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Indian Eco


India Unbound


- -Gurucharan Das


Mid-sem assignment
India today is a vibrant free-market democracy, a nation well on its way to overcoming decades of
widespread poverty. The nation's rise is one of the great international stories of the late twentieth
century, and in India Unbound the acclaimed columnist Gurcharan Das offers a sweeping economic
history of India from independence to the new millennium.


Das shows how India's policies after 1947 condemned the nation to a hobbled economy until 1991,
when the government instituted sweeping reforms that paved the way for extraordinary growth. Das
traces these developments and tells the stories of the major players from Nehru through today. As the
former CEO of Proctor & Gamble India, Das offers a unique insider's perspective and he deftly
interweaves memoir with history, creating a book that is at once vigorously analytical and vividly
written. Impassioned, erudite, and eminently readable, India Unbound is a must for anyone
interested in the global economy and its future.
Contents in the book:


Part 1.Our Spring Of Hope (1942–65)


Part 2.The Lost Generation (1966–91)


Part 3.The Lost Generation (1966–91)The Rebirth Of Dreams (1991–99)
-Pre Independence Story


In our history class at school we learned that Columbus went in quest of the riches of India and discovered America. Thinking
that he had found India, he called the natives “Indians.” The name stuck and so has the linguistic confusion. What captured my
imagination in school was that India had once been fabulously wealthy and this had set the Europeans on their great voyages of
discovery. In the European mind, the name “Golconda” became the symbol of the haunting wealth of India. Famous for his
diamonds, the king of Golconda was the richest prince in India after the Mughal emperor. Today his fortress lies in ruins, six miles
west of Hyderabad. As the Europeans got to know her, India’s wisdom also attracted them. G. W. F. Hegel, the great
German philosopher, wrote, “From the most ancient times downwards, all nations have directed their wishes and longings to
gaining access to the treasures of this land of marvels, the most costly which the Earth presents; treasures of Nature —pearls,
diamonds, perfumes, rose-essences, elephants, lions, etc.—as also treasures of wisdom. The way, by which these treasures have
passed to the West, has at all times been a matter of world- historical importance, bound up with the fate of nations.”


The Portuguese were shocked that Spain, their enemy, had won the prize of discovering America when it could have been theirs.
It took them five years to get over the humiliation, and in 1497 they sent Vasco da Gama the other way, with a flotilla of four ships
to go around Africa and find the real India. The two-year voyage was not a commercial success and they lost 116 of the 170 crew
members. When they arrived near Calicut, on the Malabar Coast in southwest India, someone asked, “What brought you
here?” A member of the crew replied, “We seek Christians and spices.” However, the Indians were not interested in European
trinkets and clothes. They made far better fabrics and trinkets themselves. But da Gama brought back something more important.
He told King Manuel of Portugal of “large cities, large buildings and rivers, and great populations.” He spoke about spices and
jewels, precious stones and “mines of gold.” He believed that he had found the legendary wealth of India. In the words of Adam
Smith, “The discovery of America and the passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope are the two greatest events
recorded in the history of mankind.”
-Pre Independence Story


The English found that India produced the world’s best cotton yarn and textiles and in enormous quantities. India’s textile
industry was “unbeatable for quality, variety and cost. This industry not only satisfied the large domestic demand but exported
roughly half its output throughout the Indian Ocean and indirectly to South Asia and China. To this huge market, they brought
in the beginning of the seventeenth century, the huge stimulus of European demand,” according to David Landes, the Harvard
economic historian. Thus, by the end of the seventeenth century India controlled a quarter of the world trade in textiles. “Indian
cottons transformed the dress of Europe .... Lighter and cheaper than woolens, more decorative (by dyeing or printing), easier to
clean and change, cotton was made for a new wide world. Even in cold climes, the suitability of cotton for underwear transformed
the standards of cleanliness, comfort and health,” adds Landes. The English learned about cotton textiles from India and soon
they turned the tables. English textiles brought an industrial revolution to Britain but destroyed the lives of millions of Indian
weavers.
-Rich India


I. Columbus went in the quest of riches in India and discovered America.


II. India’s wealth lured all


III.Golconda was famous for its diamonds


IV.Vasco Da Gama was sent to find India


V. English came much later


VI.India was well developed in comparison with western economies


VII.Annual revenues of Aurangzeb were ten times than Louis XlV


VIII.Accumulated a wealth of more than a one and half billion dollars


IX.Spent this money on development of monuments like Taj Mahal
I. India produced world’s best cotton yarn and textiles


II. Exports were half of the output


III.Controlled a quarter of the world’s textile trade


IV.Changed dressing habits of Europeans and replaced woollen clothes


V. More than a fifth of the world’s wealth


VI.Well developed banking systems


VII.Bills of exchange were honoured throughout Asia
So What Went Wrong
-British Rule in India


I. Columbus Britain taxed the Indian farmer heavily


II. Transferred surplus back home to finance its own deficit


III. 8% of GNP was transferred to Britain every year


IV.Financial Industrial revolution back home


V. In 1830 , share of industrial production was 17.6% which declined to 1.7% by 1900
-Was British Rule The Only Problem?


I. Industrial revolution destroyed Indian textile industry


II. Indian industrialists were not allowed to set up modern mills


III.Indian social system also contributed to its problems


IV.Indian superstitions, beliefs, indiscipline contributed equally
-The Great Paradox


By 1914, India had the world’s largest jute manufacturing industry, the fourth-largest cotton textile industry, the largest canal
network, the third-largest railway network, and 2.5 percent of world trade. Fifty years earlier, Karl Marx had predicted that the
introduction of railways and modern factories into India would transform the subcontinent. Why didn’t it happen? India
remained largely nonindustrial and extremely poor at the time of Independence. Modern industry contributed only 7.5 percent of
national income at Independence, and employed barely 2.5 million people out of a population of 350 million. Why didn’t an
industrial revolution occur?


My father’s English boss and other colonial officials used to blame India’s poverty on the otherworldly spirituality of Hindu life
and its fatalistic beliefs. Max Weber, the German sociologist, who admired the richness of India, attributed the absence of
development to the caste system. Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal found that India’s social system and attitudes were an
important cause of its low productivity, primitive production techniques, and low levels of living. According to Myrdal, poor work
discipline, contempt for manual work, lack of punctuality, alertness, and ambition, low aptitude for cooperation, and superstition
were the result of inhibiting attitudes. These were compounded by unfavorable conditions, such as a debilitating land tenure system,
low standards of efficiency and integrity in public administration, weak participation of the people in local affairs, and a rigid and
unequal social structure. Myrdal believed that these premodern attitudes and institutions had to be attacked directly, primarily
through education, and India could not wait to erase them as a by-product of growth and income. The only agent that could break
the forces of stagnation, he felt, was the Indian state. But the Indian government would not be able to do it, he concluded,
because it was a “soft state.” It would not be able to impose the social discipline that this required. He said this in 1967, and the
Indian state has become even “softer” since then.
- The Great Paradox , By 1914


I. India had the largest jute manufacturing factory


II. Fourth largest cotton textile industry


III.Largest canal network


IV.Third largest railway network


V. 2.5% of the world trade
- Teamwork


Divided we fall
-Caste


I. Four main layers in Indian system


II. Traditionally not accorded a high place to the making of money


III.System created inability to non cooperate


IV.The “Brahmanical” advantage
-Story post 1947 to 1991


At midnight on 14 August 1947 the British Raj came to an end. On the same day Pakistan was born, carved out of Punjab and
Bengal. Sir Cyril Radcliffe did the actual carving in five weeks, and the demarcation on the map came to be known as the Radcliffe
Boundary Award. The partition led to an unprecedented transfer of population and rendered ten million homeless. An estimated
twenty million Hindus left West Punjab and East Bengal, and eighteen million Muslims went to Pakistan. As a part of this
mass movement, over half a million people lost their lives; there were 22,000 reported cases of rape and kidnapping of women;
220,000 people were declared missing.


My family had also become refugees. We found asylum at my father’s guru’s ashram, which turned out to be some sixty kilometers
within the Indian border according to Mr. Radcliffe’s penciled line. There we heard Nehru’s historic address to the new nation.


Despite our travails, we realised our good fortune in having witnessed the birth of our free nation. In what became the most
important speech delivered in modern India, Nehru went on to say, “The achievement we celebrate today is but a step, an opening
of opportunity, to the great triumphs and achievements that await us.” He reminded his people that the task ahead included “the
ending of poverty and ignorance and disease and inequality of opportunity.”


It is with this task that this book is concerned. Nehru achieved much in the seventeen years that he went on to rule, but he failed in
this task. After fifty years the failure is staggering: four out of ten Indians are illiterate; half are miserably poor, earning less than
a dollar a day; one-third of the people do not have access to safe drinking water; only a sixth of the villages have modern medical
facilities. Even more devastating, the system that Nehru created and his daughter, Indira Gandhi, perfected actually suppressed
growth. The irony is that this system, which was made in the name of the poor, in the end did very little for them. As a result, 60
percent of the budgets of the Indian governments at all levels go to pay civil servants’ salaries and 70 percent of the twenty-seven
million Indian workers employed in the organised sector belong to inefficient state-owned enterprises which are bleeding the country.
-Story post 1947 to 1991


If a small portion of this money had been spent wisely on education and health, it would have delivered far greater benefits to the
average Indian.


This is not to say that there hasn’t been progress. Famines have been eliminated, and the country sits routinely on a mountain of
grain reserves each year. Life expectancy has doubled from thirty to sixty-four years; literacy has risen from 17 percent to 62 percent
(although female literacy is below 40 percent). Infant mortality has been halved. The stagnant economy, which grew by 1 percent
per year in the first half of the century, has grown by 4.4 percent a year in the second half of the century. It grew 3.5 percent
annually between 1950 and 1975; it accelerated in the eighties to 5.6 percent; and after the reforms it touched 7.5 percent for three
years in a row in the mid-nineties.


While I was studying in America, India had begun to implement with much vigor the ideas and theories of the development
economists. I got a first taste of where we were headed when I came home during my summer vacation. I spent several weeks in
Ludhiana, in East Punjab, where my grandfather had settled as a refugee. Ludhiana went on to become famous for creating a
small-scale industrial revolution in the fifties and the “green revolution” in the sixties. When I visited my grandfather, I found that
he would spend the entire morning reading the Tribune in his courtyard, and complain to anyone who would listen that Nehru was
recklessly wasting the taxpayers’ money. He felt that Nehru’s state-owned companies were being managed by civil servants, people
who had no training in running commercial enterprises. Nor were they asked to make a profit. They were recklessly hiring workers
without any thought to performance. He angrily pointed to a front-page news story in which Nehru had resolutely defended their
losses in Parliament, saying that their job was not to make a profit but to meet social objectives.
-Story post 1947 to 1991


“The public sector has become the politician’s cow—to be milked forever,” he groaned. He was no economist, but he could tell
when common sense was defied. His lawyer’s sensibilities were also wounded by Nehru’s disregard of private property.The
government had nationalised a number of industries without adequately compensating the owners.


Grandfather was ahead of his time. All his friends and neighbours thought his views odd, because everyone was hopelessly under the
sway of Nehru’s ideas. He predicted that the bureaucracy’s growth would spread like cancer, lead to corruption, and threaten
liberty one day. He did not think that Nehru had his feet on the ground; his talk of socialism put him off, just as my uncle Sat
Pal’s Marxism did. Nehru defended himself by saying that he admired the Soviet Union for having transformed a backward
peasant economy into a world power, but he did not approve of Stalin’s methods. His ideas were closer to those of the Fabians
and other English intellectuals between the wars, who advocated the rationality of central planning within a parliamentary system
that protected civil liberties and democratic rights.


In those early years, there was, in fact, a competing philosophy to Nehru’s. It belonged to Mahatma Gandhi. It was a vision of
a republic of self-sufficient villages employing indigenous technologies, materials, and talents. Gandhi’s guiding principle was to
achieve self-reliance, in the village for the basic needs of the people—food, clothing, and shelter. Such an approach, Gandhi felt,
would avoid mass migration to the cities, with the attendant problems of unemployment, homelessness, and crime. Nehru thought
Gandhi’s vision hopelessly idealistic, but he agreed with him about rural development,and he created a community development
program in the 1950s, funded partly with American aid. Begun with great fanfare and enthusiasm, the program soon became
hopelessly bureaucratized. Like many other well-intentioned programs, it failed because Nehru did not have the patience, the
managerial skills, or the passion to implement it. Nor was it Gandhian in spirit—it was “top down” rather than “bottom up.”
-Story post 1947 to 1991


Surprisingly, Indian businessmen also supported Nehru’s ideas on central planning. They were seduced by the thought that
piecemeal growth based entirely on market forces might not bring about rapid development. They too believed that free trade and
the laissez-faire policies of the British Raj had been at the root of the country’s economic problems. Moreover, they had benefited
from the Raj’s interventions in the interwar years. They had gained enormously from high tariffs on imported goods since the 1920s,
and it was natural that they should want them to continue. However, they resented Britain’s neglect of India’s power, roads, and
other infrastructure.
- Free India


I. Inspired by communist Russia than the capitalist America


II. Influence of socialism


III.Did not trust private entrepreneurs


IV.Decided to create the state as a business house


V. Experienced an agricultural revolution
- Choosing the Wrong Path : Six wrong paths


I. Inspired Adopted an import substituting path


II. Set up inefficient PSUs


III.Over-regulated the private enterprise


IV.Discouraged foreign capital


V. Pampered organised labour


VI.Ignored education
- The Effects


I. In 1960, our per capita income was more than China, now it is half


II. Half Indians are poor by international standards


III.Four out of ten Indians are illiterate


IV.India is ranked 134th out of 174 on the UN Development Program’s Human Development Index


V. Our failure came less from ideology and more from poor management
-Second life........post 1991


How does one begin to explain the defeat of the Congress in the 1996 general elections? The nineties had been among the best years
in India’s economic life. Apart from delivering outstanding macroeconomic results, the reforms created a sense of confidence and
excitement. Many people felt the same sense of possibilities that existed in the early fifties. The Economist called India an “uncaged
tiger” in a cover story. Yet no one in India celebrated the reforms. Rao did not stand tall and take credit for his historic
achievement. The Congress Party did not bother to make its finest achievement an election issue. It is true that the average voter
did not understand the details of the reforms, but he was not unaware of his improved economic circumstances. The Delhi-based
Center for the Study of Developing Societies, together with the Indian Council of Social Science Research, conducted an
extensive poll in late 1996, which found that 70 percent of the respondents were either “satisfied” or “somewhat satisfied” with their
financial condition; the same poll in 1971 had found only 40 percent “satisfied” or “somewhat satisfied.” One explanation for the
Congress defeat is that people perceived Rao merely as a gatekeeper to history—he was there at the right time when history broke.
They did not credit him for their improved lot. To understand these ironies, it is necessary to see how the reforms unfolded, step by
step, in the golden summer of 1991.The financial crisis was long brewing. Its main cause was the profligate and short-term
commercial borrowing resorted to by Rajiv Gandhi’s government since 1985. When the Gulf crisis came and oil prices went through
the roof, India found that it had no money to buy oil. The country’s foreign exchange reserves had dwindled to a dangerous level
and there began a flight of capital by nonresident Indians. There are an estimated twenty million people of Indian origin living
abroad (compared to more than fifty million Chinese), and many had invested in repatriable accounts in Indian banks because of
attractive interest rates. When Rao came on the scene, a dialogue had been going on with the International Monetary Fund for a
bailout package. But Rao’s predecessors, Chandrashekhar and V. P. Singh, had not been brave enough to face the crisis. Rao
understood that India was bankrupt, and his first and most important decision was to get a good finance minister.
He did not trust a politician to do the job; he wanted a professional, and he chose the reticent and soft- spoken economist Manmohan
Singh. He had been governor of the Reserve Bank, and had recently headed the South-South Commission in Geneva, where he had
made a serious effort to understand the East Asian miracle. That is when he had realised that India had to abandon many of its old
and foolish policies.


The President swore in the new cabinet on 21 June 1991. The next day Rao announced to the nation that there was a crisis and his
government intended to “sweep the cobwebs of the past and usher in change.” The cautious Narasimha Rao realized that the crisis was
an opportunity for making bigger changes. He called a closed-door meeting of important opposition leaders, where Manmohan Singh
told them that foreign exchange reserves were down to two weeks of imports. Only a loan from the IMF could bail us out, he said.
However, we had to first put our house in order. He spoke about the need for basic reforms. Short of telling them that he was going to
devalue the currency, he sought their support for the tough actions that the government intended to take. The gravity of the crisis hit the
leaders only when they realized that a part of the nation’s gold reserves had been flown out to London to provide collateral against the
$2.2 billion emergency loan from the IMF. Gold, as I have noted, is the ultimate symbol of trust and honor in India, and that we
had pawned it to stay afloat must have been traumatic, amounting to national humiliation.


The government devalued the Indian rupee by 20 percent in two steps over the first three days in July. After the second devaluation,
Manmohan Singh met P. Chidambaram, the new commerce minister, and Montek Singh Ahluwalia, the commerce secretary, and
told them that he wanted to abolish the export subsidy. He argued that the devaluation had made the subsidy redundant by giving the
exporter the same incentive through a cheaper rupee. Its abolition would help him reduce the fiscal deficit significantly—by 0.4 percent.
Chidambaram’s first reaction was that it would be political suicide for a new commerce minister in the first days at a new job. The
subsidy was his most important instrument for encouraging exports. How would he face exporters? “Let me think about it,” he said.
Manmohan Singh replied that he would have to think quickly because the PM wanted to announce it the following morning.
Chidambaram sulked, but he had to agree in the end. He asked if he could also announce a comprehensive trade reform at the same
time. The finance minister asked, “By tonight?” Chidambaram nodded. They agreed to meet in the evening to review the trade
proposals.


Although it was his first assignment in an economic ministry, the new commerce minister had proved to be a fast learner. During his first
week on the job he had put in long days and nights and understood the major issues. He had read reports voraciously and realized that
the country desperately needed trade reform. A Harvard M.B.A., Chidambaram understood business, and he was instinctively for
opening up. As a lawyer for industry, he had seen the damage caused by the old policies. He told a colleague that if it were up to him,
he would burn every copy of the infamous Red Book—the commerce ministry’s bible, which minutely spelled out the controls applicable
to thousands of products. Dreaded by businessmen, it was a “rent seeker’s guide” for the thousand- strong staff of controllers. The
earnest colleague was not amused.


On returning to his office in Udyog Bhavan, Chidambaram called in Montek Singh and asked if he was up to dismantling the trade
side of the License Raj. Although it had taken over forty years to build, they had only eight hours to demolish it. They knew that their
main job was to kill import licensing. If they could replace licenses by a marketable incentive, there would be no need for them. Because
of foreign exchange scarcity, exporters used to be given licenses to import materials that went into making products for export. Montek
Singh knew of such an incentive; it had been kicking around the ministry for several years. Called Exim scrips, it would allow exporters to
earn foreign exchange for part of the value of their export.
They could sell these in the market or directly import goods. Non-exporters or domestic industries that needed to import raw materials,
instead of applying for an import license, could buy the Exim scrips in the market.


Chidambaram loved this instrument because it would abolish the bureaucrat from the process. He grabbed it and within hours the two
men eliminated miles of red tape, months of delays, and the hassles, anguish, and corruption that the Indian state had built up over
decades. They worked like maniacs and by seven o’clock they had a dramatically liberalised trade policy. Manmohan Singh was
pleased when he saw the proposals. They would send a clear signal to the world that India was opening up and moving to a market-
determined exchange rate. The three then went to the Prime Minister’s house.


Narasimha Rao came out of his bath looking fresh in a lungi. Chidambaram sat next to the PM and briefly explained the proposals.
The PM turned to Manmohan Singh. “Do you agree with this?” he asked. Manmohan Singh nodded. “In that case, sign it.”
Manmohan Singh did so, and the PM penned his own signature at the bottom of the page. Thus began the most comprehensive
structural reforms in India’s history. The specifics of some of the proposals went over his head, but Narasimha Rao was satisfied with
their general direction to deregulate. He also trusted his three visitors. To those who understood the tortuously slow pace of decision
making in the government, this was a revolutionary event. Four men with commitment and courage had achieved what seemed impossible
twelve hours ago.


To Chidambaram’s credit, the following year he agreed to abolish Exim scrips for an even better arrangement—dual exchange rate
—that cut red tape further and eliminated the bureaucrat from the process. It was courageous to sacrifice an instrument with which he
had become identified. The country kept growing intellectually, and the following year the finance ministry introduced the unified
exchange rate, an even better mechanism, which took India to currency convertibility on the trade account.
- The Golden Summer of 1991


I. Economic Revolution


II. Half Dismantled the license raj


III.Free import controls


IV. Opened county to foreign investment


V. Privatised banking, airlines,
power,petroleum,telecom,postal sectors


VI.Tax rates came down


VII.Set up Foreign Investment Proposal Board
Men behind wheels
Nandan Nilekani Narayana Murthy Vijay Thadani
New Money
Shubhash Chandra
New Money
- Infosys


I. Started by six engineers with Rs. 10,000


II. More than $15 billion today


-ZEE Group


I. Started by Shubhash Chandra, a grain trader from Haryana


II. Pioneered laminated tubes


III.Entertainment business with Esselworld


IV.Entered cable business first
New Money
- Armedia


I. Started by engineer working with Intel


II. Started own firm in Bangalore


III.In two years, sold to Broadcom for more than Rs. 300 cr


-Ramesh Chauhan


I. Sold Thumbs up to Coke for more than 180 cr
-Old Money


A more unique characteristic of Indian business, at least until recently, was that it was managed as a joint family, where brothers
and nephews worked and often lived together. An example is the Palanpuri Jains of western India, who have established
commercial colonies in the diamond centers of Tel Aviv, Antwerp, Bombay, London, and New York, and who today account
for roughly 50 percent of all purchases of rough diamonds in the world. Because of the inherent trust in a joint family, Jain
diamond merchants rely on brothers and cousins to keep this highly scattered, specialized, and intrinsically high-risk business
together, according to Joel Kotkin in The Tribes, a provocative account of tribal behavior in the global economy. It is the family
and ethnic ties that give them competitive advantage and partially explain their recent gains in market share at the expense of the
Orthodox Jews. Does a joint family business provide a competitive advantage in business? I put this question to Rahul Bajaj,
whose family is one of the few surviving joint families in Indian business. His answer was an emphatic no. “Business has to be
efficiently managed,” he said. “Efficient managers are more likely to be outside the family rather than within. You have no choice
but to bring them in to run the family businesses. Otherwise you won’t be competitive.”


“Does the joint business family have any advantages?” I asked.


“Prima facie, there might be two, but I doubt if they are, in fact, sustainable,” he said. “One is commitment, which in a
simpleminded way is translated into hard work. The other is continuity. I am not sure about either because I have seen just as
much commitment and hard work among professional managers. And I have seen just as many lazy family managers. As to
continuity, it seems to be often a liability rather than an advantage when you can’t replace a family member who does not
perform.”
-Old Money


Twenty years ago the majority of large business in India was run by joint families. Today the joint business family is almost dead.
The question is, why did the families separate and what is the fallout of the splits to corporate performance and strategy? Pulin
Garg, the thoughtful professor at the Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad, believed that it was a law of nature that
families should break up. He used to say, “Haveli ki umar saath saal [The life of a family is sixty years].” Thomas Mann
expressed the same sentiments in Buddenbrooks, arguably the finest book ever written about family business. It describes the saga of
three generations: in the first generation the scruffy and astute patriarch works hard and makes money. Born into money, the
second generation does not want more money. It wants power; and it goes after it with the single-mindedness of a Joseph
Kennedy. Buddenbrook’s son becomes a senator. Born into money and power, the third generation dedicates itself to art. So the
aesthetic but physically weak grandson plays music. There is no one to look after the business and it is the end of the Buddenbrook
family.


If there are advantages to life and work in a joint family, why indeed have most of them fallen apart? In unusual cases, where a
joint family manages to survive, it is because of the practice of strict equality within the family. Neeraj, Rahul Bajaj’s cousin, who
runs Mukund Iron & Steel jointly with the sons of Viren Shah, finds many financial advantages to a joint business family, and
attributes Bajaj’s success in remaining together to the strict equality with which they divide the pie. “We may run businesses of
different sizes, but we have the same standard of living. Rahul runs the $850 million Bajaj Auto and Shekhar runs the $80 million
Bajaj Electricals, but they get equal salaries and equal pocket money. We travel in the same types of cars, in the same class on
airlines; we usually vacation together; thus we minimize differences and comparisons.” A Birla scion says, “In a sense, life in joint
families is a bit like life under socialism. They do not work in the long run in the same way that socialism does not work. Joint
families require strict equality. Because human beings are unequal and need material incentives to perform, joint families break
down.”
Old Money
Rahul Bajaj Shekhar Bajaj
- Old Money


I. Owned and managed by a family as a joint family


II. Pulin Garg, the thoughtful professor at the Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad, believed
that it was a law of nature that families should break up. He used to say, “Haveli ki umar saath saal
[The life of a family is sixty years]


III.The story of Buddenbrooks


IV.Professionally managed companies respond better to challenges and decision making
- A new country


I. Our great strength is our people, weakness is government and hope is Internet


II. Our rich country became poor and would become rich again


III.We are powered by an “ICE” age—“I” for information, “C” for communication, and “E” for
entertainment and media.


IV. We missed the industrial revolution but have caught the information revolution
- A new country


I. Unleash human capital through education


II. Creation of middle class means success for India


III.New India is on competition and decentralisation


IV.Majority of Indians in the 21st century would be freer and prosperous than their parents and
grandparents
-A New Country


“India is an elephant and has begun to lumber and move
ahead. It will never have speed but will always have stamina,
the elephant is the wisest of the animals/only ones who
remembers his former lives and remains motionless of time
meditating. India will have a more stable, peaceful and
negotiated transition than, say, China”
India Unbound

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India Unbound

  • 1. Indian Eco India Unbound - -Gurucharan Das Mid-sem assignment
  • 2. India today is a vibrant free-market democracy, a nation well on its way to overcoming decades of widespread poverty. The nation's rise is one of the great international stories of the late twentieth century, and in India Unbound the acclaimed columnist Gurcharan Das offers a sweeping economic history of India from independence to the new millennium. Das shows how India's policies after 1947 condemned the nation to a hobbled economy until 1991, when the government instituted sweeping reforms that paved the way for extraordinary growth. Das traces these developments and tells the stories of the major players from Nehru through today. As the former CEO of Proctor & Gamble India, Das offers a unique insider's perspective and he deftly interweaves memoir with history, creating a book that is at once vigorously analytical and vividly written. Impassioned, erudite, and eminently readable, India Unbound is a must for anyone interested in the global economy and its future.
  • 3. Contents in the book: Part 1.Our Spring Of Hope (1942–65) Part 2.The Lost Generation (1966–91) Part 3.The Lost Generation (1966–91)The Rebirth Of Dreams (1991–99)
  • 4. -Pre Independence Story In our history class at school we learned that Columbus went in quest of the riches of India and discovered America. Thinking that he had found India, he called the natives “Indians.” The name stuck and so has the linguistic confusion. What captured my imagination in school was that India had once been fabulously wealthy and this had set the Europeans on their great voyages of discovery. In the European mind, the name “Golconda” became the symbol of the haunting wealth of India. Famous for his diamonds, the king of Golconda was the richest prince in India after the Mughal emperor. Today his fortress lies in ruins, six miles west of Hyderabad. As the Europeans got to know her, India’s wisdom also attracted them. G. W. F. Hegel, the great German philosopher, wrote, “From the most ancient times downwards, all nations have directed their wishes and longings to gaining access to the treasures of this land of marvels, the most costly which the Earth presents; treasures of Nature —pearls, diamonds, perfumes, rose-essences, elephants, lions, etc.—as also treasures of wisdom. The way, by which these treasures have passed to the West, has at all times been a matter of world- historical importance, bound up with the fate of nations.” The Portuguese were shocked that Spain, their enemy, had won the prize of discovering America when it could have been theirs. It took them five years to get over the humiliation, and in 1497 they sent Vasco da Gama the other way, with a flotilla of four ships to go around Africa and find the real India. The two-year voyage was not a commercial success and they lost 116 of the 170 crew members. When they arrived near Calicut, on the Malabar Coast in southwest India, someone asked, “What brought you here?” A member of the crew replied, “We seek Christians and spices.” However, the Indians were not interested in European trinkets and clothes. They made far better fabrics and trinkets themselves. But da Gama brought back something more important. He told King Manuel of Portugal of “large cities, large buildings and rivers, and great populations.” He spoke about spices and jewels, precious stones and “mines of gold.” He believed that he had found the legendary wealth of India. In the words of Adam Smith, “The discovery of America and the passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope are the two greatest events recorded in the history of mankind.”
  • 5. -Pre Independence Story The English found that India produced the world’s best cotton yarn and textiles and in enormous quantities. India’s textile industry was “unbeatable for quality, variety and cost. This industry not only satisfied the large domestic demand but exported roughly half its output throughout the Indian Ocean and indirectly to South Asia and China. To this huge market, they brought in the beginning of the seventeenth century, the huge stimulus of European demand,” according to David Landes, the Harvard economic historian. Thus, by the end of the seventeenth century India controlled a quarter of the world trade in textiles. “Indian cottons transformed the dress of Europe .... Lighter and cheaper than woolens, more decorative (by dyeing or printing), easier to clean and change, cotton was made for a new wide world. Even in cold climes, the suitability of cotton for underwear transformed the standards of cleanliness, comfort and health,” adds Landes. The English learned about cotton textiles from India and soon they turned the tables. English textiles brought an industrial revolution to Britain but destroyed the lives of millions of Indian weavers.
  • 6. -Rich India I. Columbus went in the quest of riches in India and discovered America. II. India’s wealth lured all III.Golconda was famous for its diamonds IV.Vasco Da Gama was sent to find India V. English came much later VI.India was well developed in comparison with western economies VII.Annual revenues of Aurangzeb were ten times than Louis XlV VIII.Accumulated a wealth of more than a one and half billion dollars IX.Spent this money on development of monuments like Taj Mahal
  • 7. I. India produced world’s best cotton yarn and textiles II. Exports were half of the output III.Controlled a quarter of the world’s textile trade IV.Changed dressing habits of Europeans and replaced woollen clothes V. More than a fifth of the world’s wealth VI.Well developed banking systems VII.Bills of exchange were honoured throughout Asia
  • 8. So What Went Wrong
  • 9. -British Rule in India I. Columbus Britain taxed the Indian farmer heavily II. Transferred surplus back home to finance its own deficit III. 8% of GNP was transferred to Britain every year IV.Financial Industrial revolution back home V. In 1830 , share of industrial production was 17.6% which declined to 1.7% by 1900
  • 10. -Was British Rule The Only Problem? I. Industrial revolution destroyed Indian textile industry II. Indian industrialists were not allowed to set up modern mills III.Indian social system also contributed to its problems IV.Indian superstitions, beliefs, indiscipline contributed equally
  • 11. -The Great Paradox By 1914, India had the world’s largest jute manufacturing industry, the fourth-largest cotton textile industry, the largest canal network, the third-largest railway network, and 2.5 percent of world trade. Fifty years earlier, Karl Marx had predicted that the introduction of railways and modern factories into India would transform the subcontinent. Why didn’t it happen? India remained largely nonindustrial and extremely poor at the time of Independence. Modern industry contributed only 7.5 percent of national income at Independence, and employed barely 2.5 million people out of a population of 350 million. Why didn’t an industrial revolution occur? My father’s English boss and other colonial officials used to blame India’s poverty on the otherworldly spirituality of Hindu life and its fatalistic beliefs. Max Weber, the German sociologist, who admired the richness of India, attributed the absence of development to the caste system. Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal found that India’s social system and attitudes were an important cause of its low productivity, primitive production techniques, and low levels of living. According to Myrdal, poor work discipline, contempt for manual work, lack of punctuality, alertness, and ambition, low aptitude for cooperation, and superstition were the result of inhibiting attitudes. These were compounded by unfavorable conditions, such as a debilitating land tenure system, low standards of efficiency and integrity in public administration, weak participation of the people in local affairs, and a rigid and unequal social structure. Myrdal believed that these premodern attitudes and institutions had to be attacked directly, primarily through education, and India could not wait to erase them as a by-product of growth and income. The only agent that could break the forces of stagnation, he felt, was the Indian state. But the Indian government would not be able to do it, he concluded, because it was a “soft state.” It would not be able to impose the social discipline that this required. He said this in 1967, and the Indian state has become even “softer” since then.
  • 12. - The Great Paradox , By 1914 I. India had the largest jute manufacturing factory II. Fourth largest cotton textile industry III.Largest canal network IV.Third largest railway network V. 2.5% of the world trade
  • 14. -Caste I. Four main layers in Indian system II. Traditionally not accorded a high place to the making of money III.System created inability to non cooperate IV.The “Brahmanical” advantage
  • 15. -Story post 1947 to 1991 At midnight on 14 August 1947 the British Raj came to an end. On the same day Pakistan was born, carved out of Punjab and Bengal. Sir Cyril Radcliffe did the actual carving in five weeks, and the demarcation on the map came to be known as the Radcliffe Boundary Award. The partition led to an unprecedented transfer of population and rendered ten million homeless. An estimated twenty million Hindus left West Punjab and East Bengal, and eighteen million Muslims went to Pakistan. As a part of this mass movement, over half a million people lost their lives; there were 22,000 reported cases of rape and kidnapping of women; 220,000 people were declared missing. My family had also become refugees. We found asylum at my father’s guru’s ashram, which turned out to be some sixty kilometers within the Indian border according to Mr. Radcliffe’s penciled line. There we heard Nehru’s historic address to the new nation. Despite our travails, we realised our good fortune in having witnessed the birth of our free nation. In what became the most important speech delivered in modern India, Nehru went on to say, “The achievement we celebrate today is but a step, an opening of opportunity, to the great triumphs and achievements that await us.” He reminded his people that the task ahead included “the ending of poverty and ignorance and disease and inequality of opportunity.” It is with this task that this book is concerned. Nehru achieved much in the seventeen years that he went on to rule, but he failed in this task. After fifty years the failure is staggering: four out of ten Indians are illiterate; half are miserably poor, earning less than a dollar a day; one-third of the people do not have access to safe drinking water; only a sixth of the villages have modern medical facilities. Even more devastating, the system that Nehru created and his daughter, Indira Gandhi, perfected actually suppressed growth. The irony is that this system, which was made in the name of the poor, in the end did very little for them. As a result, 60 percent of the budgets of the Indian governments at all levels go to pay civil servants’ salaries and 70 percent of the twenty-seven million Indian workers employed in the organised sector belong to inefficient state-owned enterprises which are bleeding the country.
  • 16. -Story post 1947 to 1991 If a small portion of this money had been spent wisely on education and health, it would have delivered far greater benefits to the average Indian. This is not to say that there hasn’t been progress. Famines have been eliminated, and the country sits routinely on a mountain of grain reserves each year. Life expectancy has doubled from thirty to sixty-four years; literacy has risen from 17 percent to 62 percent (although female literacy is below 40 percent). Infant mortality has been halved. The stagnant economy, which grew by 1 percent per year in the first half of the century, has grown by 4.4 percent a year in the second half of the century. It grew 3.5 percent annually between 1950 and 1975; it accelerated in the eighties to 5.6 percent; and after the reforms it touched 7.5 percent for three years in a row in the mid-nineties. While I was studying in America, India had begun to implement with much vigor the ideas and theories of the development economists. I got a first taste of where we were headed when I came home during my summer vacation. I spent several weeks in Ludhiana, in East Punjab, where my grandfather had settled as a refugee. Ludhiana went on to become famous for creating a small-scale industrial revolution in the fifties and the “green revolution” in the sixties. When I visited my grandfather, I found that he would spend the entire morning reading the Tribune in his courtyard, and complain to anyone who would listen that Nehru was recklessly wasting the taxpayers’ money. He felt that Nehru’s state-owned companies were being managed by civil servants, people who had no training in running commercial enterprises. Nor were they asked to make a profit. They were recklessly hiring workers without any thought to performance. He angrily pointed to a front-page news story in which Nehru had resolutely defended their losses in Parliament, saying that their job was not to make a profit but to meet social objectives.
  • 17. -Story post 1947 to 1991 “The public sector has become the politician’s cow—to be milked forever,” he groaned. He was no economist, but he could tell when common sense was defied. His lawyer’s sensibilities were also wounded by Nehru’s disregard of private property.The government had nationalised a number of industries without adequately compensating the owners. Grandfather was ahead of his time. All his friends and neighbours thought his views odd, because everyone was hopelessly under the sway of Nehru’s ideas. He predicted that the bureaucracy’s growth would spread like cancer, lead to corruption, and threaten liberty one day. He did not think that Nehru had his feet on the ground; his talk of socialism put him off, just as my uncle Sat Pal’s Marxism did. Nehru defended himself by saying that he admired the Soviet Union for having transformed a backward peasant economy into a world power, but he did not approve of Stalin’s methods. His ideas were closer to those of the Fabians and other English intellectuals between the wars, who advocated the rationality of central planning within a parliamentary system that protected civil liberties and democratic rights. In those early years, there was, in fact, a competing philosophy to Nehru’s. It belonged to Mahatma Gandhi. It was a vision of a republic of self-sufficient villages employing indigenous technologies, materials, and talents. Gandhi’s guiding principle was to achieve self-reliance, in the village for the basic needs of the people—food, clothing, and shelter. Such an approach, Gandhi felt, would avoid mass migration to the cities, with the attendant problems of unemployment, homelessness, and crime. Nehru thought Gandhi’s vision hopelessly idealistic, but he agreed with him about rural development,and he created a community development program in the 1950s, funded partly with American aid. Begun with great fanfare and enthusiasm, the program soon became hopelessly bureaucratized. Like many other well-intentioned programs, it failed because Nehru did not have the patience, the managerial skills, or the passion to implement it. Nor was it Gandhian in spirit—it was “top down” rather than “bottom up.”
  • 18. -Story post 1947 to 1991 Surprisingly, Indian businessmen also supported Nehru’s ideas on central planning. They were seduced by the thought that piecemeal growth based entirely on market forces might not bring about rapid development. They too believed that free trade and the laissez-faire policies of the British Raj had been at the root of the country’s economic problems. Moreover, they had benefited from the Raj’s interventions in the interwar years. They had gained enormously from high tariffs on imported goods since the 1920s, and it was natural that they should want them to continue. However, they resented Britain’s neglect of India’s power, roads, and other infrastructure.
  • 19. - Free India I. Inspired by communist Russia than the capitalist America II. Influence of socialism III.Did not trust private entrepreneurs IV.Decided to create the state as a business house V. Experienced an agricultural revolution
  • 20. - Choosing the Wrong Path : Six wrong paths I. Inspired Adopted an import substituting path II. Set up inefficient PSUs III.Over-regulated the private enterprise IV.Discouraged foreign capital V. Pampered organised labour VI.Ignored education
  • 21. - The Effects I. In 1960, our per capita income was more than China, now it is half II. Half Indians are poor by international standards III.Four out of ten Indians are illiterate IV.India is ranked 134th out of 174 on the UN Development Program’s Human Development Index V. Our failure came less from ideology and more from poor management
  • 22. -Second life........post 1991 How does one begin to explain the defeat of the Congress in the 1996 general elections? The nineties had been among the best years in India’s economic life. Apart from delivering outstanding macroeconomic results, the reforms created a sense of confidence and excitement. Many people felt the same sense of possibilities that existed in the early fifties. The Economist called India an “uncaged tiger” in a cover story. Yet no one in India celebrated the reforms. Rao did not stand tall and take credit for his historic achievement. The Congress Party did not bother to make its finest achievement an election issue. It is true that the average voter did not understand the details of the reforms, but he was not unaware of his improved economic circumstances. The Delhi-based Center for the Study of Developing Societies, together with the Indian Council of Social Science Research, conducted an extensive poll in late 1996, which found that 70 percent of the respondents were either “satisfied” or “somewhat satisfied” with their financial condition; the same poll in 1971 had found only 40 percent “satisfied” or “somewhat satisfied.” One explanation for the Congress defeat is that people perceived Rao merely as a gatekeeper to history—he was there at the right time when history broke. They did not credit him for their improved lot. To understand these ironies, it is necessary to see how the reforms unfolded, step by step, in the golden summer of 1991.The financial crisis was long brewing. Its main cause was the profligate and short-term commercial borrowing resorted to by Rajiv Gandhi’s government since 1985. When the Gulf crisis came and oil prices went through the roof, India found that it had no money to buy oil. The country’s foreign exchange reserves had dwindled to a dangerous level and there began a flight of capital by nonresident Indians. There are an estimated twenty million people of Indian origin living abroad (compared to more than fifty million Chinese), and many had invested in repatriable accounts in Indian banks because of attractive interest rates. When Rao came on the scene, a dialogue had been going on with the International Monetary Fund for a bailout package. But Rao’s predecessors, Chandrashekhar and V. P. Singh, had not been brave enough to face the crisis. Rao understood that India was bankrupt, and his first and most important decision was to get a good finance minister.
  • 23. He did not trust a politician to do the job; he wanted a professional, and he chose the reticent and soft- spoken economist Manmohan Singh. He had been governor of the Reserve Bank, and had recently headed the South-South Commission in Geneva, where he had made a serious effort to understand the East Asian miracle. That is when he had realised that India had to abandon many of its old and foolish policies. The President swore in the new cabinet on 21 June 1991. The next day Rao announced to the nation that there was a crisis and his government intended to “sweep the cobwebs of the past and usher in change.” The cautious Narasimha Rao realized that the crisis was an opportunity for making bigger changes. He called a closed-door meeting of important opposition leaders, where Manmohan Singh told them that foreign exchange reserves were down to two weeks of imports. Only a loan from the IMF could bail us out, he said. However, we had to first put our house in order. He spoke about the need for basic reforms. Short of telling them that he was going to devalue the currency, he sought their support for the tough actions that the government intended to take. The gravity of the crisis hit the leaders only when they realized that a part of the nation’s gold reserves had been flown out to London to provide collateral against the $2.2 billion emergency loan from the IMF. Gold, as I have noted, is the ultimate symbol of trust and honor in India, and that we had pawned it to stay afloat must have been traumatic, amounting to national humiliation. The government devalued the Indian rupee by 20 percent in two steps over the first three days in July. After the second devaluation, Manmohan Singh met P. Chidambaram, the new commerce minister, and Montek Singh Ahluwalia, the commerce secretary, and told them that he wanted to abolish the export subsidy. He argued that the devaluation had made the subsidy redundant by giving the exporter the same incentive through a cheaper rupee. Its abolition would help him reduce the fiscal deficit significantly—by 0.4 percent.
  • 24. Chidambaram’s first reaction was that it would be political suicide for a new commerce minister in the first days at a new job. The subsidy was his most important instrument for encouraging exports. How would he face exporters? “Let me think about it,” he said. Manmohan Singh replied that he would have to think quickly because the PM wanted to announce it the following morning. Chidambaram sulked, but he had to agree in the end. He asked if he could also announce a comprehensive trade reform at the same time. The finance minister asked, “By tonight?” Chidambaram nodded. They agreed to meet in the evening to review the trade proposals. Although it was his first assignment in an economic ministry, the new commerce minister had proved to be a fast learner. During his first week on the job he had put in long days and nights and understood the major issues. He had read reports voraciously and realized that the country desperately needed trade reform. A Harvard M.B.A., Chidambaram understood business, and he was instinctively for opening up. As a lawyer for industry, he had seen the damage caused by the old policies. He told a colleague that if it were up to him, he would burn every copy of the infamous Red Book—the commerce ministry’s bible, which minutely spelled out the controls applicable to thousands of products. Dreaded by businessmen, it was a “rent seeker’s guide” for the thousand- strong staff of controllers. The earnest colleague was not amused. On returning to his office in Udyog Bhavan, Chidambaram called in Montek Singh and asked if he was up to dismantling the trade side of the License Raj. Although it had taken over forty years to build, they had only eight hours to demolish it. They knew that their main job was to kill import licensing. If they could replace licenses by a marketable incentive, there would be no need for them. Because of foreign exchange scarcity, exporters used to be given licenses to import materials that went into making products for export. Montek Singh knew of such an incentive; it had been kicking around the ministry for several years. Called Exim scrips, it would allow exporters to earn foreign exchange for part of the value of their export.
  • 25. They could sell these in the market or directly import goods. Non-exporters or domestic industries that needed to import raw materials, instead of applying for an import license, could buy the Exim scrips in the market. Chidambaram loved this instrument because it would abolish the bureaucrat from the process. He grabbed it and within hours the two men eliminated miles of red tape, months of delays, and the hassles, anguish, and corruption that the Indian state had built up over decades. They worked like maniacs and by seven o’clock they had a dramatically liberalised trade policy. Manmohan Singh was pleased when he saw the proposals. They would send a clear signal to the world that India was opening up and moving to a market- determined exchange rate. The three then went to the Prime Minister’s house. Narasimha Rao came out of his bath looking fresh in a lungi. Chidambaram sat next to the PM and briefly explained the proposals. The PM turned to Manmohan Singh. “Do you agree with this?” he asked. Manmohan Singh nodded. “In that case, sign it.” Manmohan Singh did so, and the PM penned his own signature at the bottom of the page. Thus began the most comprehensive structural reforms in India’s history. The specifics of some of the proposals went over his head, but Narasimha Rao was satisfied with their general direction to deregulate. He also trusted his three visitors. To those who understood the tortuously slow pace of decision making in the government, this was a revolutionary event. Four men with commitment and courage had achieved what seemed impossible twelve hours ago. To Chidambaram’s credit, the following year he agreed to abolish Exim scrips for an even better arrangement—dual exchange rate —that cut red tape further and eliminated the bureaucrat from the process. It was courageous to sacrifice an instrument with which he had become identified. The country kept growing intellectually, and the following year the finance ministry introduced the unified exchange rate, an even better mechanism, which took India to currency convertibility on the trade account.
  • 26. - The Golden Summer of 1991 I. Economic Revolution II. Half Dismantled the license raj III.Free import controls IV. Opened county to foreign investment V. Privatised banking, airlines, power,petroleum,telecom,postal sectors VI.Tax rates came down VII.Set up Foreign Investment Proposal Board Men behind wheels
  • 27. Nandan Nilekani Narayana Murthy Vijay Thadani New Money Shubhash Chandra
  • 28. New Money - Infosys I. Started by six engineers with Rs. 10,000 II. More than $15 billion today -ZEE Group I. Started by Shubhash Chandra, a grain trader from Haryana II. Pioneered laminated tubes III.Entertainment business with Esselworld IV.Entered cable business first
  • 29. New Money - Armedia I. Started by engineer working with Intel II. Started own firm in Bangalore III.In two years, sold to Broadcom for more than Rs. 300 cr -Ramesh Chauhan I. Sold Thumbs up to Coke for more than 180 cr
  • 30. -Old Money A more unique characteristic of Indian business, at least until recently, was that it was managed as a joint family, where brothers and nephews worked and often lived together. An example is the Palanpuri Jains of western India, who have established commercial colonies in the diamond centers of Tel Aviv, Antwerp, Bombay, London, and New York, and who today account for roughly 50 percent of all purchases of rough diamonds in the world. Because of the inherent trust in a joint family, Jain diamond merchants rely on brothers and cousins to keep this highly scattered, specialized, and intrinsically high-risk business together, according to Joel Kotkin in The Tribes, a provocative account of tribal behavior in the global economy. It is the family and ethnic ties that give them competitive advantage and partially explain their recent gains in market share at the expense of the Orthodox Jews. Does a joint family business provide a competitive advantage in business? I put this question to Rahul Bajaj, whose family is one of the few surviving joint families in Indian business. His answer was an emphatic no. “Business has to be efficiently managed,” he said. “Efficient managers are more likely to be outside the family rather than within. You have no choice but to bring them in to run the family businesses. Otherwise you won’t be competitive.” “Does the joint business family have any advantages?” I asked. “Prima facie, there might be two, but I doubt if they are, in fact, sustainable,” he said. “One is commitment, which in a simpleminded way is translated into hard work. The other is continuity. I am not sure about either because I have seen just as much commitment and hard work among professional managers. And I have seen just as many lazy family managers. As to continuity, it seems to be often a liability rather than an advantage when you can’t replace a family member who does not perform.”
  • 31. -Old Money Twenty years ago the majority of large business in India was run by joint families. Today the joint business family is almost dead. The question is, why did the families separate and what is the fallout of the splits to corporate performance and strategy? Pulin Garg, the thoughtful professor at the Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad, believed that it was a law of nature that families should break up. He used to say, “Haveli ki umar saath saal [The life of a family is sixty years].” Thomas Mann expressed the same sentiments in Buddenbrooks, arguably the finest book ever written about family business. It describes the saga of three generations: in the first generation the scruffy and astute patriarch works hard and makes money. Born into money, the second generation does not want more money. It wants power; and it goes after it with the single-mindedness of a Joseph Kennedy. Buddenbrook’s son becomes a senator. Born into money and power, the third generation dedicates itself to art. So the aesthetic but physically weak grandson plays music. There is no one to look after the business and it is the end of the Buddenbrook family. If there are advantages to life and work in a joint family, why indeed have most of them fallen apart? In unusual cases, where a joint family manages to survive, it is because of the practice of strict equality within the family. Neeraj, Rahul Bajaj’s cousin, who runs Mukund Iron & Steel jointly with the sons of Viren Shah, finds many financial advantages to a joint business family, and attributes Bajaj’s success in remaining together to the strict equality with which they divide the pie. “We may run businesses of different sizes, but we have the same standard of living. Rahul runs the $850 million Bajaj Auto and Shekhar runs the $80 million Bajaj Electricals, but they get equal salaries and equal pocket money. We travel in the same types of cars, in the same class on airlines; we usually vacation together; thus we minimize differences and comparisons.” A Birla scion says, “In a sense, life in joint families is a bit like life under socialism. They do not work in the long run in the same way that socialism does not work. Joint families require strict equality. Because human beings are unequal and need material incentives to perform, joint families break down.”
  • 32. Old Money Rahul Bajaj Shekhar Bajaj
  • 33. - Old Money I. Owned and managed by a family as a joint family II. Pulin Garg, the thoughtful professor at the Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad, believed that it was a law of nature that families should break up. He used to say, “Haveli ki umar saath saal [The life of a family is sixty years] III.The story of Buddenbrooks IV.Professionally managed companies respond better to challenges and decision making
  • 34. - A new country I. Our great strength is our people, weakness is government and hope is Internet II. Our rich country became poor and would become rich again III.We are powered by an “ICE” age—“I” for information, “C” for communication, and “E” for entertainment and media. IV. We missed the industrial revolution but have caught the information revolution
  • 35. - A new country I. Unleash human capital through education II. Creation of middle class means success for India III.New India is on competition and decentralisation IV.Majority of Indians in the 21st century would be freer and prosperous than their parents and grandparents
  • 36. -A New Country “India is an elephant and has begun to lumber and move ahead. It will never have speed but will always have stamina, the elephant is the wisest of the animals/only ones who remembers his former lives and remains motionless of time meditating. India will have a more stable, peaceful and negotiated transition than, say, China”