination,
and describes relationships between mass communication and processes that spring from the
conceptions. It applies its ideas in the study of the relationships between mass communication
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What is Sociology? Essays
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Study on youth and the influence of fashion consumption in developing their identity and culture, seeking to understand the interrelationships between consumption and identity. This study is focus on fashion consumption (dress and grooming) because this issue is representative of contemporary consumption society, also in terms of intensity contain the dynamics of supply and demand, and also its potential to include symbolic elements on your purchase, use and subsequent experience. The study focuses on emergent young people of Lima, as the sector greater social , economic and demographic dynamism of the capital of Peru, in a context of economic growth internationally recognized. Specifically, we have segmented the universitary young people, because constitute a symbolic population of generational change and social mobility on this regional context of economical and social changes.
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This report offers a synthesis of findings from 18 experts who, at a three-day workshop, discussed how shifting the ontological premises of political and economic thought toward process-relational ontology could transform society. The workshop, called “Onto-seeding Societal Transformation,” was co-hosted by the Commons Strategies Group and the Institute for Advanced Sustainability Studies, in Neudenau, Germany, between September 9-12, 2019. It consisted of three successive sessions focused on process-relational approaches to ontology, design patterns, and politics. A final, fourth session focused on the integration of ontology, patterns, and politics in concrete case studies. This report concludes with new questions and next steps for strategically advancing relational approaches to governance and the commons.
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Reference: Sharda, R., Delen, Dursun, and Turban, E. (2020). Analytics, Data Science, & Artificial Intelligence: Systems for Decision Support. 11th Edition. By PEARSON Education. Inc.
ISBN-13: 978-0-13-519201-6
Assignment/Research: Go to pages 694 to 695 of your recommended textbook and familiarize yourself with the contents therein. Go ahead and make a list of the major benefits and drivers of IoT, thereafter pick two from each list and discuss them briefly.
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1. Introduction
2. Vision of learning and the educated person (critical knowledge, skills, dispositions)
3. Role of the teacher in providing an effective instructional program and applying best practices to student learning
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Main content
15-2aHow Identity Theft Occurs
Perpetrators of identity theft follow a common pattern after they have stolen a victim’s identity. To help you understand this process, we have created the “identity theft cycle.” Although some fraudsters perpetrate their frauds in slightly different ways, most generally follow the stages in the cycle shown in Figure 15.1.
Stage 1. Discovery
1. Perpetrators gain information.
2. Perpetrators verify information.
Stage 2. Action
1. Perpetrators accumulate documentation.
2. Perpetrators conceive cover-up or concealment actions.
Stage 3. Trial
1. First dimensional actions—Small thefts to test the stolen information.
2. Second dimensional actions—Larger thefts, often involving personal interaction, without much chance of getting caught.
3. Third dimensional actions—Largest thefts committed after perpetrators have confidence that their schemes are working.
Figure 15.1The Identity Theft Cycle
Stage 1: Discovery
The discovery stage involves two phases: information gathering and information verification. This is the first step in the identity theft cycle because all other actions the perpetrator takes depend upon the accuracy and effectiveness of the discovery stage. A powerful discovery stage constitutes a solid foundation for the perpetrator to commit identity theft. The smarter the perpetrator, the better the discovery foundation will be.
During the gaining information phase, fraudsters do all they can to gather a victim’s information. Examples of discovery techniques include such information-gathering techniques as searching trash, searching someone’s home or computer, stealing mail, phishing, breaking into cars or homes, scanning credit card information, or using other means whereby a perpetrator gathers information about a victim.
During the information verification phase, a fraudster uses various means to verify the information already gathered. Examples include telephone scams, where perpetrators call the victim and act as a representative of a business to verify the information gathered (this is known as pretexting), and trash searches (when another means was used to gather the original information). Although some fraudsters may not initially go through the information verification process, they will eventually use information verification procedures at some point during the scam. The scams of perpetrators who don’t verify stolen information are usually shorter and easier to catch than scams of perpetrators who verify stolen information.
Step 2: Action
The action stage is the second phase of the identity theft cycle. It involves two activities: accumulating documentation and devising cover-up or concealment actions.
Accumulating documentation refers to the process perpetrators use to obtain needed tools to defraud the victim. For example, using the information already obtained, perpetrators may apply for a bogus credit card, fake check, or driver’s license in the victim’s name. Although the perpetra.
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Macro Presentation – Australia
Table of Content:
Overview
Nominal GDP & Real GDP
GDP/Capita
Inflation rate
Exports & Imports
Unemployment Rate & Labor force
labor force participation & composition of labor force
Money Supply
pie-chart (composition of the economy)
strengths and weaknesses of this economy
Overview:
sixth-largest country in the world.
Australia is a continent & an island
located in Oceania
Population: 25.2 million
Australia is one of the wealthiest Asia
the world’s 14th largest (economically)
Overview:
GDP :
$1.3 trillion
2.8% growth
2.6% 5-year compound annual growth
$52,373 per capita
Unemployment: 5.4%
Inflation (CPI): 2.0%
Characterized by: diverse services, technology sectors & low government debt
five key reasons for investing in Australia: Robust Economy, Dynamic Industries, Innovation and Skills, Global Ties and Strong Foundations & compares Australia’s credentials with other countries.
GDP:
Nominal GDP & Real GDP:
Nominal GDP:
1.434 trillion
Real GDP:
45439.30 $
GDP/Capita:
57,373.687
Inflation Rate:
Inflation Rate 2018 = 1.9%
Inflation Rate 2017 = 1.9%
Inflation Rate 2016 = 1.3%
Inflation Rate 2015 = 1.5%
Inflation Rate 2014 = 2.5%
Inflation Rate 2013 = 2.5%
Inflation Rates over 5 years
عمود12013201420152016201720182.52.51.51.31.91.9عمود2201320142015201620172018
Exports & Imports:
Exports:
Bituminous coal
iron ores and concentrates
Gold
Petroleum oils and oils obtained from bituminous
Copper ores and concentrates
The total value of exports: is US$ 252,776 million.
Imports:
Petroleum oïl
Automobiles with reciprocating piston engine di
Transmission apparatus
Diesel powered trucks
The total value of imports: is US$ 235,519 million
Exports & Imports (partners) :
Exports:
China
Japan
Korea
India
United sates
Imports:
China
United states
Japan
Germany
Thailand
Unemployment Rate & Labor force:
Unemployment Rate:
5.4%
Labor force:
79%
labor force participation & composition of labor force:
labor force participation:
77.558
composition of labor force:
Employed = 12658.6
Unemployed = 671.0
Labour force =
12658.6 + 671.0 = 13329.6
Nationals = 29.7 %
foreigners+ = 70.3 %
Money Supply:
M1 = 1189.19
M3 = 2231.55
pie-chart (composition of the economy):
70% of coal, 54% of iron, service industry 70%, Agriculture 12%
المبيعاتcoalironindustryagriculture70547012
strengths and weaknesses of this economy:
Weaknesses:
The quality of life in Australia is high & not permanent
The size of their investment
Most concentrated investments: coal, gas, iron mining
Solution
s & Suggestion:
To sustain a high quality of life long-term:
Many investments with added value ‘not from their priorities’ : (workforce for education, high teach sector in nanotechnology + solar energy & agricultural innovation) > should focus on
strengths and weaknesses of this economy:
Strength:
Mining is a strong investment in Australia
References:
https://www.h.
M.S Aviation Pty Ltd TA Australian School of Commerce RTO N.docxjesssueann
M.S Aviation Pty Ltd T/A Australian School of Commerce
RTO NO. 41089 I CRICOS NO.: 03489A
Melbourne Campus: Level 4, 123-129 Lonsdale Street Melbourne, Victoria 3000 Australia
Hobart Campus: Level 4, 18 Elizabeth Street, Hobart Tasmania 7000 Australia
Ph: 1300 781 194
E: [email protected]
W: www.asoc.edu.au
M.S Aviation Pty Ltd T/A Australian School Of Commerce
Candidate Assessment Tool Page 1 of 43
Version 10.0
BSBINN601
Lead and manage organisational change
Candidate Assessment Tool
STUDENT NAME:
STUDENT ID:
ASSESSOR NAME:
UNIT CODE AND TITLE: BSBINN601 – Lead and manage organisational change
mailto:[email protected]
M.S Aviation Pty Ltd T/A Australian School of Commerce
RTO NO. 41089 I CRICOS NO.: 03489A
Melbourne Campus: Level 4, 123-129 Lonsdale Street Melbourne, Victoria 3000 Australia
Hobart Campus: Level 4, 18 Elizabeth Street, Hobart Tasmania 7000 Australia
Ph: 1300 781 194
E: [email protected]
W: www.asoc.edu.au
M.S Aviation Pty Ltd T/A Australian School Of Commerce
Candidate Assessment Tool Page 2 of 43
Version 10.0
ASSESSMENT RECEIPT FORM
NOTE:
1. This form must be attached on top of the completed Student Assessment Booklet when
submitting.
2. The Assessment Receipt Form must be signed and dated.
DECLARATION:
1. I am aware that penalties exist for plagiarism and cheating.
2. I am aware of the requirements set by my assessor.
3. I have retained a copy of my assessment.
Student Signature: _________________________________ Date: _____________________
Assessment received by Australian School of Commerce
(ASOC) Staff
Name: Signature:
=================================TEAR HERE ==================================
Students must retain this as a Record of Submission
Assessment handedon:
Unit code and title: BSBINN601 – Lead and manage organisational change
Assessment received by ASOC staff
Name: ……………………………………………………
Signature: ………………………...……...……...……..
Student ID: …………………………..
Student Signature: ……………………
mailto:[email protected]
M.S Aviation Pty Ltd T/A Australian School of Commerce
RTO NO. 41089 I CRICOS NO.: 03489A
Melbourne Campus: Level 4, 123-129 Lonsdale Street Melbourne, Victoria 3000 Australia
Hobart Campus: Level 4, 18 Elizabeth Street, Hobart Tasmania 7000 Australia
Ph: 1300 781 194
E: [email protected]
W: www.asoc.edu.au
M.S Aviation Pty Ltd T/A Australian School Of Commerce
Candidate Assessment Tool Page 3 of.
M4.3 Case StudyCase Study ExampleJennifer S. is an Army veter.docxjesssueann
M4.3 Case Study
Case Study Example:
Jennifer S. is an Army veteran of Operation Freedom. Since returning home, Jennifer has suffered from recurrent headaches, ringing in her ears, difficulty focusing, and dizziness. In addition, soon after returning home, she began to experience moments of panic when in open spaces; flashbacks reliving the blast and the death of fellow soldiers; feelings of emotional numbness and depression; and being easily startled. She was placed on medical leave and diagnosed with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and is currently being seen by a psychiatrist at the VA hospital. Her husband understands the concept of PTSD but is unprepared to handle his wife’s deteriorating condition.
Recently, Jennifer was seen at the local urgent care center for recurrent headaches, complaints of shortness of breath, and chest pain. Her husband informed the urgent care nurse that for the past four weeks his wife has been unable to care for the children, remains in bed, complaining of headaches, and is very ‘jumpy’.
The nurse assesses Jennifer knowing that returning veterans with PTSD and their families face an array of challenges, with implications for the veterans, their partners, and their children. The nurse considers referring them to: a social worker specializing in crisis intervention for veterans, a family counselor, the school nurse, a family health care practitioner.
Key elements of the nurse’s assessment are as follows:
Jennifer is 33 year-old woman who enlisted in Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC) in college, where she majored in Journalism. Upon graduation, she obtained a position in the Army as public affairs broadcast specialist. Her first assignment was at a base in upstate New York. Three years ago, she was relocated to the St. Louis, Missouri area. Jennifer has been married to her husband, Zane, for 14 years and they have two children ages six and ten. Cameron is ten years-old and entering middle school and Zeta is six years-old and in kindergarten. Zane works as a civil engineer in the St. Louis area. Both Jennifer and Zane come from large families who reside in the Boston area. Jennifer’s family is Portuguese and Zane's is Irish, they were both raised Catholic. While Jennifer was deployed, her mother moved in with Zane and the children to provide additional support and child care.
One year ago, Jennifer was deployed to Afghanistan on a six month assignment to report on the events of the war: she thought she had a ‘safe’ assignment. While working on a story in the field an Improvised Explosive Device (IED) exploded near her: two soldiers and four citizens were killed including one child. Although she was unhurt, she was unable to sleep after this event. Upon returning stateside, she began experiencing vivid nightmares, sleeplessness, survivor guilt, and depression. She was recently diagnosed with PTSD and is attempting to find a support group and counseling. Unfortunately, she has found that treatment for fe.
Love Language Project FINAL PAPERLove Language Project Part .docxjesssueann
Love Language Project FINAL PAPER
Love Language Project Part I
Objective:
To demonstrate the principles of love languages and effective use of interpersonal communication skills through “gifting” a close interpersonal relationship.
Assignment:
Please research the 5 Love Languages. Set a time when you can interview your selected person, at least ½ hour. Choose a quiet, comfortable environment where you will be able to listen effectively. The goal of your interview is to learn how your selected person most likes to receive expressions of affection.
You might begin by sharing the five love languages with them and asking some versions of the following questions:
1. Based on the descriptions in this section and this piece, which of the five love languages is most appealing to you to receive?
2. Can you share a story/example of a time when you received affection this way?
3. Which is the most challenging/uncomfortable love language for you to receive?
4. Can you share a story/example of a time when you received affection this way?
5. What changes do you think you could make in the way you receive affectionate messages in your close relationships?
Please describe the person that you chose to interview and your relationship with them. Then, post their responses to the questions
Love Language Project Part II
Write a personal reflection paper, at least 1.5 pages long, double spaced, typed, include the following:
1. What did you learn about your selected person and their preferred love languages from your interview? What was challenging about the interview? What surprised you?
2. How does their preferred love languages differ from yours? Did this make it difficult to plan your special event?
3. Comment on planning your Love Language Event. How did you come up with your ideas? What was easy and what was challenging?
4. Comment on implementing your Love Language Event. What was enjoyable? What was challenging? Did it go as you’d planned?
5. Comment on the Love Language Project in general. What did you learn? About the other person? About yourself?
6. How might what you learned during this Love Language Project affect your expressions of affection in other relationships?
.
Major Computer Science What are the core skills and knowledge y.docxjesssueann
Major: Computer Science
What are the core skills and knowledge you hope to acquire by completing a degree in this major and how do you plan to apply these when you graduate?
Please provide any other information about yourself that you feel will help this college make an admission decision. This may include work, research, volunteer activities or other experiences pertaining to the degree program.
.
Major Crime in Your CommunityUse the Internet to search for .docxjesssueann
Major Crime in Your Community
Use the Internet to search for a recent major crime in your community.
Write a report (narrative only) based on the account of the incident, using the outline process mentioned in chapter three of the course text.
You may simulate interviews and "fill in" any unknown information required to complete the report.
Be sure to include the characteristics of an effective police report covered in chapter three.
Instructions
This report must be at
least 2 pages
of written text.
· The entire paper must be your original work
· This report will use 1-inch margins, Times New Roman 12-point font, and double spacing.
· Cite your source – where do you get the information for your report?
.
Major Assignment - Learning NarrativeWrite a learning narr.docxjesssueann
Major Assignment - Learning Narrative
Write a
learning narrative
that narrates a specific event from your life that helped you learn something new about yourself or others. Your narrative should focus on a specific event in a narrow timeframe, using vivid description, narration, detail, and dialogue to organize your memories and make the significance of what happened clear to an audience.
Assignment
A
narrative
is a specific type of essay that uses stories of particular moments to help audiences perceive, understand, and "appreciate the value of an idea" (
The Composition of Everyday Life
, Ch. 1, p. 19).
For this essay, you will write a
learning narrative
, a specific type of narrative that focuses on showing how a particular moment from your memory changed how you thought about yourself or others. The learning narrative requires you to organize your memories and decide which details best show an audience how the events from your past affected you. A learning narrative is broader than a "literacy narrative": while you can write about how language or education changed your life, you also can write about other things you learned through music, sports, business, or in any other relevant setting.
In order to write a strong, focused narrative, you will need to be attentive to the following expectations for the essay:
Find the significance:
Think of how your narrative connects your memories to feelings / concepts others have experienced
Tell a particular story:
Like Keller and Zimmer, choose a single moment or event that can reflect your process of learning
Choose relevant details:
Include only those details that contribute to the significance
Narrate and describe:
Add emotional weight and interest to your story by narrating events with dialogue, action, description, and sensory experiences
Caution
: Please keep in mind that writing in this class is public, and anything you write about yourself may be shared with other students and instructors. Please only write about details that you are comfortable making public within our classroom community. You should know that your teacher is required by the State of Texas
(Links to an external site.)
to report any suspected incidents of discrimination, harassment, Title IX sexual harassment, and sexual misconduct to the UNT Title IX coordinators. If you have any questions about anything personal that you might want to disclose, email your teacher first or consult with one of the resources listed on this page:
Information on Sexual Violence and Mandatory Reporting.
Format and Length
Format
: Typed, double-spaced, submitted as a word-processing document.
12 point,
serif font (Links to an external site.)
(i.e. Times New Roman; Garamond; Book Antiqua), 1-inch margins.
Length
: 750 - 1000 words (approx. 3-4 pages)
Objectives and Questions
These questions help to guide discussion and set up the objectives for this unit.
What is an experience? What are significant experience.
Looking to have this work done AGAIN. It was submitted several times.docxjesssueann
Looking to have this work done AGAIN. It was submitted several times and never passed what the professor was requesting. I will include the copy I last submitted to the profesor, a copy of the instructions, and finally the feedback from the professor with what is missing on this assignment. The assignment is almost completed. Looking for someone to correct what needs correction following the feedback from the professor.
.
Major Assessment 1 Develop a Platform of Beliefs The following .docxjesssueann
Major Assessment 1: Develop a Platform of Beliefs
The following major assessment involves integrating your knowledge and skills around defining multicultural education and being a multicultural educator. You will write a platform of beliefs about teaching and learning. Your platform should be grounded in your growing understanding of teaching and learning, as well as the knowledge base about teaching and learning. You will also describe personal strengths and challenges as an educator in building an educational environment that reflects your beliefs. In assessing your own strengths and challenge areas, include an analysis of the findings from the assessment instruments and exercises that are included in the previous chapter. You may also access additional assessment instruments. Include in your platform the following sections: 1. Introduction 2. Your platform of beliefs about teaching and learning. Some essential questions that might be addressed in your platform are these: What do you believe is the purpose of education? What is the role of the teacher? What should be taught (the curriculum)? How do people learn? How do you view students as learners? Who controls the curriculum in schools? Whose knowledge is important to include? Are state standards and tests desirable? What is the impact of standardized testing on learning? How do issues of race, class, and gender influence what you do? What is your definition of effective teaching? Who and what have influenced your beliefs (e.g., people, experiences, readings)? What is the impact of your beliefs on teaching and learning for diverse students? Make specific and clear connections between your platform and course readings and discussions. 3. Personal strengths and challenges in advancing a school vision of learning; promoting the success of all students; responding to diverse student interests and needs; understanding and responding to social, economic, legal, and cultural contexts 4. Personal goals (knowledge, skills, dispositions) that you will be working on in the future 5. Conclusions
.
Macroeconomics PaperThere are currently three major political ap.docxjesssueann
Macroeconomics Paper
There are currently three major political approaches to fixing the problem with the national debt .
1) One group of advocates is asking that we cut down government expenditures and give more tax breaks and incentives to small and big business.
2) Another group of advocates is saying that we must emphasize our exports by lowering our dollar value or forcing our trade partners – China – to regulate more accurately it’s currency.
3) A third group of approaches by saying we should have a balance budget amendment.
i) Identify the notable political advocates of all three positions.
ii) Give the pro’s and con’s of each approach.
Length: 2-3 pages.
Please email the paper in either
Microsoft word *.doc (97-2003) format or
Rich text format *.rtf OR GOOGLE DOCS
font 12 double-space
1-inch margins
Bibliography need not be inclusive in writing size.
SOURCES
Agresti, James D. "National Debt." National Debt - Just Facts. N.p., 26 Apr. 2011. Web. 24 Apr. 2015.
"Americans for a Balanced Budget Amendment." Balanced Budget Amendment. N.p., n.d. Web. 01 May 2015.
"Bailout Timeline: Another Day, Another Bailout." ProPublica. N.p., n.d. Web. 26 Apr. 2015.
Bandow, Doug. "Federal Spending: Killing the Economy With Government Stimulus." Forbes. Forbes Magazine, 6 Aug. 2012. Web. 01 May 2015.
FROM UNIT 2 FOLDER
Macroeconomics Paper
There are currently three major political approaches to fixing the problem with the national debt .
1) One group of advocates is asking that we cut down government expenditures and give more tax breaks and incentives to small and big business.
2) Another group of advocates is saying that we must emphasize our exports by lowering our dollar value or forcing our trade partners – China – to regulate more accurately it’s currency.
3) A third group of approaches by saying we should have a balance budget amendment.
i) Identify the notable political advocates of all three positions.
ii) Give the pro’s and con’s of each approach.
Length: 2-3 pages.
Please email the paper in either
Microsoft word *.doc (97-2003) format or
Rich text format *.rtf
font 12
double-spaced
1-inch margins
Bibliography need not be inclusive in writing size.
"Federal Spending, Budget, and Debt."
Solution
s.heritage.org. N.p., n.d. Web. 01 May 2015.
Lee, Bonnie. "Tax Breaks Every Small Business Needs to Know About." Smallbusiness.foxbusiness.com. N.p., 24 June 2013. Web. 01 May 2015.
Rifkin, Jesse. "Advocates See 2015 As Year Of The Balanced Budget Amendment." The Huffington Post. TheHuffingtonPost.com, 3 Feb. 2015. Web. 01 May 2015.
Macroeconomics Paper
There are currently three major political approaches to fixing the problem with the national debt .
1) One group of advocates is asking that we cut down government expenditures and give more tax breaks and incentives to small and big business.
2) Another group of advocates is saying that we must emphasize our exports by lowering our dollar value or forcing our trade p.
M A T T D O N O V A NThings in the Form o f a Prayer in.docxjesssueann
M A T T D O N O V A N
Things in the Form o f
a Prayer in the Form
o f a Wail
H e r e ’s t h e j o u r n e y i n m i n i a t u r e .Oscar Hammerstein, not long before stomach cancer kills him,
writes the song as a duet between Marie and the Mother Abbess, for a
scene in which the plucky nun is told she’s being booted from the con
vent since she privileges melody over God. Marie doesn’t want to serve
as governess for the Von Trapp clan, but she’s already shown her hand
by giving rapturous voice to a song that summons the bliss and solace
o f secular joys. She needs to go. Although the film version of The Sound
of Music will shift “My Favorite Things” to the thunderstorm scene in
which Marie offers up raindrops on roses and warm woolen mittens as
balm to the terrified kids, John Coltrane’s classic jazz cover much more
radically revamps the Broadway hit, transfiguring mere catchiness into
complex modalities. Yet if this were simply a one-off recording, there
wouldn’t be much to say: turning cornball consolation into jazz isn’t
news. Instead, Coltrane can’t relinquish it. Instead, even throughout all
his late music-as-prayer work, he never lets go of the show tune.
“We played it every night for five years,” drummer Elvin Jones re
membered. “We played it every night like there would be no tomorrow.
Like it would be the last time we played it.” His son, Ravi Coltrane,
calculates that his father’s band played “My Favorite Things” thousands
o f times as a regular fixture in the set: “They worked a lo t— forty-five
weeks a year, six nights a week, three sets, sometimes even four sets on
the weekend. You’re talking about getting the blade as sharp as can be.”
But of all the blades to w het— especially one bedecked with ponies
and kittens— why that song in particular?
M y f i r s t e n c o u n t e r with Coltrane’s late free jazz work came from
an unlikely source: the writings o f cult rock critic Lester Bangs. At the age
o f fourteen, I stumbled upon a copy of his collected writings— Psychotic
632
Reactions and Carburetor Dung— and proceeded to treat it as less an assem
blage o f essays and music reviews than a checklist of writers and albums I
was obliged to track down if I might ever break free from my Ohio sub
urbs. The Velvet Underground, William Burroughs, Iggy and the Stooges’
Metallic K.O. (a live album in which you can hear beer bottles shattering
against guitar strings), and even Baudelaire all first came tumbling my
way through the same careening chute of Bangs’s writing. His claim that
Van Morrison’s Astral Weeks was fueled by many lifetimes o f wisdom
lured me into transcribing the entirety o f the album’s lyrics in my algebra
notebook, and the visible bottom edge of an Undertones poster in his
author photograph led me, without having heard a note o f the band’s
music, to bike six miles to Spin More records in Kent on a quest to
cobble together their discography.
Sandwiched between articl.
M A R C H 2 0 1 5F O R W A R D ❚ E N G A G E D ❚ .docxjesssueann
M A R C H 2 0 1 5
F O R W A R D ❚ E N G A G E D ❚ R E A D Y
A Cooperative Strategy for
21st Century Seapower
DRAFT/PRE-DECISIONAL - NOT FOR DISSEMINATION - 02 FEB
A COOPERATIVE STRATEGY FOR 21ST CENTURY SEAPOWER, MARCH 2015 [i]
America’s Sea Services—the U.S. Navy, Marine Corps, and Coast Guard—uniquely provide presence around the globe. During peacetime and times of conflict, across the full spectrum—from
supporting an ally with humanitarian assistance or disaster relief to
deterring or defeating an adversary in kinetic action—Sailors, Marines,
and Coast Guardsmen are deployed at sea and in far-flung posts to be
wherever we are needed, when we are needed. Coming from the sea, we
get there sooner, stay there longer, bring everything we need with us,
and we don’t have to ask anyone’s permission.
Our founders recognized the United States as a maritime nation and
the importance of maritime forces, including in our Constitution the re-
quirement that Congress “maintain a Navy.” In today’s dynamic security
environment, with multiple challenges from state and non-state actors
that are often fed by social disorder, political upheaval, and technological
advancements, that requirement is even more prescient.
The United States Navy, Marine Corps, and Coast Guard are our
Nation’s first line of defense, often far from our shores. As such, main-
taining America’s leadership role in the world requires our Nation’s Sea
Services to return to our maritime strategy on occasion and reassess
our approach to shifting relationships and global responsibilities. This
necessary review has affirmed our focus on providing presence around
the world in order to ensure stability, build on our relationships with allies
and partners, prevent wars, and provide our Nation’s leaders with options
in times of crisis. It has confirmed our continued commitment to main-
tain the combat power necessary to deter potential adversaries and to
fight and win when required.
Our responsibility to the American people dictates an efficient use of
our fiscal resources and an approach that adapts to the evolving security
environment. The adjustments made in this document do just that. Look-
ing at how we support our people, build the right platforms, power them
to achieve efficient global capability, and develop critical partnerships
will be central to its successful execution and to providing that unique
capability: presence.
PREFACE
[ii] Forward ✦ Engaged ✦ Ready
Seapower has been and will continue to be the critical foundation of
national power and prosperity and international prestige for the United
States of America. Our Sea Services will integrate with the rest of our
national efforts, and those of our friends and allies. This revision to A
Cooperative Strategy for 21st Century Seapower builds on the heritage
and complementary capabilities of the Navy-Marine Corps-Coast Guard
team to advan.
Lymphedema following breast cancer The importance of surgic.docxjesssueann
Lymphedema following breast cancer: The importance of
surgical methods and obesity
Rebecca J. Tsai, PhDa,*, Leslie K. Dennis, PhDa,b, Charles F. Lynch, MD, PhDa, Linda G.
Snetselaar, RD, PhD, LDa, Gideon K.D. Zamba, PhDc, and Carol Scott-Conner, MD, PhD,
MBAd
aDepartment of Epidemiology, College of Public Health, University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA, USA.
bDivision of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, College of Public Health, University of Arizona,
Tucson, AZ, USA.
cDepartment of Biostatistics, College of Public Health, University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA, USA.
dDepartment of Surgery, College of Medicine, University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA, USA.
Abstract
Background: Breast cancer-related arm lymphedema is a serious complication that can
adversely affect quality of life. Identifying risk factors that contribute to the development of
lymphedema is vital for identifying avenues for prevention. The aim of this study was to examine
the association between the development of arm lymphedema and both treatment and personal
(e.g., obesity) risk factors.
Methods: Women diagnosed with breast cancer in Iowa during 2004 and followed through 2010,
who met eligibility criteria, were asked to complete a short computer assisted telephone interview
about chronic conditions, arm activities, demographics, and lymphedema status. Lymphedema was
characterized by a reported physician-diagnosis, a difference between arms in the circumference
(> 2cm), or the presence of multiple self-reported arm symptoms (at least two of five major arm
symptoms, and at least four total arm symptoms). Relative risks (RR) were estimated using
logistic regression.
Results: Arm lymphedema was identified in 102 of 522 participants (19.5%). Participants treated
by both axillary dissection and radiation therapy were more likely to have arm lymphedema than
treated by either alone. Women with advanced cancer stage, positive nodes, and larger tumors
along with a body mass index > 40 were also more likely to develop lymphedema. Arm activity
level was not associated with lymphedema.
*Correspondence and Reprints to: Rebecca Tsai, National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, 4676 Columbia Parkway,
R-17, Cincinnati, OH 45226. [email protected] Phone: (513)841-4398. Fax: (513) 841-4489.
Authorship contribution
All authors contributed to the conception, design, drafting, revision, and the final review of this manuscript.
Competing interest
Conflicts of Interest and Source of Funding: This study was funded by the National Cancer Institute Grant Number: 5R03CA130031.
All authors do not declare any conflict of interest.
All authors do not declare any conflict of interest.
HHS Public Access
Author manuscript
Front Womens Health. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2018 December 14.
Published in final edited form as:
Front Womens Health. 2018 June ; 3(2): .
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Lukas Nelson and his wife Anne and their three daughters had been li.docxjesssueann
Lukas Nelson and his wife Anne and their three daughters had been living in their house for over five years when they decided it was time to make some modest improvements. One area they both agreed needed an upgrade was the bath tub. Their current house had one standard shower bathtub combination. Lukas was 6 feet four, and could barely squeeze into it. In fact, he had taken only one bath since they moved in. He and Anne both missed soaking in the older, deep bath tubs they enjoyed when they lived back East.
(Rest of case not shown due to length.)
What factors and forces contributed to scope creep in this case?
Is this an example of good or bad scope creep? Explain.
How could scope creep been better managed by the Nelson
.
The Indian economy is classified into different sectors to simplify the analysis and understanding of economic activities. For Class 10, it's essential to grasp the sectors of the Indian economy, understand their characteristics, and recognize their importance. This guide will provide detailed notes on the Sectors of the Indian Economy Class 10, using specific long-tail keywords to enhance comprehension.
For more information, visit-www.vavaclasses.com
Ethnobotany and Ethnopharmacology:
Ethnobotany in herbal drug evaluation,
Impact of Ethnobotany in traditional medicine,
New development in herbals,
Bio-prospecting tools for drug discovery,
Role of Ethnopharmacology in drug evaluation,
Reverse Pharmacology.
The Roman Empire A Historical Colossus.pdfkaushalkr1407
The Roman Empire, a vast and enduring power, stands as one of history's most remarkable civilizations, leaving an indelible imprint on the world. It emerged from the Roman Republic, transitioning into an imperial powerhouse under the leadership of Augustus Caesar in 27 BCE. This transformation marked the beginning of an era defined by unprecedented territorial expansion, architectural marvels, and profound cultural influence.
The empire's roots lie in the city of Rome, founded, according to legend, by Romulus in 753 BCE. Over centuries, Rome evolved from a small settlement to a formidable republic, characterized by a complex political system with elected officials and checks on power. However, internal strife, class conflicts, and military ambitions paved the way for the end of the Republic. Julius Caesar’s dictatorship and subsequent assassination in 44 BCE created a power vacuum, leading to a civil war. Octavian, later Augustus, emerged victorious, heralding the Roman Empire’s birth.
Under Augustus, the empire experienced the Pax Romana, a 200-year period of relative peace and stability. Augustus reformed the military, established efficient administrative systems, and initiated grand construction projects. The empire's borders expanded, encompassing territories from Britain to Egypt and from Spain to the Euphrates. Roman legions, renowned for their discipline and engineering prowess, secured and maintained these vast territories, building roads, fortifications, and cities that facilitated control and integration.
The Roman Empire’s society was hierarchical, with a rigid class system. At the top were the patricians, wealthy elites who held significant political power. Below them were the plebeians, free citizens with limited political influence, and the vast numbers of slaves who formed the backbone of the economy. The family unit was central, governed by the paterfamilias, the male head who held absolute authority.
Culturally, the Romans were eclectic, absorbing and adapting elements from the civilizations they encountered, particularly the Greeks. Roman art, literature, and philosophy reflected this synthesis, creating a rich cultural tapestry. Latin, the Roman language, became the lingua franca of the Western world, influencing numerous modern languages.
Roman architecture and engineering achievements were monumental. They perfected the arch, vault, and dome, constructing enduring structures like the Colosseum, Pantheon, and aqueducts. These engineering marvels not only showcased Roman ingenuity but also served practical purposes, from public entertainment to water supply.
Students, digital devices and success - Andreas Schleicher - 27 May 2024..pptxEduSkills OECD
Andreas Schleicher presents at the OECD webinar ‘Digital devices in schools: detrimental distraction or secret to success?’ on 27 May 2024. The presentation was based on findings from PISA 2022 results and the webinar helped launch the PISA in Focus ‘Managing screen time: How to protect and equip students against distraction’ https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/education/managing-screen-time_7c225af4-en and the OECD Education Policy Perspective ‘Students, digital devices and success’ can be found here - https://oe.cd/il/5yV
Model Attribute Check Company Auto PropertyCeline George
In Odoo, the multi-company feature allows you to manage multiple companies within a single Odoo database instance. Each company can have its own configurations while still sharing common resources such as products, customers, and suppliers.
Instructions for Submissions thorugh G- Classroom.pptxJheel Barad
This presentation provides a briefing on how to upload submissions and documents in Google Classroom. It was prepared as part of an orientation for new Sainik School in-service teacher trainees. As a training officer, my goal is to ensure that you are comfortable and proficient with this essential tool for managing assignments and fostering student engagement.
The Art Pastor's Guide to Sabbath | Steve ThomasonSteve Thomason
What is the purpose of the Sabbath Law in the Torah. It is interesting to compare how the context of the law shifts from Exodus to Deuteronomy. Who gets to rest, and why?
Unit 8 - Information and Communication Technology (Paper I).pdfThiyagu K
This slides describes the basic concepts of ICT, basics of Email, Emerging Technology and Digital Initiatives in Education. This presentations aligns with the UGC Paper I syllabus.
Linking Social Change and Developmental ChangeShifting Path.docx
1. Linking Social Change and Developmental Change:
Shifting Pathways of Human Development
Patricia M. Greenfield
University of California, Los Angeles
P. M. Greenfield’s new theory of social change and human
development aims to show how changing
sociodemographic ecologies alter cultural values and learning
environments and thereby shift
developmental pathways. Worldwide sociodemographic trends
include movement from rural resi-
dence, informal education at home, subsistence economy, and
low-technology environments to
urban residence, formal schooling, commerce, and high-
technology environments. The former
ecology is summarized by the German term Gemeinschaft
(“community”) and the latter by the
German term Gesellschaft (“society”; Tönnies, 1887/1957). A
review of empirical research dem-
onstrates that, through adaptive processes, movement of any
ecological variable in a Gesellschaft
direction shifts cultural values in an individualistic direction
and developmental pathways toward
more independent social behavior and more abstract cognition—
to give a few examples of the
myriad behaviors that respond to these sociodemographic
changes. In contrast, the (much less
frequent) movement of any ecological variable in a
Gemeinschaft direction is predicted to move
cultural values and developmental pathways in the opposite
direction. In conclusion, sociocultural
2. environments are not static either in the developed or the
developing world and therefore must be
treated dynamically in developmental research.
Keywords: social change, culture, cognitive development, social
development, learning
The goal in this article is to develop a theory that links social
change with developmental change. It therefore deals simulta-
neously with two scales of development: change within a
lifetime
and change across succeeding generations. In the field of devel-
opmental psychology, one normally thinks of developmental tra-
jectories as a constant across historical time. Indeed, a
theoretical
problem is that theory and research in cultural psychology,
includ-
ing cultural developmental psychology, assume that cultures are
static rather than dynamic. This article, in contrast, presents a
theory that, paradoxically, sees change in developmental trajec-
tories as the constant. A major goal of the theory of social
change and human development is to explain how, as sociode-
mographic conditions change, cultural values and developmen-
tal patterns are transformed across generations. Because socio-
demographic conditions are changing throughout the world—in
the direction of greater urbanization, higher levels of formal
schooling, increasing commercialization, and ever higher levels
of technology—the influence of social change on developmen-
tal patterns is an important domain in which theory is needed to
guide empirical research and to understand children and youths
in the United States and around the world.
A major strength of the theory of social change and human
development is that it is not simply descriptive but also predic-
tive. This makes it unique among cultural theories of human
3. development. Given particular sociodemographic changes, the
theory is able to predict the effects of those changes on path-
ways of development in both the social and cognitive domains.
It is also unique in its parsimony. It utilizes the same principles
to understand changing trajectories of human development not
only in two domains of development but also in two major
contexts of sociocultural change: one in which families stay put
while the sociocultural environment changes and one in which
families immigrate to a different sociocultural environment.
Both theoretical roots and empirical evidence are multidisci-
plinary, as they come from developmental psychology, anthro-
pology, and sociology. Foundational is the notion that a strong
theory is not methodocentric but can be validated and illumi-
nated at different levels of analysis by widely varying methods
and methodology (Greenfield, 2000).
Patricia M. Greenfield, Department of Psychology and FPR-
UCLA Center
for Culture, Brain, and Development, University of California,
Los Angeles.
I developed this theory while a fellow at the Center for
Advanced Study in
the Behavioral Sciences on the campus of Stanford University. I
am grateful
for the intellectual space and stimulation that this year at the
center provided
and for the financial support from the center and sabbatical
support from
UCLA that made it possible. I would like to express my deep
appreciation to
Hazel Markus, whose invitation to present a colloquium on the
theme of
cultural dynamics in the Faculty Seminar Series of the Stanford
Center for
Comparative Studies in Race and Ethnicity instigated the initial
5. ety), introduced by the German sociologist Tönnies in 1887
(1957), are my theoretical starting points for describing
contrasting
sociocultural ecologies. They are prototypes, each with its own
particular characteristics, which are most visible at the
extremes.
Each prototypical environment has a corresponding
developmental
pathway (Abels et al., 2005; Keller, 2007). One pathway of de-
velopment is well adapted to Gesellschaft environments, the
other
to Gemeinschaft environments.
How Are Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft Environments
Defined?
These concepts have much in common with Redfield’s (1941)
anthropological contrast between folk society (corresponding to
Gemeinschaft) and urban society (corresponding to
Gesellschaft).
Anthropologists have traditionally studied rural, small-scale,
low-
tech, homogenous, relatively self-contained Gemeinschaft envi-
ronments, whereas sociologists have traditionally studied urban,
large-scale, high-tech, heterogeneous, and permeable
Gesellschaft
environments (Fiske, 1991). The two prototypes are defined by
contrasting demographic characteristics (see Figure 1).
Prototypes
are useful in analyzing change because they “establish the
‘outer
limits’ or standards by means of which the processes of change
or
intermediate forms can be comprehended from the perspective
of
6. [a] continuum” (Loomis & McKinney, 1957, p. 12). Hence, in
my
theory each prototypical environment comprises a set of
continu-
ous dimensions (see Figure 1), anchored by the extremes; the
framework does not utilize binary categories.
Illustrating the concepts with Redfield’s comparative ethnogra-
phy. Redfield (1941) portrayed a continuum of four
communities
on the Yucatán peninsula of Mexico; together, the communities
demonstrate the dimensionality (rather than a binary quality) of
relevant sociodemographic variables. (Here and elsewhere in
this
article, concepts from the figure or variables from the theory are
italicized.) At one end of the continuum, an indigenous village,
Tusik, approaches the Gemeinschaft prototype. Ecologically,
this
village was a small-scale rural community, population 106. Its
structure was simple, with little division of labor; specialists
were
Figure 1. Top level of the model in detail: Sociodemographic
dimensions differentiating Gemeinschaft
(community) from Gesellschaft (society). The double-sided
horizontal arrows indicate that the variables are
multivalued dimensions rather than binary concepts. The
vertical arrows indicate the dominant causal
relations.
402 GREENFIELD
restricted to priests, musicians, midwives, and basket makers.
Thatched houses bespoke the low level of technology in the
7. village,
which did not contain a school. Maya ancestry made the village
relatively homogenous. Without a road to it, the village was
extremely self-contained. Virtually everyone did subsistence ag-
riculture based on growing corn. In monetary terms, Tusik was
therefore poor. Lifelong social relations were exemplified by
the
permanent nature of marriage without any institution of divorce.
Interdependence of kin was enduring: A married couple had
life-
long relations not only to each other but also to each others’
relatives.
At the opposite, Gesellschaft end of the scale of four Yucatec
communities was the city of Mérida, which had a larger scale
population (96,660). In terms of social complexity, the city
direc-
tory listed almost 100 differentiated economic roles, such as
phy-
sician, banker, insurance agent, automobile dealer, and store-
keeper. These occupations depended on a higher level of
technology (e.g., medical technology and mechanics). Mérida
had
the highest literacy level in the state. It was heterogeneous: Its
residents came from all over the state, from all over Mexico,
and
from 56 foreign countries. As the communication center for the
state, it had regular contact with the outside world.
Economically,
most people lived by commercial activity (buying and selling
commodities, manufacturing goods, or providing services).
Instead
of subsistence, Mérida had a money economy, and it contained
an
extreme concentration of the state’s wealthy. Kin relations were
less enduring: Divorce was possible and marital desertion was
8. frequent. The fleeting relations that take place in commercial
transactions (e.g., with a store clerk) were also common. The
other
two Yucatec communities studied by Redfield had intermediate
values on all of these sociodemographic dimensions.
The social complexity of Gesellshaft environments: Nested Ge-
meinschaft communities. Note that the internal heterogeneity of
Gesellschaft means that it can have multiple relatively Gemein-
schaft communities nested inside it; small rural towns or immi-
grant communities furnish examples of more Gemeinschaft com-
munities nested inside a Gesellschaft society. Another aspect of
Gesellschaft heterogeneity is social class stratification, which
does
not exist in the very homogenous structure of pure
Gemeinschaft.
Relationship of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft to the
Concepts of Individualism and Collectivism
Collectivism and individualism summarize social adaptations to
the two types of environment. Independence and
interdependence
(Markus & Kitayama, 1991) are more psychological variations
of
the same concepts. Collectivistic qualities, such as sharing
among
the extended family, are adapted to the daily practices of
Gemein-
schaft environments, such as living in a one-room house.
Individ-
ualistic values, such the value of privacy, are adapted to the
characteristics of Gesellschaft environments, such as houses
with
separate bedrooms. However, the terms individualism and
collec-
9. tivism do not adequately describe cognitive adaptations to the
two
types of environment; the ecologies therefore have greater
explan-
atory generality than do the value systems of individualism and
collectivism. Another theoretical problem with the term
collectiv-
ism is that it can be used to refer to any collectivity or ingroup;
however, adaptations to Gemeinschaft involve prioritizing the
family as the key collectivity. Perhaps most important,
individu-
alism and collectivism, as well as cultural values more
generally,
are, unlike earlier theories, no longer seen as the governing
causal
level. Instead, cultural values are seen as an intermediate level
that
is strongly influenced by sociodemographic factors in the
macro-
environment (Greenfield, 2004).
Implications of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft for
Learning Environments and Development:
Two Cultural Pathways
Each of the two sociodemographic complexes—Gemeinschaft
and Gesellschaft— has learning environments and patterns of
de-
velopment that yield two distinct cultural pathways through uni-
versal development (Greenfield, Keller, Fuligni, & Maynard,
2003). That is, there are a number of adaptations to each type of
environment on the levels of cultural values, learning environ-
ments, and human development. The pathway concept is
founded
on a multilevel causal model with sociodemographic
10. characteris-
tics of a community and individuals as the top level (see Figure
2).
The figure shows both a direct route (right side of Figure 2) and
an
indirect route, through cultural values (left side of Figure 2), by
which sociodemographic characteristics influence the learning
en-
vironment; this learning environment in turn shapes a develop-
mental pathway. Adaptation is an important concept. Cultural
values are seen as adapted to and therefore influenced by socio-
demographics. Learning environments are also seen as adapted
to
and therefore directly influenced by sociodemographics. Central
to
learning environments are the adaptations that parents make.
Figure 3 diagrams the two cultural pathways in early
development.
Figure 2. Multilevel causal model.
403LINKING SOCIAL CHANGE AND DEVELOPMENTAL
CHANGE
Empirical examples, including links between the levels, are dis-
cussed in detail below.
From sociodemographics to cultural values to learning envi-
ronments to development. Keller (2007) has extended the
behav-
ioral and cognitive implications of these environmental dimen-
sions to the developmental arena by studying cultural values
embodied in parental ethnotheories (culture-specific theories of
child development) and linking them to developmental pathways
11. via the child learning environments of infancy and toddlerhood.
Although she does not use the Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft
labels, her cultural prototypes reference the same environmental
types. Working in India, West Africa, India, China, Costa Rica,
Germany, and the United States, Keller concluded that parental
ethnotheories and infant socialization practices emphasizing
inter-
dependence (more extensive bodily contact and social
stimulation,
less extensive face-to-face contact, less object stimulation) are
adapted to the small agricultural village, relatively
Gemeinschaft
environments (see Figure 3). In contrast, she concludes that pa-
rental ethnotheories and socialization practices that emphasize
independence (less extensive bodily contact and social
stimulation,
more extensive face-to-face contact, more object stimulation)
are
adapted to urban middle-class environments, which are
relatively
Gesellschaft in nature. She and her colleagues have found that
earlier self-regulation (which develops the child for a social en-
vironment) and later self-recognition (which develops the
child’s
individual psychology) characterize the developmental pathway
adapted to a Gemeinschaft environment; in contrast, earlier self-
recognition and later self-regulation characterize the
developmen-
tal pathway adapted to a Gesellschaft environment. Although
others have found additional dimensions of social and cognitive
development linked with the same sociodemographic patterns,
Keller is unique in linking all the different theoretical levels
from
sociodemographic down to child development (see Figure 3).
The Case for Dimensions, not Binary Categories
12. Lest this be seen as a binary theory, let me emphasize that
intermediate values on the sociodemographic dimensions
should lead to intermediate results on the developmental vari-
ables. Like Redfield, Keller did not dichotomize the environ-
mental variables in her research settings but utilized environ-
ments that were intermediate between village and urban
environments (Keller, 2007). Keller’s intermediate environ-
ments were middle-class urban ecologies in traditionally inter-
dependent societies: Costa Rica, India, and China. The impli-
cation of these intermediate environments is that parents who
themselves were raised with an interdependence orientation will
be influenced in their own child rearing by their parents’
socialization values as well as by their own adaptation to their
present urban middle-class lifestyle. Keller confirmed this pre-
diction: Ethnotheories of middle-class urban Costa Ricans, In-
dians, and Chinese were in between those of the poor, rural
African or Indian villagers and the middle-class Germans or
Americans on both autonomy and interdependence.
Another Gemeinschaft socialization value is the expectation that
children will take care of their parents in old age (see Figure 3).
In examining the effect of the sociodemographic variable of ma-
ternal schooling, LeVine et al. (1991) divided a sample of
Mexican
mothers into three groups with three different levels of
schooling.
The less schooling a mother had, the more likely she was to
expect
aid from her adult children (see Figure 3). Still other studies
have
found links between sociodemographic dimensions and learning
environments and between learning environments and cognitive
development (see Figure 4). All of these studies go beyond
binary
categories and utilize intermediate values in both ecology and
13. development.
Figure 3. Cultural pathways through development: links
between sociodemographics, cultural values, learning
environment, and early development from Keller’s cross-
cultural developmental research (Keller, 2007). Link
between sociodemographics and cultural values from research in
Cuernavaca (LeVine et al., 1991). Citations
indicate which variables were measured and correlated in the
same population and study. The double-sided
horizontal arrows indicate that the variables are multivalued
dimensions rather than binary concepts. The vertical
arrows indicate the dominant direction of causality.
404 GREENFIELD
Social Change: A Motor for Shifting Pathways of
Human Development
The two prototypical environments are defined by a number of
sociodemographic variables (e.g., technology, urbanization,
eco-
nomic activity; see Figure 1). This theory predicts (and herein
lies
its innovation) that when any of these variables shifts in either
direction, either toward Gemeinschaft or Gesellschaft, learning
environments and developmental pathways are also likely to
shift
in a corresponding direction. Sociodemographic change
becomes a
motor driving changes in cultural values, learning
environments,
and development. Sociodemographics refers not just to
character-
14. istics of a culture or a society as a whole but also to the
sociode-
mographics of particular families and children. This feature
allows
predictions to be made both on the group level and the
individual
level.
This is not a unidirectional model of social evolution. Figure 5
depicts shifts in both directions. The Gesellschaft direction is
noted
as dominant because the world is, in general, becoming more
commerce driven, richer (with greater disparities between rich
and
poor), more urban, more high tech, and more highly educated
(Georgas, Berry, van de Vijver, Kağitçibaşi, & Poortinga, 2006;
Kağitçibaşi, 2007; Keller & Lamm, 2005). There are certain
situ-
ations, though, in which environments become more
Gemeinschaft
over time. For example, the rural commune movement in the
United States involved voluntarily leaving the commercial city
for
a more subsistence lifestyle in the country; the theory would
predict corresponding changes in developmental pathways
(Weis-
ner, Bausano, & Kornfein, 1983).
Sometimes groups consciously try to maintain a more Gemein-
schaft milieu by forming homogenous, self-contained groups at
the
interior of a more Gesellschaft environment. A case in point is
urban Orthodox Jewish communities. The theory predicts corre-
sponding differences in socialization practices and
developmental
pathways compared with the broader society. Such cases are
15. small
minorities and are reactive against the surrounding culture.
None-
theless, we need to learn more about the underlying forces that
make these cultural forms very resistant to the
macroenvironment
and its shifts in the Gesellschaft direction and, thus, create
appar-
ent exceptions to the general rule.
In other cases, large-scale sociodemographic forces move whole
societies in the Gemeinschaft direction. The current economic
downturn in the United States is an example. The theory
predicts
that lesser economic means will move values and practices in
the
United States toward more Gemeinschaft adaptations; if
sustained,
these adaptations will include relevant shifts in values, learning
environments, and pathways of development.
But whatever the direction of change, the key theoretical pre-
diction is that all of the sociodemographic variables shown in
Figures 1 and 5 have a similar directional effect on socialization
and developmental variables. In other words, each value on the
left
(Gemeinschaft) side of Figures 1 and 5 moves developmental
and
socialization variables in the same direction, whereas each
value
on the right (Gesellschaft) side of Figures 1 and 5 moves devel-
opmental and socialization variables in the opposite direction.
Linking Sociocultural Change and Developmental Change
16. Over historical time, groups experience transformations in their
worlds, generally from more Gemeinschaft to more Gesellschaft
(Lerner, 1958). Because different qualities, skills, and social
rela-
tions become adaptive, this shift provides a motor for social and
psychological change. As a consequence, the theory predicts a
dynamic that shifts pathways of socialization, cultural values,
modes of learning, and individual development, so that
individual
developmental trajectories become better adapted to more
Gesell-
schaft conditions as the environment shifts in that direction.
Ad-
aptations include both those made by parents as they bring up
the
new generation and those made by the younger generation.
How-
ever, note that individuals are not passive pawns in this process;
Figure 4. Cultural pathways through cognitive development:
link between sociodemographics and learning
environment (Chavajay & Rogoff, 2002; LeVine et al., 1991)
and between learning environment and cognitive
development (Schliemann & Acioly, 1989). Citations indicate
which variables were measured and correlated in
the same population and study. None of these studies
investigated the level of cultural values. The double-sided
horizontal arrows indicate that the variables are multivalued
dimensions rather than binary categories. The
vertical arrows indicate the probable direction of causality.
405LINKING SOCIAL CHANGE AND DEVELOPMENTAL
CHANGE
17. instead, active individuals creatively construct adaptations to
changing conditions, a topic that is expanded later.
Two different kinds of processes can lead to shifts from more
Gemeinschaft to more Gesellschaft conditions. One is more en-
dogenous, the other is more exogenous. Relatively endogenous
change is exemplified in postwar Germany, as German society
became richer, more commerce driven, and more high tech,
while
educational opportunities expanded (Keller & Lamm, 2005). In
the
developing world, Maya communities in Mexico and Guatemala
exemplify the same direction of movement toward economic
com-
mercialization, high technology, and more formal education, al-
though in these communities each of these sociodemographic
variables started its dynamic path much closer to the
Gemeinschaft
prototype than it did in Germany (Chavajay & Rogoff, 2002;
Greenfield, 1999, 2004; Rogoff, Correa-Chávez, & Navichoc-
Cotuc, 2005). Change is always relative to the starting point.
The
theory’s predictions relate to directions of change, not to
absolute
endpoints.
But not only are ecologies and environments transformed; peo-
ple move from one ecology to another. This is the more
exogenous
source of change. The terms endogenous and exogenous as used
here are relative rather than absolute: Global economic develop-
ment affects individual countries’ economic and social develop-
ment; internal factors can impel immigration to other countries.
But for whatever reason, around the world, people from poorer,
more Gemeinschaft worlds often immigrate into richer, more
18. Ge-
sellschaft worlds. As they do, they cause contact and influence
from one world to another (Greenfield, 2006).
Under these conditions, the theory of social change and human
development predicts that children will be subject to cross-
cutting
currents, in that they will receive both socialization messages at
home that continue to be adapted to the more Gemeinshchaft
environment that their parents grew up in and conflicting social-
ization messages from representatives of the more Gesellschaft
host society, such as teachers (Greenfield, 2006). Eventually,
these
currents will shift immigrant development in a direction that is
more adapted to a Gesellschaft world (e.g., Suzuki &
Greenfield,
2002).
The effects of social change can be studied by comparing
generations at the same stage of life but at different historical
Figure 5. Directions of social change. The one-sided gray
horizontal arrows indicate directions of change over
historical time. The double-sided horizontal arrows indicate that
the variables are multivalued dimensions rather
than binary concepts. The vertical arrows indicate the dominant
causal relations.
406 GREENFIELD
periods (i.e., at different time points). One can also compare
different generations at the same time. In both designs,
intergen-
erational difference is the variable of interest. When the latter
19. design involves parents and children in the same family,
intergen-
erational conflict can be used to index intergenerational change.
The following two sections, one on endogenous change, the
other
on exogenous change, review virtually all the studies that
utilize
these designs, in order to provide empirical support for the
theory.
For each section, the organizing principle will be the links in
Figure 2.
Internal Social Change Shifts Developmental Pathways
Empirical research shows that endogenous shifts in the direction
of more Gesellschaft environments shift learning environments,
development, and cultural values in the predicted direction. In
what follows, I summarize studies testing various links in the
theoretical model. Because the theory of social change and
human
development is being used to explain data that preexisted the
theory itself, testing of the complete theory awaits future
research.
However, the fit of all the individual links—and, in a few cases,
multiple links in the same study—provides indication of its
validity.
In the empirical examples that follow, two points in the histor-
ical trajectory of a given group of people are compared. Starting
points on the Gemeinschaft–Gesellschaft variables may be very
different, but that is irrelevant to the direction of change, which
constitute the independent and dependent variables of interest.
Linking Sociodemographic Change to Changing
Learning Environments
20. Rogoff et al. (2005) studied how historical change in a Maya
town in Guatemala influenced child learning environments.
Three
generations were studied over a period of 23 years. On the
socio-
demographic level (see Figure 5), the town of San Pedro had
increased its population, its diversity of occupations, and the
availability and importance of schooling. In effect, it had moved
from subsistence and agriculture to a money-based economy.
During this period, children’s learning environments also
changed (italics indicate key variables). As schooling increased
in
importance, informal education at home decreased, and there
was
a decrease in children’s opportunities to observe and therefore
learn adult activities in the family environment. As generally
happens in the shift away from subsistence lifestyles, family
size
was reduced. As there were fewer younger siblings and more
time
was spent in school, there was a decline in responsibilities as
sibling caregivers, which is the major influence in the develop-
ment of altruistic (as opposed to egoistic) behavior (J. M. W.
Whiting & Whiting, 1973). Relationships with unrelated peers
became more important, as multiage interactions in the family
decreased. Rogoff et al. (2005) showed how a rapid shift from a
Gemeinschaft to a Gesellschaft environment affects children’s
learning environments.
Linking Sociodemographic Change, Changing Learning
Environments, and a Shifting Trajectory of
Cognitive Development
Sociodemographic change affects learning environments,
which, in turn, affect cognitive development. Evidence for these
21. links from various sources follows. Note that unlike what many
macrosocial scientists do, the following studies link individual
or
family differences in sociodemographic characteristics to
individ-
ual differences in learning environment and/or cognitive
develop-
ment.
Mexico: The Zinacantec Maya. From 1969 to 1991, the Zina-
cantec Maya economy transitioned from agriculture and subsis-
tence to commerce and money. Figure 6 summarizes new
Gesell-
schaft characteristics in the environment. Most important,
subsistence activities, the key to a Gemeinschaft economy, were
reduced (weaving all the …
The Impact of Pretend Play on Children’s Development:
A Review of the Evidence
Angeline S. Lillard, Matthew D. Lerner, Emily J. Hopkins,
Rebecca A. Dore,
Eric D. Smith, and Carolyn M. Palmquist
University of Virginia
Pretend play has been claimed to be crucial to children’s
healthy development. Here we examine
evidence for this position versus 2 alternatives: Pretend play is
1 of many routes to positive developments
(equifinality), and pretend play is an epiphenomenon of other
factors that drive development. Evidence
from several domains is considered. For language, narrative,
22. and emotion regulation, the research
conducted to date is consistent with all 3 positions but
insufficient to draw conclusions. For executive
function and social skills, existing research leans against the
crucial causal position but is insufficient to
differentiate the other 2. For reasoning, equifinality is definitely
supported, ruling out a crucially causal
position but still leaving open the possibility that pretend play
is epiphenomenal. For problem solving,
there is no compelling evidence that pretend play helps or is
even a correlate. For creativity, intelligence,
conservation, and theory of mind, inconsistent correlational
results from sound studies and nonreplication
with masked experimenters are problematic for a causal
position, and some good studies favor an
epiphenomenon position in which child, adult, and environment
characteristics that go along with play
are the true causal agents. We end by considering
epiphenomenalism more deeply and discussing
implications for preschool settings and further research in this
domain. Our take-away message is that
existing evidence does not support strong causal claims about
the unique importance of pretend play for
development and that much more and better research is essential
for clarifying its possible role.
Keywords: pretend play, preschool, cognitive development,
social development
How does pretend play affect children’s development? Claims
for its positive impact are resounding. The National Association
for the Education of Young Children, the major preschool
accred-
iting body in the United States, stated in its recent position
paper,
“high-level dramatic play produces documented cognitive,
23. social,
and emotional benefits” (Copple & Bredekamp, 2009, p. 15). An
article aimed at parents states that play “is a significant
contributor
to the child’s cognitive, physical, emotional, and social
develop-
ment”1 (Hurwitz, 2002, p. 101). Some even maintain that
pretend
play’s impact is unique: A clinical report on the subject for the
American Association of Pediatrics opened, “play is essential to
development . . . so important . . . that it has been recognized by
the United Nations High Commission for Human Rights as a
right
of every child”2 (Ginsburg, the Committee on Communications,
&
the Committee on Psychosocial Aspects of Child and Family
Health, 2007, p. 182). P. K. Smith (2010, pp. 28 –29) gave
many
other examples of the important and wide-reaching benefits
attrib-
uted to pretend play (see also Bredekamp, 2004; Brown &
Vaughan, 2009; Elkind, 2007; Tullis, 2011). American parents
concur (Roopnarine, 2011), and child development experts en-
dorse pretend play even more strongly (K. R. Fisher, Hirsh-
Pasek,
Golinkoff, & Gryfe, 2008). Entire preschool curricula are
designed
around pretend play because of the “unequivocal evidence for
[its]
critical importance” to children’s development (Zigler &
Bishop-
Josef, 2004, p. 9). Master teachers’ discussions of why pretend
play is so vital for children are convincing (e.g., Paley, 2005),
and
we agree: When we watch children in pretend play, it seems to
24. us
like a very important activity.
However, many non-Anglo cultures do not share this view of
pretend play’s importance, and perhaps as a result, children
grow-
ing up in those cultures pretend much less (Gaskins & Goncu,
1992; Lancy, 2007). A recent survey found that in only five of
16
1 Elsewhere it is clear that pretend play is intended; for
example, “in
play, everything and anything can happen: a sheet over a table
becomes a
castle” (Hurwitz, 2002, p. 101).
2 Pretend play is Ginsburg et al.’s (2007) focus; for example,
“play
allows children to create and explore a world they can master,
conquering
their fears while practicing adult roles” (p. 183).
This article was published Online First August 20, 2012.
Angeline S. Lillard, Matthew D. Lerner, Emily J. Hopkins,
Rebecca A.
Dore, Eric D. Smith, and Carolyn M. Palmquist, Department of
Psychol-
ogy, University of Virginia.
Matthew D. Lerner is now at the Department of Psychiatry and
Behav-
ioral Neuroscience, University of Chicago Medical Center,
Chicago, IL.
Preparation of this article was supported by National Science
26. pretend (Fein, 1981). Should infrequent pretenders be
pretending
more? Would doing so help their development? Is the evidence
strong enough to warrant designing curricula around pretend
play
and deriding preschools that do not encourage it? Here we
examine
evidence cited in support of pretend play’s importance to deter-
mine whether there is a convincing case. The evidence concerns
six domains of development, chosen because they are frequently
claimed to be assisted by pretend play (e.g., see Ashiabi, 2007;
Bergen, 2002; Ginsburg et al., 2007; Hirsh-Pasek, Golinkoff,
Berk,
& Singer, 2009; Isenberg & Quisenberry, 1988; Lillard, 2001a)
and because we found at least a half dozen studies concerning
each: nonsocial cognitive aptitudes (with five subdomains),
social
cognition, social skills, language, narrative skills, and self-
regulation (with the subdomains of executive function and
emotion
regulation).
First we define pretend play and review three theoretical posi-
tions on whether and how it affects development generally.
Next,
we describe patterns of evidence that would support each
position,
then review and discuss the evidence domain by domain. Finally
we consider one position more deeply, address the implications
of
our review for educational settings, and make suggestions for
future research on this topic.
Defining Pretend Play
A preliminary issue is to define pretend play. Play itself is a
27. notoriously difficult concept to pin down (Burghardt, 2011). For
our purposes the four criteria of Krasnor and Pepler (1980) will
define play: flexibility, positive affect, nonliterality, and
intrinsic
motivation (cf. Sutton-Smith & Kelly-Byrne, 1984). Flexibility
denotes that play behaviors vary from real ones in form (they
might be exaggerated, or truncated) and/or content (one might
play
at eating with a stick instead of a spoon). Positive affect
touches on
the idea that people look like they are having fun when they
play.
Nonliterality refers to the fact that, in play, behaviors lack their
usual meaning while paradoxically retaining it; Bateson (1972)
famously pointed out that, “the playful nip denotes the bite, but
it
does not denote what would be denoted by the bite” (p. 317).
Intrinsic motivation suggests voluntariness: One engages in the
activity by choice for its own sake.
Pretend play activities are the subset of play activities charac-
terized by an “as-if” stance (Garvey, 1990). Beyond being
simply
nonliteral, in pretend play a “pretense” is layered over reality
(Austin, 1979); specifically, a pretender knowingly and
intention-
ally projects some mentally represented alternative on to the
pres-
ent situation in the spirit of play (Lillard, 1993). Sometimes
pretend play is social: A group of children share an alternative
reality that they project, perhaps acting like they are different
people in another place and time. Other times pretending is a
solo
activity. Pretend play can involve projecting imaginary objects
and
properties, or using one object as if it were another (Leslie,
28. 1987).
It is most prominent in early childhood, with ages 3 to 5 being
declared its “high season” (D. G. Singer & Singer, 1992),
although
it does continue into middle childhood and beyond (E. D. Smith
&
Lillard, in press).
There are several other forms of play besides pretend (see
Pellegrini, 2009; P. K. Smith, 2010); in particular there is a
small
but important literature on physical play (such as hopscotch and
rough-and-tumble play), which has been well reviewed
elsewhere
(Pellegrini & Bohn, 2005; Pellis & Pellis, 2009). Such forms of
play assist sustained attention in conventional school situations
(Pellegrini & Bohn, 2005); they also (in the case of rough-and-
tumble play fighting) assist emotion regulation, social coordina-
tion, and normal sexual behavior, at least in some rodents and
nonhuman primates (Pellis & Pellis, 2009). Pretend play can
overlap with these and other types of play. For example,
physical
play overlaps with pretend play when children pretend to be
fighting warriors. Object play overlaps with pretending when a
child animates those objects.
The literature is not always clear as to when pretend play
specifically, versus play more generally, or some other specific
type of play is at issue; this can be seen in the quotes with
which
we opened (but see footnotes 1–2), and probably arises because
young children’s play is so often infused with pretense. Our aim
here is not to resolve this ambiguity but rather to consider
studies
used to support claims that play is crucial to positive develop-
29. ments, excluding the physical play literature just mentioned,
and
retaining focus on pretend play as much as possible. Our main
exception to this is in two subdomains of nonsocial cognitive
aptitudes, creativity and problem solving, because for those
skills
several studies concerning manipulative play with small objects
(which might or might not involve pretending) are often cited as
showing play’s cognitive benefits. When a study contrasted pre-
tend play with some other form of play (like construction play,
as
in building with blocks) we focused on the pretend condition.
Many studies strain the voluntary aspect of play in that children
were told to play or were instructed in acting out a story, but
because those studies have been cited as showing play’s
benefits,
they are reviewed here.
To locate studies, the first author began with references sup-
porting claims of play’s benefits in articles like those in the
opening paragraph, then back referenced those studies in a
snow-
ball fashion. Through this process she arrived at the six main
topics
and six subdomains of nonsocial cognitive skills; the subdomain
of
mathematics was subsequently eliminated due to an insufficient
number of studies. From there a search engine (Google Scholar)
was employed, searching by keywords (“social skills, pretend
play”) and the “referenced by” and “related articles” features,
as
well as continuing to back reference from within articles. To
avoid
an unwieldy review, we passed over studies of atypical
populations
or cultural variation, and largely confined ourselves to
30. published or
in press peer-reviewed studies.3
Theoretical Background
P. K. Smith (2010) laid out three theoretically possible relation-
ships between pretend play and positive developmental
outcomes.
3 Exceptions were made for particularly important unpublished
studies
reported in other published work by the author or thesis advisor,
and for
one article under review.
2 LILLARD ET AL.
The first is that pretend play is crucial to optimal development.
The second, which Smith supported, is equifinality: Pretending
helps some developments, but it is only one possible route.
Other
activities can work as well or better. The third possibility is that
pretending is an epiphenomenon or byproduct of some other
selected-for capability, but in and of itself makes no
contribution
to development; rather, the other activity or condition to which
it
is sometimes attached is the actual contributor. Two major
devel-
opmental theorists, Vygotsky and Piaget, align with the first and
third views, respectively.
For Vygotsky (1978), pretense has a crucial developmental role,
because it is the activity by which children learn to separate
31. referent from object. In play, children first understand that
actions
(and objects on which one might act) can be separated from
reality
and can be based on the meaning of a given situation rather than
on the physical properties of objects (Vygotsky, 1967). In this
way,
for example, a banana could become a phone in a pretense situa-
tion and the child could act on it as if it were a phone,
inhibiting
how he or she would act on it if it were a banana. The upshot of
this is that children develop abstract thought through pretend
play
(Vygotsky, 1967). In addition, because reality must be
inhibited,
children also develop inhibitory control through pretending
(Bodrova & Leong, 1996). Because of these features, “in play,
it is
as though [the child] were a head taller than himself”
(Vygotsky,
1978, p. 102); play takes a child to the upper end of his or her
“zone of proximal development” (p. 86).
In contrast, for Piaget (1962), pretend play is more an index
than
a promoter of development.4 Its appearance around 18 months
indicates the development of the semiotic function, which also
allows for deferred imitation and language. The semiotic
function
separates an idea from its referent, a memory from its context,
and
an object from its label, allowing one to entertain and elaborate
on
mental content that is separate from the physical, present
reality.
32. Here we consider which of these views is best supported by the
evidence. Each view is compatible with a particular pattern of
evidence from correlational and experimental (short-term and
training) studies, shown in Table 1 (cf. P. K. Smith, 2010, Table
9.2, p. 187). These patterns assume methodologically sound
stud-
ies including sufficient duration and sample sizes. First, if
pretend
play does crucially cause positive developments (Vygotsky’s
po-
sition), then strong positive correlations between pretend play
and
those developments should consistently be found; if a child pre-
tends more, whether naturally (in a correlational study) or due
to
an experimental manipulation, the development should increase.
If
pretend play causes creativity, then children who pretend more
will
generally be more creative. Additional predictors, like
intelligence,
are also possible, but if pretending is truly the important causal
factor, the unique and important relationship to pretend play
should hold even when those other predictors are partialled out.
Conversely, if Smith’s equifinality position is correct, then one
would generally expect positive relationships between play and
the
outcome but also correlations with other predictors that
engender
the outcome. For example, if social pretend play develops
theory
of mind and so does adult talk about mental states, then correla-
tions should be found for both variables. Interventions
increasing
mental state talk and pretend play might have an additive effect
33. when combined, which could lead to even larger effects (but not
if
there was a ceiling on development for that age). There could be
cases when although equifinality is the best model, pretend play
fails to evince a significant effect. This might occur, for
example,
when there is substantial multicollinearity, or when an alternate
predictor’s effect is much larger, masking pretend play’s effect.
Thus equifinality does not insist on 100% consistent results, but
it
generally expects them.
The third, or epiphenomenon, position is supported if pretend
play coincides with some other causal circumstance; in such
cases
pretend play might mistakenly be considered causal. For
example,
if social pretend play is related to theory of mind because adults
who engage in a lot of mental state talk also happen to
encourage
pretend play, then perhaps what is actually leading to the
increased
theory of mind is not the pretend play, but the mental state talk;
social pretend play is secondary or epiphenomenal to the mental
state talk–theory of mind relationship. If pretend play is an
epiphe-
nomenon then one might find inconsistent correlations with
outcomes
(because pretend play does not always go along with the real
predic-
tors) but consistent correlations between real predictors and
outcomes.
Because different studies measure different possible predictors,
the
true predictors might not always be evident. Here we evaluate
34. the
patterns of evidence with an eye to each of these positions.
Before
beginning to do so, it is useful to note some recurring problems
in this
literature (see also Cheyne, 1982).
Common Methodological Problems
Several problems recur in the literature on whether pretend play
helps development. Sometimes these problems occur because
the
4 Others have claimed Piaget gives pretense a stronger role in
develop-
ment; for example, Singer and colleagues, citing Piaget (1962),
claimed he
“concluded that play was a vital component to children’s normal
intellec-
tual and social development” (D. G. Singer et al., 2009, p. 285).
In our
reading the closest Piaget (1962) comes to this is when he says
it is
undoubtedly “a preparation for imaginative aptitudes” (p. 155),
where
imagination (as in pretend play) is the assimilative pole of
thought (in
contrast to accommodation), and creative imagination arises
only when one
integrates the two. This is essentially the position taken by
Harris (2000)
and D. G. Singer and Singer (1992): Pretending assists
imagination. But
whereas for these modern authors this is a reason to centralize
pretend play,
our reading of Piaget’s text on play suggests that this role in
35. imaginative
development was a minor concern; pretend play was primarily
an offshoot
of the symbolic function. Perhaps confusion has arisen because
elsewhere
Piaget assigns manipulative activities (Piaget, 1929) and peer
interaction
(Piaget, 1932) as important to development, and pretend play
often in-
volves these other activities. But in considering manipulative
activity,
Piaget refers more to what is now referred to as embodied
cognition
(“manual work is essential to the child’s mental development”;
Piaget,
1929, p. 383), and regarding peer involvement Piaget’s own
focus on
pretend play was particularly as a solitary activity. Piaget
(1962) did think
pretending served an egoistic function in that it allowed the
child to fulfill
wishes that he or she could not fulfill in reality. A child who
wants to be
a mother can simply pretend to be one. But Piaget was
concerned with
cognitive development, not personality development, and
pretend play was
pre-operational because it indicated what the child lacked. For
Piaget,
children outgrow pretending as they develop the ability to
accommodate
reality. Here he followed some major figures of his time in
child psychol-
ogy, such as Freud (1955, as discussed by Harris, 2000) and
Montessori
(1989). Aligning with our own reading, Sutton-Smith (1966)
36. colorfully
summarized Piaget’s view of pretending as “a buttress to an
inadequate
intelligence” (p. 108). For further discussion, see P. K. Smith
(2010, pp.
31–37).
3PLAY DEVELOPMENT
research was conducted when experimental standards were not
as
high as they are today, pointing to the need to modernize the
evidence base. In more recent studies, perhaps scholars did not
apply more rigor because of a deep belief in the power of play
(Elkind, 2007), what P. K. Smith (1988) dubbed the “play
ethos”
and Sutton-Smith (1995, p. 279) the rhetoric of “play as
progress.”
Here we strive to overcome the tendency to favor pretend play
by
holding all studies to a high standard.
One common problem in discussions of the impact of play on
development is that correlational findings are often discussed as
if
they were causal. When children who play more do better on
some
other measure, of course it does not mean that the play
definitely
caused the outcome. Positive correlations between pretend play
and a development are only a necessary precondition to pretend
play being causal. Likewise prominent authors have described
elaborate pretend worlds they constructed as children, and one
might see the earlier behavior as causing their subsequent
37. literary
genius (Root-Bernstein, in press), but it is as plausible that their
creativity led to conjuring up elaborate imaginary worlds at
both
time points.
A second recurring problem is failure to replicate. For example,
one study shows increases in empathy associated with pretense
training (Saltz & Johnson, 1974) and another does not (Iannotti,
1978), and typically only the positive finding is cited. If other
key
experimental factors are essentially equal, either the reported
pos-
itive result reflects a Type I error or the failure reflects a Type
II
error. Inconsistent findings in correlational studies contradict
the
causal view but would be expected with either the equifinality
or
epiphenomenalism. For equifinality, nonreplications would
occur
when the alternate route was stronger in one study, and
including
it masked the effect of pretend play; for the epiphenomenon
position, nonreplications would occur because the underlying
cause sometimes accompanied pretend play and sometimes did
not. In the literature extolling play’s benefits, failures to
replicate
are often ignored.
A third problem concerns experimenter bias. Every under-
graduate research methods course should impart the importance
of experimenters being “masked” insofar as possible: that is,
unaware of (a) the hypotheses being tested and (b) participants’
conditions. Yet cognitive development research rarely uses
38. masked experimenters. This might usually be fine: Child de-
velopment researchers and the kinds of tests they give might not
be vulnerable to experimenter bias under the usual circum-
stances. For example, we know of no research suggesting that
false belief or conservation errors occur at certain ages only
when experimenters are unmasked. However, for research on
the benefits of pretend play there are several cases where results
obtained with knowledgeable experimenters went away when
masked ones were employed (Christie, 1983; Guthrie & Hud-
son, 1979; Pepler & Ross, 1981; Simon & Smith, 1983, 1985;
P. K. Smith, Simon, & Emberton, 1985; P. K. Smith & Whit-
ney, 1987). Nonreplications with masked experimenters make a
strong case for being cautious about pretend play results ob-
tained with knowledgeable experimenters.
Besides correlational data, nonreplication, and unmasked ex-
perimenters, other recurrent problems are very small sample
sizes, nonrandom assignment, confounding implementer with
intervention (particularly concerning when there is only one
implementer per condition and interventions last for several
months), control conditions that differ beyond pretend play,
confounding content with pretend play, and unsound statistical
practices like using subsets of data and one-tailed tests without
prior rationale.
Methodological problems are so prevalent in this literature that
meta-analysis is precluded. E. P. Fisher (1992) did a meta-
analysis
of the impact of play (generally) on development, despite
aware-
ness of these limitations (see “Shortcomings of the Studies,” pp.
164 –168), but he also did not have a consistent even-handed
approach to which statistics he included, and further, he used
some
wrong statistics that inflated his result. As a particularly
egregious
39. illustration of this, from Christie (1983) he used the statistic
pertaining to a variable named variable (F � 257.67), reflecting
the overall sample scores on five variables, when the far smaller
Variable � Time � Condition statistic (F � 0.49) is what
should
Table 1
Three Possible Relationships Between Pretend Play and
Development
Expected pattern of results Crucial (Vygotsky) Equifinality (P.
K. Smith) Epiphenomenon (Piaget)
Correlational studies Strong, unique, and consistent. Generally
consistent but not unique.
Including other causal variables
could mask pretend play’s
effects, so correlations could be
inconsistent.
Inconsistent, but consistent with other variables
that are causal. For example, if presence of
certain toys increases pretending in children
who are more creative, but other objects
have no impact, then correlations between
pretending and creativity will be seen only
in environments with those toys.
Experimental (short-term and
training) studies
Strong, unique, and consistent. Strong and consistent but not
unique, so other conditions could
also affect development. For
example, skills training and
pretend play training could both
40. increase the development.
Effects found only if the crucial underlying
factor(s) is (are) influenced by the
intervention. For example, suppose pretend
play only assists development when
intensive adult interaction is part of that
training; when children pretend but there is
no intensive adult interaction, the pretend
play does not increase the development; in
addition, another condition might show that
intensive adult interaction alone increases
the development, even in the absence of
play.
4 LILLARD ET AL.
have been used. Careful reading reveals many more problems,
yet
this article is often cited (126 times, Google Scholar, as of May
28,
2012) as evidence that play helps development (e.g., Bergen,
2009;
Ginsburg et al., 2007; Wyver & Spence, 1999).
Because so many studies in this area are methodologically
unsound, the current literature base is best suited to a
descriptive
review, on which we now embark. In each section, we begin
with
theoretical and construct issues, then review studies. A series of
10
tables compiles the studies pertinent to each domain or
subdomain
41. of development.
After reviewing the studies, each section concludes by dis-
cussing the evidence with respect to the three views (summa-
rized in Table 12). In these discussions, we sometimes rely on
the absence of evidence to support a position. We do this with
caution, since one can never prove that a relationship does not
exist (Altman & Bland, 1995). However, inconsistent correla-
tion patterns across studies with similar samples and methods
and reliable coders are against a causal view. Likewise, when
sound experimental methods yield null effects or even effects
showing play is less positive than the alternative, this is also
relevant. Finally, doubt is also cast on a causal view when
masking experimenters or equalizing other aspects of interven-
tions nullifies previous findings.
A final note before treading into the evidence concerns the
“straw person” element of the crucial causal view. When put on
the stand, perhaps few would endorse the position that pretend
play is crucial (in the sense of essential or vital) for various
aspects of development. Yet the quotes with which we opened
and additional references throughout this review show that this
stance is taken in the literature, so we consider it here.
Nonsocial Cognitive Aptitudes
As was seen in our opening paragraph, many scholars have
asserted that pretend play produces cognitive benefits. One way
pretend play could help cognition is by predisposing children to
a
generally playful attitude (Dansky & Silverman, 1973) that
could
lead to production of unusual ideas, creative problem solving
(Vandenberg, 1980), and then to other cognitive aptitudes. This
view is compatible with Fredrickson’s (2001) broaden-and-build
theory of positive emotions, with play eliciting joy, which in
43. All of the authors address the unfolding
paradigm shift in developmental sciences, from reductionism to
relational developmental system the-
ories. This theoretical stance involves the recognition of
Individual ←→ context transactions, with
multiple coacting partners existing in dynamic relationships
across the life span and life course. The
articles address not only theoretical issues, but also
methodological advances and their applications.
Although acknowledging the importance of new data collection
and analytical techniques that permit
the testing of more complex theoretical models, the articles
demonstrate that well-designed questions
from this theoretical perspective can also yield novel findings
which are highly relevant to current
real-world problems and social policy issues.
This issue of Research in Human Development (RHD) is special
for two reasons. First, it com-
prises invited addresses from the 2013 biannual meeting of the
Society for the Study of Human
Development (SSHD), in Fort Lauderdale, Florida. As such, I
cannot really take credit for the
compilation of this issue—that honor rightfully belongs to
Willis (Bill) Overton, who organized
the conference as president-elect of the SSHD and invited this
group of luminaries in the field
of developmental science, and who is providing the commentary
to this issue. Nonetheless, it
has been a privilege to work with these authors, who have been
highly instrumental in spear-
heading cutting-edge issues in developmental science and who
have contributed really terrific
articles.
Second, this is my last issue as editor of RHD. I started in the
44. summer of 2009, taking over
from Erin Phelps, who ably shepherded this journal for several
years. It has really been a tremen-
dous amount of fun (and work). RHD is an unusual journal in
several ways. It is one of the few
Address correspondence to Carolyn M. Aldwin, Human
Development and Family Sciences, College of Public
Health & Human Sciences, Oregon State University, 424 Waldo
Hall, Corvallis, OR 97330. E-mail: [email protected]
oregonstate.edu
mailto:[email protected]
mailto:[email protected]
248 ALDWIN
journals that is life span, multidisciplinary, and embraces
multimethod approaches. Further, we
publish only special issues. Thus, we welcome proposals that
have articles representing all stages
of life, and from several disciplines, including psychological,
sociology, philosophy, and biology.
The topics of our issues in the past 5 years have ranged from
epigenetics and evolutionary biol-
ogy (Greenberg, 2014; Wanke & Spittle, 2011) and systems
science (Urban, Osgood, & Mabry,
2011) to the life course effects of military service (Spiro &
Settersten, 2012) and immigrant
families (Marks & Abo-Zena, 2013) to wisdom (Trowbridge &
Ferrari, 2011) and mindfulness
(Frank, Jennings, & Greenberg, 2013). We also have a strong
focus on tremendously excit-
ing methods—which are often our most-cited articles—
including not only quantitative articles
45. addressing longitudinal methods that treat time in some quite
astonishing ways (e.g., Gersdorf,
Haupmann, & Ram, 2014; Ram & Gersdorf, 2009) to qualitative
issues studying unusual sam-
ples in depth, providing remarkable insights (Catania & Dolcini,
2012). Given that this is my last
issue, I would like to join my colleagues in reflecting upon the
tremendous advances that have
been made in the developmental sciences and the challenges
still to come.
Living Through a Paradigm Shift
As Antonucci and Webster (this issue) aptly observed, we have
the good fortune to be living
in the interesting times of a paradigm shift in developmental
science. This shift from radical
behaviorism that was the dominant paradigm in psychology
when I was an undergraduate in the
1970s to today’s relational developmental systems paradigm is
remarkable. A little reflection on
how we got here might prove useful.
In the old radical behaviorism, all behavior could be reduced to
environmental contingencies,
and thought but the conditioned reflexes of throat muscles.
Luckily, I went to Clark University,
whose psychology department was the bastion of German
organismic developmental theory, with
its emphasis on development throughout the life span reflecting
qualitative shifts in the relation-
ship among components of a system. The legacy of Heinz
Werner lived on through Seymour
Wapner and Bernie Kaplan, who challenged the reductionistic
behaviorist paradigm that so dom-
inated much of the 20th-century psychology. This school also
46. influenced the Human Development
and Family Sciences program at the Pennsylvania State
University through K. Warner Schaie and
Paul Baltes, who were also instrumental in organizing a year
series of seminars and books at
West Virginia University that promoted various aspects of
developmental theory in the 1970s and
1980s. Urie Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory at
Cornell University challenged dis-
ciplinary boundaries, as did Feyerabend’s (1975) denunciation
of methodological monism—the
idea that one method was the only means of discovery.
There was also a growing emphasis on interdisciplinary
education. My graduate program at
the University of California at San Francisco in adult
development and aging provided immersion
into the psychology, sociology, and anthropology of aging and
was one of the first in the country
to have a graduate group, whose members spanned multiple
disciplines and campuses. I also had
the good fortune to work with Richard Lazarus, who was one of
the originators of the “cognitive
revolution” in psychology, reinstating the central roles of
thought—and subjectivity—through
emphasis on the importance of the stress appraisal processes.
He emphasized the importance
of transactions—that neither reductionism nor interactionism
adequately reflected appraisal
INTRODUCTION TO A SPECIAL ISSUE 249
processes, which resulted from a transaction between the person
and the environment, which
47. mutually influenced each other. Coping was also influenced by
personal preferences and environ-
mental contingencies, and was a fluid, proactive process that
changed as a function of changing
environmental contexts and appraisals. In health psychology,
though, the function of coping with
stress was to return an organism to homeostasis. My
contribution was to add a developmental
perspective to this transactional model, examining coping with
stress as either a deviation ampli-
fying or deviation countering process, setting off positive
developmental trends, negative spirals,
or a return to homeostasis (Aldwin & Stokols, 1988). Thus, it
was delightful to see Lerner’s work
on developmental systems theory (Ford & Lerner, 1992) and
Reese and Overton’s (1970) classic
work on developmental theory, now evolved into relational
developmental systems theory (see
Lerner, Agans, DeSouza, & Hershberg, this issue; Overton, this
issue). Thus, it is not surprising
that the contributors to this issue were all involved in some
aspects of this paradigm shift.
As Lerner et al. (this issue) so cogently argued, developmental
science has been undergoing a
remarkable shift from reductionism to a relational
developmental perspective, with its emphasis
on mutually influencing components in dynamic change patterns
over time. This is seen quite
dramatically in the shift from the old behavioral genetics, with
its failed attempt to reduce psy-
chological processes to an out-of-date Mendelian genetics, to
the new emphasis on epigenetics
and the recognition that the genes are a dynamic system that
change quite rapidly over rather short
time scales. An argument can be made that it is not only
48. developmental science that is undergoing
this paradigm shift, but that much, if not all, of science is
turning from reductionistic models to
ones involving systems approaches. Certainly subatomic
particles are especially stubborn in their
refusal to follow reductionistic strictures. And though molecular
genetics is still the dominant
paradigm in biology, epigenetics, ecological models, and
systems biology are all following this
paradigm shift. In public health, systems approaches are also
gathering momentum, supported
by the emphasis on systems science methods within the National
Institutes of Health Office of
Behavioral and Social Sciences Research
(http://obssr.od.nih.gov/scientific_areas/methodology/
systems_science/).
As Lerner et al. (this issue) point out, the emergence of this
paradigm is supported by a plethora
of new statistical methods. After all, if the only method
available is analysis of variance, it is dif-
ficult to think outside the box of discrete variables having main
effects, and, if one were lucky,
interaction effects. For a long time, our theories outstripped the
methods, but now there is a variety
of statistical models that permit more sophisticated questions to
be asked and analyzed. Structural
equation modelling allows for the examination of mediating and
moderating effects in models
with multiple variables, pathways, and outcomes, and
longitudinal cross-lagged terms allow for
examination of mutual influences over time. Multilevel models
permit within-person analyses,
examining individual and contextual differences in how
variables covary. Group-based multilevel
modelling can examine patterns of individual differences in how
49. individuals change over time.
In personality theory, for example, Lachman (1988) stated that
the question of “Does personal-
ity change over time” was far too simplistic, and needed to be
replaced by more sophisticated
questions such as “Which personality variables change, for
whom, and in what circumstances.”
However, as Liben’s (this issue) and Connidis’ (this issue)
contributions so aptly show,
hypertrophied methods are not necessary to asking sound
research questions from a relational
developmental perspective. Liben’s work emphasizes that
development is not an individual
process—rather, it occurs within an individual ←→ context
nexus, resulting from coaction
250 ALDWIN
between constructive and contextual processes. She describes
developmental intergroup theory,
which “posits the operation of relational processes in which
child and context inextricably give
and take meaning to and from one another” (p. 274). One of the
most troublesome social
phenomena is the social prejudice that arises as a function of
group membership. This funda-
mental identity is often the source of outgroup prejudice and is
one of the sources of much of the
nastier sources of conflict in the world, including prejudice
against the Jews, African Americans,
and other racial/ethnic minorities, apartheid in South Africa, the
Serbian-Bosnian conflict, the
Troubles in Northern Ireland, the Israelis and the Palestinians,
50. and centuries-old conflict between
Shia and Sunni Muslims. Developmental processes are involved
in the development and in the
maintenance and modification of stereotypes and prejudices.
Understanding this process is crucial
to the development of effective intervention programs, as Liben
so ably documented with regard
to gender stereotyping. How these types of programs might be
enacted in adulthood, though, is
an open question. The model is purposively a general one,
applicable to a wide range of topics,
and theoretically at least, should be applicable to adults as well.
Connidis (this issue) did take a life course perspective. As she
noted, most of the work in
the relational developmental area focuses on individuals and
their immediate contexts, but, as
such, this perspective is also applicable to bridging the micro-
and macrodivide. In particular,
understanding individuals as actors within a larger relational
system allows one to transcend the
zero-sum perspective that pervades much of social policy. For
example, it is widely assumed
that the “greedy old geezer” lobby protects its own social
programs at the expense of children’s
programs. However, from a life course relational perspective, it
can be that older generations
devote a considerable amount of their resources to younger
generations, and young adult financial
stability and opportunities can result in supporting older
generations. Thus, understanding how
family, intergenerational, and public policy systems coact can
inform more productive social
policy and programs.
Antonucci and Webster (this issue), also celebrate this paradigm
51. shift to a relational develop-
mental systems perspective. They not only cite the growing
spread of systems theory perspectives,
but also celebrate the plethora of new types of data collection,
from functional magnetic resonance
imaging (fMRI) that allows us to examine how different parts of
the brain work together to better
ways of tracking eye movements to study attention as the
interplay between the person and the
environment. New computerized data collection techniques
allow for data collection in real time
(e.g., ecological momentary assessment) to the use of the
Internet to examine “big data.” We now
have the capabilities of multiple perspectives, data collection,
and analytical techniques to really
examine issues from cells to society. The impact of stress on
development is a great example.
Stress and stress-reducing processes exist at the cellular levels,
affect mental and physical health,
transact with the immediate environment, and are strongly
influenced by social policy. At the
genetic level, stress hormones can result in the methylation and
down regulation of genes that
regulate the stress process, perhaps leading to greater
vulnerability in adulthood (Miller, Chen, &
Parker, 2011).
Antonucci and Webster (this issue) also caution that the
flowering of conceptual and method-
ological opportunity also creates inherent dangers—it is simply
not possible for any one person to
span all of cells to society research, nor to be equally facile
with all of the new data collection and
analytical techniques. Thus, pace Liben, it is likely that we will
see the continuation of ingroups
and outgroups within academia, as witnessed by the battles
52. between molecular geneticists and
ecologists within biology, or the disciplinary differences in
preferred statistical methods.
INTRODUCTION TO A SPECIAL ISSUE 251
One new developmental perspective that is not well represented
in this issue involves purposive
development. In the old radical behaviorism, agency was simply
absent, with operant and/or
classical conditioning being the dominant process. This
gradually gave way to behavior as a
function of gene–environment interactions, which still neglected
agency. One of the most positive
aspects of relational developmental system theories is their
emphasis on agency and coaction—
that individuals actively construct the meaning of their
environment, as well as their transactions
with the environment, and thus construct themselves as well.
With this coconstruction comes the
opportunity for change and development. However, how agency
develops is not addressed well
by this system.
We have argued elsewhere (Aldwin, 2007) that adult
development is purposive—that is, that
individuals can make conscious decisions to change aspects of
themselves. In Brandstädter,
Wentura, and Rothermund’s (1999) theory, this is accomplished
by setting goals and striving
towards those goals. Stress also forms a context for adult
development—that major stressors
can challenge individual’s assumption systems, including their
assumptions about themselves,
53. and can afford the opportunity for better insight into ourselves
and our relationships with others
(Aldwin, 2007). Having a minor heart attack, for example, can
prompt changes in health behav-
ior habits. Going through one’s third divorce may require
serious consideration about how one
relates to others. We have also argued that development in
adulthood changes as much through
loss of negative aspects of the self as through acquisition of
more positive aspects (Levenson,
Aldwin, & Cupertino, 2001).
Thus, agency—or what Baumeister (2008) termed “free will”—
must reflect developmental
processes, in which individuation from contextual influences
occurs, allowing for the deploy-
ment of free will. Levenson and Crumpler (1996) argued that
Habermas’ (1971) emancipatory
knowledge-constitutive interest is the goal of adult
development—that is, increasing freedom
from biological and social conditioning. Thus, it is not that
classical and operant conditioning
processes are invalid—they do indeed demonstrably exist—but
that individuals cannot make con-
scious choices if they are not aware of what influences them—
what McKee and Barber (1999)
called “seeing through illusion.”
Not surprisingly, this “seeing through illusion” is also a major
element of the development of
wisdom. While there is currently no one accepted definition of
wisdom, one such published in
RHD held that:
Wisdom is a practice that reflects the developmental process by
which individuals increase in self-
54. knowledge, self-integration, nonattachment, self-transcendence,
and compassion, as well as a deeper
understanding of life. This practice involves better self-
regulation and ethical choices, resulting in
greater good for oneself and others. (Aldwin, 2009, p. 3)
Lerner et al. (this issue) argue that the ultimate goal of
relational developmental systems the-
ories is to optimize human development and to promote social
justice, defined as “providing
opportunities for all individuals to optimize their chances of
positive, healthy development”
(p. 258), enhancing the lives of all individuals and groups. As
such, developmental science
provides an
intellectual “tool box,” the means to work to promote a better
life for all people, to give diverse
individuals the requisite chances needed to maximize their
aspirations and actions aimed at being
active producers of their positive development, and to promote
a more socially just world. (p. 266)
252 ALDWIN
As admirable as this goal is, and as much as I agree with it, von
Neumann-Morgenstern’s theo-
rem cautions that it is not possible to maximize all variables in
an equation at once—that choices
must be made as to which variable (or person or group) to
maximize at any given time. By hiring
one individual to hopefully improve the functioning of an
organization, one is by definition not
providing the other candidates with that same opportunity.
55. Global warming is good in the short
term for some species of beetles which no longer experience
population die offs over the winter,
but terrible for the forests that sustain them. Thus, social justice
requires the exercise of wisdom,
which involves the self-transcendence of one’s own immediate
needs in service of the greater
good, and the perspicacity to see the multiple possible outcomes
of any given action, as well as
compassion for the suffering of others.
Examples of this on a grand scale include Nelson Mandela, Dr.
Martin Luther King, Gandhi,
Desmond Tutu, Mother Teresa, and the Dalai Lama. For
example, Mandela could have promoted
the dominance of his own ethnic group over others in South
Africa, as unfortunately the leaders
in the fledgling democracies in Africa and the Middle East
appear to be doing today. However,
he saw the wisdom of forgiveness and had compassion for the
fears of the all of the groups in his
country, and worked toward unification.
Wisdom is also a coconstruction between the individual and the
environment. Few develop
wisdom in the absence of role models, and the importance of
wisdom does not lie so much in the
individual’s well-being, but in the well-being of the community.
As Antonucci and Webster (this
issue) noted, abusive parenting can be transmitted across
generations, but positive parenting—
even adoptive parenting—can also be transmitted. Thus,
research is needed to examine whether
wisdom is also transmitted intergenerationally, and if the
presence of wise individuals results in
greater community well-being.
56. One offshoot of this paradigm shift toward relational
developmental systems is the idea of con-
scious evolution—that we as a species have the capacity to
consciously influence the course of
evolution (e.g., Laszlo, 2007). That is, the choices that we make
influence not only our own devel-
opment and that of our community, but the well-being of other
species as well. We can engage
in policies that will result in massive environmental change, and
rapid dying off of many species,
or we can expand our understanding of morality to include
aspects of our ecology. Templeton
and Eccles’ (2008) work on “expanding circle morality” also
reflects these concerns. Thus, with
this understanding of human plasticity and developmental
capacity, and the fundamental inter-
relationship of all things, comes the moral imperative to act in
an ethical manner towards all
beings. In Tibetan Buddhism, humans are the “eyes of the
world”—that part of the world which
is conscious and thus can lead to self-knowledge and intrinsic
freedom for all (Longchenpa,
2000)—a lofty and probably unrealizable goal, but one with
great implications for moral and
human development.
In a small way, editing RHD has allowed me the opportunity to
contribute to this paradigm shift
in developmental theory, for which I am grateful. The incoming
editors are Richard Settersten and
Megan McClelland, who are also eminent scholars with broad
interdisciplinary backgrounds.
I look forward very much to seeing the further evolution of
RHD.
57. FUNDING
Preparation of this article was supported by National Institutes
of Health Grant AG032037.
INTRODUCTION TO A SPECIAL ISSUE 253
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ABSTRACTLiving Through a Paradigm
ShiftFUNDINGREFERENCES
62. Cognitive Development Theories
Cognitive Development Theories
Program Transcript
NARRATOR: Developmental psychology has a variety of
classical and
contemporary theories. Dr. Nina Bennett describes some of
these theories and
their importance in the study of lifespan development.
NINA BENNETT: Cognition, of course, is a theory that was
proposed by Jean
Piaget. And he talked about how we make sense of our world
and we develop
schemes. One of the first stages of cognitive development is the
sensorimotor
stage, and if you break those two words up, you have "senses"
and "motor." And
so we make sense of our world by moving through our
environment and using
our senses to develop those schemes. So the more motorized we
are, the more
we can navigate our environment, the more we can make sense
of our world, the
more schemes that we can develop. If we have limited motor
development, that
means we're limited in the space, in the environment, in the area
that we can
63. move through, and so that's gonna impact our cognitive
development. The
second stage is the preoperational stage, the third stage is the
concrete
operational stage, and then the final stage is the formal
operational stage. And
you'll notice when you look at Piaget's theory, it begins at birth,
his stages, and
they end at adolescence. So basically what that says is that our
sense of
development, when we talk about cognitive development, pretty
much is in place
by the time we reach adolescence, and then what happens after
that as we grow
into adulthood is, we simply build on those first four stages.
The other thing about
Piaget is that he said that those stages work in order. You have
to go from one
stage to the next stage to the next stage. So you can't
necessarily skip a stage.
The other thing is that those stages have some variation in them,
and so even
though the first stage is from birth to two years, a child may
move into the second
stage maybe at 15 months or 18 months. But what he did say is
that
development ends; it's done by the time we reach adolescence.
Vygotsky is one
of my favorite theorists, and the reason why I like Vygotsky so
much is because
unlike the other theorists, he includes the sociocultural aspect.
He includes the
impact of culture on cognitive development. One of the things
that Vygotsky
talked about is that he said that learning takes place in
collaboration with other
65. Cognitive Development Theories
to learn a little bit more. And so Vygotsky left us with so much
that we can draw
upon to help us better understand cognitive development.
Information Processing Theories
NINA BENNETT: When you think about information
processing, think about a
computer. You have your hard drive, and you have the soft
drive. And so when
researchers develop information processing, it's just what it
says: how we
process information. We have our mental hardware, and we have
our mental
software. We have the hardware, our brain, which is what we're
born with. It's
already pre-wired. But then what we do is, we add information
66. to that that
enables us to do the things that we do, that enable us, for
example, to go to
school and learn our ABCs, that enable us to do a speech, or
that enables me to
sit here in front of you and to explain to you about human
development. That was
because of experiences that I've had, and so that adds to the
hardware. Now, if
the hardware is damaged, in other words, if there's some brain
delay, if there's
some damage to the brain, it may not work as we would like for
it. So that means
that the software that I use is going to have to be a little bit
different, because the
hardware, the hardwiring, has been damaged to some extent.
Developmental Theories
NINA BENNETT: Erik Erikson provided us with eight stages of
socioemotional
development. The wonderful thing about Erikson is that his
stages went all the
way to older life, went in to the 60s. And what he said was that
at each one of
these stages, we experience a crisis or crises and that crises has
to be resolved
in order for us to move on to the next stage. When we look at
the first three
stages of socioemotional development, we're looking at children
from birth right
up to maybe about preschool, and the first three stages: the first
stage is trust
versus mistrust, the second stage is autonomy versus shame and
doubt, and this
third stage is initiative versus guilt. And so those three stages