The document summarizes a scholarly article about characterizing the Progressive Era American Federation of Labor (AFL). It argues that while the AFL pursued an agenda of trade unionism and did not seek to end capitalism, its goals of building independent unions, protecting worker rights through legislation, and distributing wealth and power more equally were progressive reforms that challenged the status quo. However, the AFL's vision did not extend to all workers and it held prejudices towards some immigrant and racial groups. The essay aims to provide a more nuanced view of the AFL that considers its broader reform agenda within the political context of its time.
My early thoughts on the Rise and Fall of the Congress of Industrial Organizations
Research materials useful in the analysis of Organized labor's Rise and fall in the USA
This document provides context about the rise of labor unions in the United States in the 1930s and the influence of the political left. It discusses how the labor movement gained momentum during the Great Depression due to high class consciousness and radical organizations influencing union leadership. While New Deal policies legalized unions, leftist groups were more willing to advocate for systemic change. Events like the 1934 San Francisco general strike showed the power of organized labor and threatened the capitalist system, prompting the National Labor Relations Act. However, the political left's influence over unions declined due to purges in the 1940s-50s, contributing to labor's loss of power in later decades.
This document summarizes the evolution of scholarship on the Black Power movement. It notes that early narratives portrayed Black Power negatively and dismissed its impact. However, over the past 15 years, new scholarship has provided nuanced analyses that demystify the movement and document its profound implications. The essay examines how the study of Black Power has grown from being part of civil rights historiography to becoming its own distinct field. It traces the roots of the Black Power movement in earlier 20th century radicalism and outlines some of the movement's key activities and impacts during the late 1960s and early 1970s.
The Black Power Movement, A State of the Field. Joseph PE, 2009.RBG Communiversity
This document summarizes the evolution of scholarship on the black power movement. It discusses how early narratives portrayed black power negatively, undermining civil rights struggles. Recent studies have provided more nuanced perspectives, establishing black power studies as a field. The black power movement fundamentally transformed racial justice struggles through uncompromising pursuit of social, political, cultural, and economic change across various areas like education, politics, and women's issues. The meaning and impact of black power remains complex with both positive and negative dimensions.
vo_l. -, 19_6!-1963; and Foreign Relations of the United Sta.docxjolleybendicty
vo_l. ?<-, 19_6!-1963; and Foreign Relations of the United States, "Cuban
Missile Cnsis and Aftermath," vol. XI, 1961-1963. See www.state.gov/
Docume~ts Rel~tin~ to American Foreign Policy: The Cuban Missile Crisis is a
website mam~amed by Mount Holyoke College. The collection includes
d~c~men~s: lmks, and other historical materials concerning the Cuban
missile cnsis. See www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/cuba.htm
360
ISSUE /0 ... ~
~
Did the Activism of the 1960s
Produce a Better Nation?
YES: Terry H. Anderson, from The Sea Change (Oxford University
Press, 1995)
NO: Peter Clecak, from The New Left (Harper & Row, 1973)
Learning Outcomes
After reading this issue, you should be able to:
• Define the term "New Left" as it applies to the 1960s.
• Summarize the main goals of the Port Huron Statement.
• Evaluate the legacy of the Students for a Democratic Society
(SDS) and the Youth International Party ("Yippies").
• Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of the New Left critique
of American society.
• Compare and contrast the political and cultural rebels of the
1960s in terms of their leadership, goals, strategies, and level
of success in affecting change.
ISSUE SUMMARY
YES: Terry H. Anderson concludes that the activism of the 1960s in
spired citizens of all types to demand changes that produced a trans
formation of American politics, society, culture, and foreign power
and made the United States a more democratic and inclusive nation.
NO: Peter Clecak contends that the political and cultural revolu
tionaries of the 1960s failed to revolutionize themselves or Ameri
can society and quickly discovered that, without a clear program,
viable organizations, or a significant constituency, they were essen
tially powerless against the prevailing social order.
In the summer of 1960, a University of Michigan undergraduate named
Tom Hayden, who served as an editor for his campus newspaper, the Michigan
Daily, made a trip to California. He paid a visit to the University of California
361
at Berkeley before making his way to Los Angeles to cover the Democratic
National Convention. In Los Angeles, Hayden was captivated by the idealistic
energy and enthusiasm for change articulated by young Massachusetts Senator
John Kennedy, who became the Democratic Party's nominee for president of
the United States. Only a few months before, Hayden had joined with a hand
ful of his campus associates in Ann Arbor to resurrect an almost defunct stu
dent organization-the Student League for Industrial Democracy-that traced
its roots to an early twentieth-century student group founded by the Socialist
writer Upton Sinclair. Changing the name of their organization to Students for
a Democratic Society, these young campus activists established connections
with participants of the ongoing college student sit-ins, whom they admired
for the ferocity of their commitment to eliminating segregation in southern
public accomm.
The document provides background information on the student protest movement of the 1960s. It discusses key events, organizations, and issues that students protested including:
- The Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) which advocated for greater student involvement in university governance.
- Protests against the Vietnam War as many students were drafted to fight. Opposition grew due to the rising death toll and US military tactics.
- Support for the Civil Rights Movement through freedom rides, marches, and sit-ins to end racial discrimination and segregation.
- The developing hippie counterculture that rejected mainstream values and advocated for free love, art, music and drug experimentation.
The document provides context on
Lyndon Johnson was sworn in as president on Air Force One after John F. Kennedy's assassination. As president, Johnson outlined his Great Society programs to combat poverty and promote social justice. However, his presidency was also dominated by the escalating Vietnam War. The 1960s saw great social unrest and rise of new social movements advocating for civil rights, women's rights, and environmentalism. It was a turbulent time of both progress and conflict.
The Cracking of the Two Halves of the Walnut --On American Anti-War Movement ...inventionjournals
This document discusses the anti-war movement in the United States during the 1960s. It argues that the movement was not a result of communist infiltration, as was claimed by some, but rather was a rebellion by American youth against the failures and hypocrisy of the existing social system. The youth were disillusioned by racism, poverty, and the human costs of the Vietnam War, which they saw as unjust and advancing corporate interests rather than American values of freedom and democracy. While some groups drew inspiration from communist and socialist ideologies, the movement as a whole developed independently and sought to promote American ideals that were not being lived up to. The cracking open of "the walnut" representing the post-war consensus was thus
My early thoughts on the Rise and Fall of the Congress of Industrial Organizations
Research materials useful in the analysis of Organized labor's Rise and fall in the USA
This document provides context about the rise of labor unions in the United States in the 1930s and the influence of the political left. It discusses how the labor movement gained momentum during the Great Depression due to high class consciousness and radical organizations influencing union leadership. While New Deal policies legalized unions, leftist groups were more willing to advocate for systemic change. Events like the 1934 San Francisco general strike showed the power of organized labor and threatened the capitalist system, prompting the National Labor Relations Act. However, the political left's influence over unions declined due to purges in the 1940s-50s, contributing to labor's loss of power in later decades.
This document summarizes the evolution of scholarship on the Black Power movement. It notes that early narratives portrayed Black Power negatively and dismissed its impact. However, over the past 15 years, new scholarship has provided nuanced analyses that demystify the movement and document its profound implications. The essay examines how the study of Black Power has grown from being part of civil rights historiography to becoming its own distinct field. It traces the roots of the Black Power movement in earlier 20th century radicalism and outlines some of the movement's key activities and impacts during the late 1960s and early 1970s.
The Black Power Movement, A State of the Field. Joseph PE, 2009.RBG Communiversity
This document summarizes the evolution of scholarship on the black power movement. It discusses how early narratives portrayed black power negatively, undermining civil rights struggles. Recent studies have provided more nuanced perspectives, establishing black power studies as a field. The black power movement fundamentally transformed racial justice struggles through uncompromising pursuit of social, political, cultural, and economic change across various areas like education, politics, and women's issues. The meaning and impact of black power remains complex with both positive and negative dimensions.
vo_l. -, 19_6!-1963; and Foreign Relations of the United Sta.docxjolleybendicty
vo_l. ?<-, 19_6!-1963; and Foreign Relations of the United States, "Cuban
Missile Cnsis and Aftermath," vol. XI, 1961-1963. See www.state.gov/
Docume~ts Rel~tin~ to American Foreign Policy: The Cuban Missile Crisis is a
website mam~amed by Mount Holyoke College. The collection includes
d~c~men~s: lmks, and other historical materials concerning the Cuban
missile cnsis. See www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/cuba.htm
360
ISSUE /0 ... ~
~
Did the Activism of the 1960s
Produce a Better Nation?
YES: Terry H. Anderson, from The Sea Change (Oxford University
Press, 1995)
NO: Peter Clecak, from The New Left (Harper & Row, 1973)
Learning Outcomes
After reading this issue, you should be able to:
• Define the term "New Left" as it applies to the 1960s.
• Summarize the main goals of the Port Huron Statement.
• Evaluate the legacy of the Students for a Democratic Society
(SDS) and the Youth International Party ("Yippies").
• Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of the New Left critique
of American society.
• Compare and contrast the political and cultural rebels of the
1960s in terms of their leadership, goals, strategies, and level
of success in affecting change.
ISSUE SUMMARY
YES: Terry H. Anderson concludes that the activism of the 1960s in
spired citizens of all types to demand changes that produced a trans
formation of American politics, society, culture, and foreign power
and made the United States a more democratic and inclusive nation.
NO: Peter Clecak contends that the political and cultural revolu
tionaries of the 1960s failed to revolutionize themselves or Ameri
can society and quickly discovered that, without a clear program,
viable organizations, or a significant constituency, they were essen
tially powerless against the prevailing social order.
In the summer of 1960, a University of Michigan undergraduate named
Tom Hayden, who served as an editor for his campus newspaper, the Michigan
Daily, made a trip to California. He paid a visit to the University of California
361
at Berkeley before making his way to Los Angeles to cover the Democratic
National Convention. In Los Angeles, Hayden was captivated by the idealistic
energy and enthusiasm for change articulated by young Massachusetts Senator
John Kennedy, who became the Democratic Party's nominee for president of
the United States. Only a few months before, Hayden had joined with a hand
ful of his campus associates in Ann Arbor to resurrect an almost defunct stu
dent organization-the Student League for Industrial Democracy-that traced
its roots to an early twentieth-century student group founded by the Socialist
writer Upton Sinclair. Changing the name of their organization to Students for
a Democratic Society, these young campus activists established connections
with participants of the ongoing college student sit-ins, whom they admired
for the ferocity of their commitment to eliminating segregation in southern
public accomm.
The document provides background information on the student protest movement of the 1960s. It discusses key events, organizations, and issues that students protested including:
- The Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) which advocated for greater student involvement in university governance.
- Protests against the Vietnam War as many students were drafted to fight. Opposition grew due to the rising death toll and US military tactics.
- Support for the Civil Rights Movement through freedom rides, marches, and sit-ins to end racial discrimination and segregation.
- The developing hippie counterculture that rejected mainstream values and advocated for free love, art, music and drug experimentation.
The document provides context on
Lyndon Johnson was sworn in as president on Air Force One after John F. Kennedy's assassination. As president, Johnson outlined his Great Society programs to combat poverty and promote social justice. However, his presidency was also dominated by the escalating Vietnam War. The 1960s saw great social unrest and rise of new social movements advocating for civil rights, women's rights, and environmentalism. It was a turbulent time of both progress and conflict.
The Cracking of the Two Halves of the Walnut --On American Anti-War Movement ...inventionjournals
This document discusses the anti-war movement in the United States during the 1960s. It argues that the movement was not a result of communist infiltration, as was claimed by some, but rather was a rebellion by American youth against the failures and hypocrisy of the existing social system. The youth were disillusioned by racism, poverty, and the human costs of the Vietnam War, which they saw as unjust and advancing corporate interests rather than American values of freedom and democracy. While some groups drew inspiration from communist and socialist ideologies, the movement as a whole developed independently and sought to promote American ideals that were not being lived up to. The cracking open of "the walnut" representing the post-war consensus was thus
Autumn 2011, Theories & Perspectives on Labor--Labor and Organizing under Cap...Stephen Cheng
This paper deals with the reformist and revolutionary roles that a trade union movement ("organized labor") and the working class can take on under capitalism. Looking back, this paper could probably use major editing but I am posting it as is to reflect evolution of writing ability and written expression.
This document contains instructions for a multi-part assignment on American history and social movements from the 1950s to the present. For part A, students are asked to analyze the moral ambiguity of war presented in the book The Good Soldier. Part B involves choosing and fully answering one question from a list of six about the consequences of failing Great Society programs, claims about the relationship between black interests and American democracy, arguments about the weakness of America's will for racial justice, the influence of participatory democracy on a 1960s-70s social movement, and the view that political activity in the 1960s located in the individual. Part C asks students to choose and answer one of two questions analyzing views of the 1970s as a more conservative decade
This article analyzes how the American Civil War advanced Enlightenment ideals and transformed moral perceptions of slavery. It discusses how the war was a social revolution that fundamentally changed longstanding institutions and decided core ethical issues. The war grew out of conflicts between Northern and Southern civil societies that embraced different visions of modernization, with the South defending the institution of slavery and its economic advantages. Religion played a major role in how people understood the war and justified violence. The outcome advanced Enlightenment values of equality and natural rights by ending slavery, though it had taken unprecedented bloodshed to resolve the contradictions between these ideals and the racist practices of the slave system.
The document summarizes the counterculture movement of the 1960s, its origins as a reaction to 1950s conservatism, and its evolution over the decade. Key events included the emergence of the New Left focusing on civil rights and opposing the Vietnam War, widespread student and labor protests in the US and Europe, and the rise of feminism and environmentalism. LSD played a large role in art and music but its popularity declined after the deaths of prominent figures. In 1968, protests escalated with Martin Luther King and Robert Kennedy's assassinations and riots at the Democratic National Convention. The May 1968 student strike in France had wide impacts and signified the peak of the global protest movement. New media like independent newspapers and the
This document provides an overview of the Progressive Era in the United States between 1900-1914 through a series of mini-lectures covering various topics of progressivism including social settlements led by Jane Addams, the fight for women's suffrage and child labor laws, radical groups like socialists and anarchists challenging the status quo, urban reforms led by progressive politicians like Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, and events that shaped the era such as the Triangle Shirtwaist Fire and San Francisco earthquake.
Unit VII Discussion Board Need answered tonightImmigrati.docxdickonsondorris
Unit VII Discussion Board
Need answered tonight
Immigration was a hot topic during this time period, and it remains a hot topic today. In what ways does immigration continue to shape our nation? Elaborate on your conclusions thoroughly
Question 1
Popular sovereignty held that __________ should make decisions concerning slavery.
the federal government.
the state governments.
the president.
abolitionist reform groups.
Question 2
The idea that the United States was certain to spread across North America led to rapid expansion of the country during the 1840s and was known as:
Manifest Destiny.
nullification.
progressivism.
muckraking.
Question 3
The Central Pacific Railroad was built primarily by cheap labor from:
China.
Germany.
Ireland.
Mexico.
Question 4
Riots occurred against Irish immigrants in many American cities from the 1830s to 1850s primarily because they:
were poor.
supported abolition.
were Catholic.
were amassing great wealth.
Question 5
The various routes by which slaves sought freedom were collectively called:
the Oregon Trail.
slave codes.
the Underground Railroad.
the Liberator.
Question 6
The overland trail from Independence, Missouri to New Mexico was called the:
Oregon Trail.
Alamo Trail.
Santa Fe Trail.
Alabama Trail.
Question 7
The federal government sponsored many exploratory expeditions in the 1800s. One such expedition mapped the trails from Oregon to California and was led by:
Zebulon Pike.
Lewis and Clarke.
John C. Fremont.
Stephen Long.
Question 8
During the 1840s and 1850s most immigrants came from:
Canada and Mexico.
Spain and Ireland.
Germany and Russia.
Ireland and Germany.
Question 9
Which of the following was a leading reformer in the asylum movement?
Sarah Grimke
Dorothea Dix
Horace Mann
Theodore Weld
Question 10
Which of the following constituted the most likely cause of death on the overland trails?
Disease
Suicide
Indian attack
Cannibalism
Question 11
Place the events provided in the correct chronological order.
The Mexican American War begins.
The infamous Battle of the Alamo occurs.
Texans begin a revolt against the Mexican government.
Texas is annexed to the US as a slave state.
The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo is signed.
Question 12
Using Oregon as a model, identify and thoroughly detail the three usual stages of frontier development.
Your response should be at least 200 words in length. You are required to use at least your textbook as source material for your response. All sources used, including the textbook, must be referenced; paraphrased and quoted material must have accompanying citations.
Question 13
Compare and contrast four reform movements of the era: temperance, public education, asylums, and feminism. Be sure to note key details in each concerning the origins, important leaders, objectives, and accomplishments.
Your response should be at least 200 words in leng ...
Running head YWCA - PLAN FOR INTEGRATION INTO MUSEUM EXHIBIT .docxjeffsrosalyn
Running head: YWCA - PLAN FOR INTEGRATION INTO MUSEUM EXHIBIT 1
YWCA - PLAN FOR INTEGRATION INTO MUSEUM EXHIBIT 4
YWCA - Plan for Integration into Museum Exhibit Phase III
\
YWCA - Plan for Integration into Museum Exhibit
Young Women Christian Association have over time worked towards empowering girl child through so many initiatives. There are so many photographic evidence that clearly defines their mission and objectives since the time it began. The concept of equality on all works of life has been a major challenge to the association and it has been the topic of the organization since it began (George, 2018). The Young Women Christian Association poster of 1919 with the initials of the organization, a portrait of a woman at the middle and the message the organization intended to carry tells more about the assistance in which the girls are being by the organization in the whole world. Through this, their young women from the disadvantaged communities are accredited from information, and advice among other services that the organization offers.
In the creation of the presentation which resonated with either the LinkedIn or Twitter, the organization has to major on what is composed of it together with what could be of the organization. This composed of what is happening at the organization together with what can be improved in order to make the audience feel interested (Berger, 2017). This can be achieved by assessing the achievements of the organization, challenges faced and how best a situation can be resolved. This is followed by explaining facts to the audience so that they can have new insights, abilities and information of the organization. Following this is the pitch where the presenter gets to know different ideas get to improve the situation. Next we have the drama where the influential history of the company is being told from how it was founded. All these are presented in the situation, opportunity resolution or the situation, complication, resolution way in the presentation.
Among the topics to be presented in highlighted way of creating a plan are violence preventions, racial justice, women and girls’ empowerment, women and girls’ economic advancement, and the civil rights among other topics. The targeted population for benefit and women and the girls while the ones responsible for such presentations are the different top leaders of the specific people that have been chosen by the organization.
The visual image has the picture of women holding hands which shows a sign of support on which the girls and the women receive from the YWCA organization.
Girls and the women are taken into consideration in order to fulfil the mission, vision and the goals of the organization.
Supporting the women and the girls in such a manner helps in elimination of the racism hence empowering them together with enabling them to contribute to the socioeconomic development of the.
The document provides biographical information on American reformer and suffragist Frances Willard. It states that Willard became president of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union in 1879 and remained president for 19 years. Under her leadership, the WCTU lobbied Congress and petitioned for laws promoting women's rights. Willard played an instrumental role in the passage of the 18th and 19th Amendments, prohibiting alcohol and granting women the right to vote. Her vision also expanded to include issues like education, workers' rights, and public health.
Family History Essay | How to Write? and 400 Words Essay on Family .... Understanding One's Family History Essay Example | Topics and Well .... 004 Family History Essay Example ~ Thatsnotus. An Overview Of My Family History: [Essay Example], 720 words GradesFixer. Publish Your Family History Without Being Overwhelmed | History essay ....
Essays should have a clear argument supported by evidence from the.docxSANSKAR20
Essays should have a clear argument supported by evidence from the readings (https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/0B3D5tcB4swW_WmVTeXF4LVdWWVE?usp=sharing ). While it is fine to state your personal opinion on these questions, please be sure that you support your opinion with historical evidence. The best answers will have an argument and will be very detailed. The answer should have a beginning, middle and an end, and will probably be 400 words.
1. What role does the West play in shaping modern East Asia? How does this role change over time (if it does change). In your opinion is the role of the West a net positive or a net negative? Why?
2. What are the merits and demerits of the Champion of the East and the Gentleman of Western Learning’s arguments in Discourse of Three Drunkards on Government. Which view do you support? Why?
3. What is the nature of nationalism in the Japanese and Chinese contexts? What does it stem from? How do nationalistic sentiments change in the first three decades of the twentieth century in East Asia?
4. Describe the changes in Japan-Chinese relations over time beginning in 1895 up through 1937. In what ways do relations change? What factors force them to change?
5. By the 1920s, Japan had already become an important world power, while China remained mired in warlord politics and political factionalism. How do you account for the differences in China and Japan? What factors helped facilitate Japan’s “rise”?
6. Evaluate the arguments made by Japanese leaders regarding Pan Asianism from the early 20th century up through the creation of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. What was attractive about these sentiments for many people in East Asia? How do you yourself feel about the way the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere was portrayed?
7. How did Chiang Kaishek rise to prominence in China in the 1920s? What was the legitimacy of Chiang Kaishek’s Nationalist government based upon? How do the campaigns against the Chinese Communist Party fit into this?
8. How do you view Wang Jingwei? Was he a collaborator as he is commonly portrayed in China or is he a patriot whose reputation has been slandered since the end of the war? To answer this question, you must address the differences between collaborators and resisters in the wartime period. What constitutes these two categories? What problems are there in using these two turns of phrase?
9. Scholars have suggested that the Pacific War between Japan and the United States was inevitable, but there is a considerable amount of disagreement about when it became inevitable. What single point do you consider to be the “point of no return” for the outbreak of the war? Please note in your response at least two other potential points and explain why you did not choose them.
Reading List: (https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/0B3D5tcB4swW_WmVTeXF4LVdWWVE?usp=sharing ).
Week 1
*John Dower, “Structures and Ideologies of Con ...
Abstract:- We begin this paper by providing a brief
definition of activism, carrying out a brief overview of
activism through the ages, and also present a review of the
different types of activism as carried out in different
geographies and segments of society. We also state why
activism is still sorely lacking in various fields in the
sciences to promote the cause of the sciences, and explain
why we need to step up the ante, and promote science
activism which can also be known as scientific activism, in
various subfields of science, and in science in general.
Even though some forms of activism manifested
themselves in various fields of the sciences, the idea is still
nascent, and in some circles, still a taboo. We also explain
and debate the various areas of scientific and scholarly
activity where this technique can be put to productive and
fruitful use, in the interests of rapid scientific progress. We
also discuss the various mechanisms through which this
can be made to happen and brought to fruition and its
logical conclusion, and discuss the different types of
possible change agents as well. We also explain how and
why this can lead to a much faster and a higher rate of
scientific progress, and lead to what we have all along
called “scientific progress at the speed of light”, and
reduce the gaps in a “multi-speed civilization". Needless
to say, this could in turn induce a ripple effect, and
promote faster societal and cultural change as well in all
walks of life.
Week 10 Term Paper SubmissionIf you are using the Blackboard Mobil.docxsheronlewthwaite
Week 10 Term Paper Submission
If you are using the Blackboard Mobile Learn IOS App, please click "View in Browser."
Click the link above to submit your assignment.
Students, please view the "Submit a Clickable Rubric Assignment" in the Student Center.
Instructors, training on how to grade is within the Instructor Center.
Term Paper Project: Designing a Secure Network
Due Week 10 and worth 190 points
This term paper involves putting together the various concepts learned throughout this course. You are tasked with designing the most secure network possible, keeping in mind your goal of supporting three (3) IT services: email, file transfer (centralized), and VPN. Your first step is to design a single network capable of supporting there three (3) different services. Once you have fully designed your network, you will need to provide three (3) workflow diagrams explaining how your designed network handles the three (3) different transactions. The first is an internal user sending an email using his / her corporate email address to a user on the Yahoo domain with an arbitrary address of
[email protected]
The second workflow diagram should show a user initiating an FTP session from inside your network to the arbitrary site of ftp.netneering.com. The third workflow is an externally located employee initiating a VPN session to corporate in order to access files on the Windows desktop computer, DT-Corp534-HellenS, at work.
Write a ten to fifteen (10-15) page paper in which you complete the following three (3) Parts. Note: Please use the following page breakdown to complete your assignment:
Overall network diagram: One (1) page
Datapath diagrams: Three (3) pages (one for each diagram)
Write-up: six to ten (6-10) pages
Part 1
Using Microsoft Visio or its open source alternative, create a diagram showing the overall network you’ve designed from the user or endpoint device to the Internet cloud, and everything in between, in which you:
Follow the access, core, distribution layer model.
Include at a minimum:
Authentication server (i.e. Microsoft Active Directory)
Routers
Switches (and / or hubs)
Local users
Remote users
Workstations
Files share (i.e. CIFS)
Mail server
Web servers (both internal and external)
Firewalls
Internet cloud
Web proxy
Email proxy
FTP server (for internal-to-external transport)
Explain each network device’s function and your specific configuration of each networking device.
Design and label the bandwidth availability or capacity for each wired connection.
Part 2
Using Microsoft Visio or its open source alternative, create a Datapath Diagram for the following scenario:
Local user sends email to a Yahoo recipient. Local (corporate) user having email address
[email protected]
sends an email to
[email protected]
Document and label the diagram showing protocols and path of the data flow as data traverses through your network from source to destination.
Include path lines with arrows showing directions and layer 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, .
Week 11 Question SetRoper v. SimmonsREAD THE ENTIRE CA.docxsheronlewthwaite
Week 11 Question Set:
Roper v. Simmons
:
READ THE ENTIRE CASE otherwise the sections I picked may not make complete sense to you!!!
Brief these sections of Justice Kennedy’s majority opinion:
III A
III B
Miller v. Alabama:
READ THE ENTIRE CASE otherwise the sections I picked may not make complete sense to you!!!
Brief these sections of Justice Kagan’s majority opinion:
II
IV
.
Week 11 (On the day you have class during this week) Population .docxsheronlewthwaite
Week 11 (On the day you have class during this week): Population
Select topic # 1 or topic # 2 below and write one page in which you briefly provide your answer: Topic # 1: Do you think rapid global population growth is cause for alarm? If not, why not? If so, what aspects of global population growth are specifically worrisome? What should be done about them? Answers will vary by student and may include references to Malthus and theory (pp. 502
–
504), demographic transition theory (pp. 505
–
507), population and social inequality (pp. 507
–
508), class inequality and overpopulation (p. 509), and urbanization (pp. 510
–
519).
Topic # 2: Do you think of the city mainly as a place of innovation and tolerance or mainly as a site of crime, prejudice, and anomie? Where does your image of the city come from? Your own experience? The mass media? Your sociological reading?
Answers will vary by student and may include references to text information on urbanization (pp. 510
–
519).
1 page 500 words
.
Week 10 Assignment 3 - Submit Here
Students
, please view the "Submit a Clickable Rubric Assignment" in the Student Center.
Instructors
, training on how to grade is within the Instructor Center.
Assignment 3: Cultural Activity Report
Due Week 10 and worth 100 points
As a way of experiencing the Humanities beyond your classroom, computer, and textbook, you are asked to do a certain type of “cultural activity” that fits well with our course and then report on your experience. Your instructor will require you to propose an activity and get instructor approval before you do it and report on it (students should look for any instructions in that respect). Every effort should be made to ensure that this is a hands-on experience (not a virtual one), that this activity fits the HUM111 class well, and that the activity is of sufficient quality for this university course. The two key types of activities are a museum visit or a performance. NOTE: This must not be a report on the same activity (and certainly not the same report) as done for another class, like HUM112. For instance, one might go to the same museum as done for HUM112, but this HUM111 report will focus on entirely different works and displays.
Visit a museum or gallery exhibition or attend a theater or musical performance before the end of Week 10. The activity (museum or performance) should have content that fits our course well. Have fun doing this.
Write a two to three (2-3) page report (500-750 words) that describes your experience.
Clearly identify the event location, date attended, the attendees, and your initial reaction upon arriving at the event.
Provide specific information and a description of at least two (2)
pieces
(e.g. art, exhibits, music, etc.).
Provide a summary of the event and describe your overall reaction after attending the event.
Use at least the class text as a reference (additional sources are fine, not necessary unless required by your content). Your report should include connections you make between things observed in your activity and things learned in the course and text.
Note
: Submit your cultural activity choice to the instructor for approval before the end of Week 5 (earlier is even better). Look for guidance from the instructor for how or where to make your proposal. You may also seek advice from your instructor (provide your town/state or zip code) for a good activity in your general area.
Visiting a Museum
It makes sense to approach a museum the way a seasoned traveler approaches visiting a city for the first time. Find out what there is available to see. In the museum, find out what sort of exhibitions are currently housed in the museum and start with the exhibits that interest you.
If there is a travelling exhibition, it’s always a good idea to see it while you have the chance. Then, if you have time, you can look at other things in the museum.
Every effort should be made ahead of time to identify a museum that has items and works one can e.
Week 1 - Discussion 2
The Industrial Revolution
Background: In the last quarter of the 19th Century, the Industrial Revolution was in full swing; however, with the business boom came a number of concerns, including corporate influence in politics and waves of immigration, as well as a middle class in apparent decline. These developments seemed to threaten to alter the character of American society as new technologies introduced new social problems, as well as offering new opportunities. The rise of captains of industry (or robber barons), with their sway of politicians, created a widespread feeling among common Americans that they had had lost control of their government.
Required Source:
The American Industrial Revolution
from the Films on Demand database in the Ashford University Library.
Instructions: Based on your textbook and the assigned video, analyze how the revolutionary nature of this period impacted either Native Americans, immigrants, or farmers, using the following questions as the basis of your analysis:
What were the most revolutionary social and economic developments of the last quarter of the nineteenth century?
How did the group of Americans you chose to examine respond to those changes, and how effective were their responses?
What role did government play in these developments?
Your initial post should be at least 250 words in length. Support your claims with examples from the required material(s) and properly cite any references. You may use additional scholarly sources to support your points if you choose. Your references and citations must be formatted according to APA style as outlined by the Ashford Writing Center.
.
Week 1 System and Application Overview An overview of the system.docxsheronlewthwaite
Week 1: System and Application Overview:
An overview of the system or software application an intended users
Week 1: Requirements Specification:
Detailed requirements specification with both functional and nonfunctional requirements
Week 2: System and Application Design:
A high-level design in the form of use cases and detailed design models utilizing computer-aided software engineering (CASE) tools to represent the data, processes, and interfaces
Week 3: Test and Quality Assurance Plan:
A test and quality assurance plan that included the various tests and quality control measures that need to be taken into consideration
Week 4: Development Strategy:
A development strategy that weighs make versus buy or insourcing versus outsourcing acquisition strategies
Integration and Deployment Plan
Develop an overall work breakdown structure (WBS) for the 7 system development life cycle (SDLC) phases:
Preliminary Analysis
System Analysis or Requirements Definition
System Design
Development
Integration and Testing
Acceptance, Installation, and Deployment
Operation Support and Maintenance
.
Week 1 DQOne objective of this course is learning how to cor.docxsheronlewthwaite
Week 1 DQ
One objective of this course is learning how to correctly interpret statistical measures. This includes learning how to identify intentionally misleading statistics. For this week's activity create your own example of a misleading statistic. Explain the context of the data, the source of the data, the sampling method that you used (or would use) to collect the data, and the (misleading) conclusions that would be drawn from your example. Be specific in explaining how the statistic is misleading.
500 hundred words one page
.
Week 1 - AssignmentDo the followingA corporation is created b.docxsheronlewthwaite
Week 1 - Assignment
Do the following:
A corporation is created by state issuing a charter upon the application of individuals known as incorporators. As a creature of state legislative bodies, the corporation is more complex to create and operate than other forms of businesses.
Write a one page essay describing the advantages and disadvantages of forming a corporation. Also, outline the complexities of creating a corporation.
In a Word document, you will want to save your essay file as ‘Week 1_Assignment_Your Name’ and submit the file for grading.
.
Weather Forecast Assignment Objective create a weather map.docxsheronlewthwaite
This document provides an assignment to create a weather map and forecast for 4 areas in late summer. Students must draw two midlatitude cyclones, one over the Great Lakes occluding and one mature over Colorado. They must write forecasts for areas along the warm front, cold front, cut off low, and occlusion, and show weather station models for at least 8 cities including dew point, temperature, wind, clouds, and pressure. Students should also draw isobars around each cyclone and across the US on their map.
Weak ties are valuable parts of a social network becausea.it is.docxsheronlewthwaite
Weak ties are valuable parts of a social network because:
a.
it is easier to sever them if a friendship doesn't blossom smoothly.
b.
it is easier to exert power over those to which we have such ties.
c.
they are more likely to introduce us to new information and ideas.
d.
we do not have to invest as much energy in maintaining them.
.
More Related Content
Similar to I thank Eric Arnesen, Ava Baron, Jeff Cowie, Leon Fink, Michae.docx
Autumn 2011, Theories & Perspectives on Labor--Labor and Organizing under Cap...Stephen Cheng
This paper deals with the reformist and revolutionary roles that a trade union movement ("organized labor") and the working class can take on under capitalism. Looking back, this paper could probably use major editing but I am posting it as is to reflect evolution of writing ability and written expression.
This document contains instructions for a multi-part assignment on American history and social movements from the 1950s to the present. For part A, students are asked to analyze the moral ambiguity of war presented in the book The Good Soldier. Part B involves choosing and fully answering one question from a list of six about the consequences of failing Great Society programs, claims about the relationship between black interests and American democracy, arguments about the weakness of America's will for racial justice, the influence of participatory democracy on a 1960s-70s social movement, and the view that political activity in the 1960s located in the individual. Part C asks students to choose and answer one of two questions analyzing views of the 1970s as a more conservative decade
This article analyzes how the American Civil War advanced Enlightenment ideals and transformed moral perceptions of slavery. It discusses how the war was a social revolution that fundamentally changed longstanding institutions and decided core ethical issues. The war grew out of conflicts between Northern and Southern civil societies that embraced different visions of modernization, with the South defending the institution of slavery and its economic advantages. Religion played a major role in how people understood the war and justified violence. The outcome advanced Enlightenment values of equality and natural rights by ending slavery, though it had taken unprecedented bloodshed to resolve the contradictions between these ideals and the racist practices of the slave system.
The document summarizes the counterculture movement of the 1960s, its origins as a reaction to 1950s conservatism, and its evolution over the decade. Key events included the emergence of the New Left focusing on civil rights and opposing the Vietnam War, widespread student and labor protests in the US and Europe, and the rise of feminism and environmentalism. LSD played a large role in art and music but its popularity declined after the deaths of prominent figures. In 1968, protests escalated with Martin Luther King and Robert Kennedy's assassinations and riots at the Democratic National Convention. The May 1968 student strike in France had wide impacts and signified the peak of the global protest movement. New media like independent newspapers and the
This document provides an overview of the Progressive Era in the United States between 1900-1914 through a series of mini-lectures covering various topics of progressivism including social settlements led by Jane Addams, the fight for women's suffrage and child labor laws, radical groups like socialists and anarchists challenging the status quo, urban reforms led by progressive politicians like Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, and events that shaped the era such as the Triangle Shirtwaist Fire and San Francisco earthquake.
Unit VII Discussion Board Need answered tonightImmigrati.docxdickonsondorris
Unit VII Discussion Board
Need answered tonight
Immigration was a hot topic during this time period, and it remains a hot topic today. In what ways does immigration continue to shape our nation? Elaborate on your conclusions thoroughly
Question 1
Popular sovereignty held that __________ should make decisions concerning slavery.
the federal government.
the state governments.
the president.
abolitionist reform groups.
Question 2
The idea that the United States was certain to spread across North America led to rapid expansion of the country during the 1840s and was known as:
Manifest Destiny.
nullification.
progressivism.
muckraking.
Question 3
The Central Pacific Railroad was built primarily by cheap labor from:
China.
Germany.
Ireland.
Mexico.
Question 4
Riots occurred against Irish immigrants in many American cities from the 1830s to 1850s primarily because they:
were poor.
supported abolition.
were Catholic.
were amassing great wealth.
Question 5
The various routes by which slaves sought freedom were collectively called:
the Oregon Trail.
slave codes.
the Underground Railroad.
the Liberator.
Question 6
The overland trail from Independence, Missouri to New Mexico was called the:
Oregon Trail.
Alamo Trail.
Santa Fe Trail.
Alabama Trail.
Question 7
The federal government sponsored many exploratory expeditions in the 1800s. One such expedition mapped the trails from Oregon to California and was led by:
Zebulon Pike.
Lewis and Clarke.
John C. Fremont.
Stephen Long.
Question 8
During the 1840s and 1850s most immigrants came from:
Canada and Mexico.
Spain and Ireland.
Germany and Russia.
Ireland and Germany.
Question 9
Which of the following was a leading reformer in the asylum movement?
Sarah Grimke
Dorothea Dix
Horace Mann
Theodore Weld
Question 10
Which of the following constituted the most likely cause of death on the overland trails?
Disease
Suicide
Indian attack
Cannibalism
Question 11
Place the events provided in the correct chronological order.
The Mexican American War begins.
The infamous Battle of the Alamo occurs.
Texans begin a revolt against the Mexican government.
Texas is annexed to the US as a slave state.
The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo is signed.
Question 12
Using Oregon as a model, identify and thoroughly detail the three usual stages of frontier development.
Your response should be at least 200 words in length. You are required to use at least your textbook as source material for your response. All sources used, including the textbook, must be referenced; paraphrased and quoted material must have accompanying citations.
Question 13
Compare and contrast four reform movements of the era: temperance, public education, asylums, and feminism. Be sure to note key details in each concerning the origins, important leaders, objectives, and accomplishments.
Your response should be at least 200 words in leng ...
Running head YWCA - PLAN FOR INTEGRATION INTO MUSEUM EXHIBIT .docxjeffsrosalyn
Running head: YWCA - PLAN FOR INTEGRATION INTO MUSEUM EXHIBIT 1
YWCA - PLAN FOR INTEGRATION INTO MUSEUM EXHIBIT 4
YWCA - Plan for Integration into Museum Exhibit Phase III
\
YWCA - Plan for Integration into Museum Exhibit
Young Women Christian Association have over time worked towards empowering girl child through so many initiatives. There are so many photographic evidence that clearly defines their mission and objectives since the time it began. The concept of equality on all works of life has been a major challenge to the association and it has been the topic of the organization since it began (George, 2018). The Young Women Christian Association poster of 1919 with the initials of the organization, a portrait of a woman at the middle and the message the organization intended to carry tells more about the assistance in which the girls are being by the organization in the whole world. Through this, their young women from the disadvantaged communities are accredited from information, and advice among other services that the organization offers.
In the creation of the presentation which resonated with either the LinkedIn or Twitter, the organization has to major on what is composed of it together with what could be of the organization. This composed of what is happening at the organization together with what can be improved in order to make the audience feel interested (Berger, 2017). This can be achieved by assessing the achievements of the organization, challenges faced and how best a situation can be resolved. This is followed by explaining facts to the audience so that they can have new insights, abilities and information of the organization. Following this is the pitch where the presenter gets to know different ideas get to improve the situation. Next we have the drama where the influential history of the company is being told from how it was founded. All these are presented in the situation, opportunity resolution or the situation, complication, resolution way in the presentation.
Among the topics to be presented in highlighted way of creating a plan are violence preventions, racial justice, women and girls’ empowerment, women and girls’ economic advancement, and the civil rights among other topics. The targeted population for benefit and women and the girls while the ones responsible for such presentations are the different top leaders of the specific people that have been chosen by the organization.
The visual image has the picture of women holding hands which shows a sign of support on which the girls and the women receive from the YWCA organization.
Girls and the women are taken into consideration in order to fulfil the mission, vision and the goals of the organization.
Supporting the women and the girls in such a manner helps in elimination of the racism hence empowering them together with enabling them to contribute to the socioeconomic development of the.
The document provides biographical information on American reformer and suffragist Frances Willard. It states that Willard became president of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union in 1879 and remained president for 19 years. Under her leadership, the WCTU lobbied Congress and petitioned for laws promoting women's rights. Willard played an instrumental role in the passage of the 18th and 19th Amendments, prohibiting alcohol and granting women the right to vote. Her vision also expanded to include issues like education, workers' rights, and public health.
Family History Essay | How to Write? and 400 Words Essay on Family .... Understanding One's Family History Essay Example | Topics and Well .... 004 Family History Essay Example ~ Thatsnotus. An Overview Of My Family History: [Essay Example], 720 words GradesFixer. Publish Your Family History Without Being Overwhelmed | History essay ....
Essays should have a clear argument supported by evidence from the.docxSANSKAR20
Essays should have a clear argument supported by evidence from the readings (https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/0B3D5tcB4swW_WmVTeXF4LVdWWVE?usp=sharing ). While it is fine to state your personal opinion on these questions, please be sure that you support your opinion with historical evidence. The best answers will have an argument and will be very detailed. The answer should have a beginning, middle and an end, and will probably be 400 words.
1. What role does the West play in shaping modern East Asia? How does this role change over time (if it does change). In your opinion is the role of the West a net positive or a net negative? Why?
2. What are the merits and demerits of the Champion of the East and the Gentleman of Western Learning’s arguments in Discourse of Three Drunkards on Government. Which view do you support? Why?
3. What is the nature of nationalism in the Japanese and Chinese contexts? What does it stem from? How do nationalistic sentiments change in the first three decades of the twentieth century in East Asia?
4. Describe the changes in Japan-Chinese relations over time beginning in 1895 up through 1937. In what ways do relations change? What factors force them to change?
5. By the 1920s, Japan had already become an important world power, while China remained mired in warlord politics and political factionalism. How do you account for the differences in China and Japan? What factors helped facilitate Japan’s “rise”?
6. Evaluate the arguments made by Japanese leaders regarding Pan Asianism from the early 20th century up through the creation of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. What was attractive about these sentiments for many people in East Asia? How do you yourself feel about the way the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere was portrayed?
7. How did Chiang Kaishek rise to prominence in China in the 1920s? What was the legitimacy of Chiang Kaishek’s Nationalist government based upon? How do the campaigns against the Chinese Communist Party fit into this?
8. How do you view Wang Jingwei? Was he a collaborator as he is commonly portrayed in China or is he a patriot whose reputation has been slandered since the end of the war? To answer this question, you must address the differences between collaborators and resisters in the wartime period. What constitutes these two categories? What problems are there in using these two turns of phrase?
9. Scholars have suggested that the Pacific War between Japan and the United States was inevitable, but there is a considerable amount of disagreement about when it became inevitable. What single point do you consider to be the “point of no return” for the outbreak of the war? Please note in your response at least two other potential points and explain why you did not choose them.
Reading List: (https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/0B3D5tcB4swW_WmVTeXF4LVdWWVE?usp=sharing ).
Week 1
*John Dower, “Structures and Ideologies of Con ...
Abstract:- We begin this paper by providing a brief
definition of activism, carrying out a brief overview of
activism through the ages, and also present a review of the
different types of activism as carried out in different
geographies and segments of society. We also state why
activism is still sorely lacking in various fields in the
sciences to promote the cause of the sciences, and explain
why we need to step up the ante, and promote science
activism which can also be known as scientific activism, in
various subfields of science, and in science in general.
Even though some forms of activism manifested
themselves in various fields of the sciences, the idea is still
nascent, and in some circles, still a taboo. We also explain
and debate the various areas of scientific and scholarly
activity where this technique can be put to productive and
fruitful use, in the interests of rapid scientific progress. We
also discuss the various mechanisms through which this
can be made to happen and brought to fruition and its
logical conclusion, and discuss the different types of
possible change agents as well. We also explain how and
why this can lead to a much faster and a higher rate of
scientific progress, and lead to what we have all along
called “scientific progress at the speed of light”, and
reduce the gaps in a “multi-speed civilization". Needless
to say, this could in turn induce a ripple effect, and
promote faster societal and cultural change as well in all
walks of life.
Similar to I thank Eric Arnesen, Ava Baron, Jeff Cowie, Leon Fink, Michae.docx (12)
Week 10 Term Paper SubmissionIf you are using the Blackboard Mobil.docxsheronlewthwaite
Week 10 Term Paper Submission
If you are using the Blackboard Mobile Learn IOS App, please click "View in Browser."
Click the link above to submit your assignment.
Students, please view the "Submit a Clickable Rubric Assignment" in the Student Center.
Instructors, training on how to grade is within the Instructor Center.
Term Paper Project: Designing a Secure Network
Due Week 10 and worth 190 points
This term paper involves putting together the various concepts learned throughout this course. You are tasked with designing the most secure network possible, keeping in mind your goal of supporting three (3) IT services: email, file transfer (centralized), and VPN. Your first step is to design a single network capable of supporting there three (3) different services. Once you have fully designed your network, you will need to provide three (3) workflow diagrams explaining how your designed network handles the three (3) different transactions. The first is an internal user sending an email using his / her corporate email address to a user on the Yahoo domain with an arbitrary address of
[email protected]
The second workflow diagram should show a user initiating an FTP session from inside your network to the arbitrary site of ftp.netneering.com. The third workflow is an externally located employee initiating a VPN session to corporate in order to access files on the Windows desktop computer, DT-Corp534-HellenS, at work.
Write a ten to fifteen (10-15) page paper in which you complete the following three (3) Parts. Note: Please use the following page breakdown to complete your assignment:
Overall network diagram: One (1) page
Datapath diagrams: Three (3) pages (one for each diagram)
Write-up: six to ten (6-10) pages
Part 1
Using Microsoft Visio or its open source alternative, create a diagram showing the overall network you’ve designed from the user or endpoint device to the Internet cloud, and everything in between, in which you:
Follow the access, core, distribution layer model.
Include at a minimum:
Authentication server (i.e. Microsoft Active Directory)
Routers
Switches (and / or hubs)
Local users
Remote users
Workstations
Files share (i.e. CIFS)
Mail server
Web servers (both internal and external)
Firewalls
Internet cloud
Web proxy
Email proxy
FTP server (for internal-to-external transport)
Explain each network device’s function and your specific configuration of each networking device.
Design and label the bandwidth availability or capacity for each wired connection.
Part 2
Using Microsoft Visio or its open source alternative, create a Datapath Diagram for the following scenario:
Local user sends email to a Yahoo recipient. Local (corporate) user having email address
[email protected]
sends an email to
[email protected]
Document and label the diagram showing protocols and path of the data flow as data traverses through your network from source to destination.
Include path lines with arrows showing directions and layer 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, .
Week 11 Question SetRoper v. SimmonsREAD THE ENTIRE CA.docxsheronlewthwaite
Week 11 Question Set:
Roper v. Simmons
:
READ THE ENTIRE CASE otherwise the sections I picked may not make complete sense to you!!!
Brief these sections of Justice Kennedy’s majority opinion:
III A
III B
Miller v. Alabama:
READ THE ENTIRE CASE otherwise the sections I picked may not make complete sense to you!!!
Brief these sections of Justice Kagan’s majority opinion:
II
IV
.
Week 11 (On the day you have class during this week) Population .docxsheronlewthwaite
Week 11 (On the day you have class during this week): Population
Select topic # 1 or topic # 2 below and write one page in which you briefly provide your answer: Topic # 1: Do you think rapid global population growth is cause for alarm? If not, why not? If so, what aspects of global population growth are specifically worrisome? What should be done about them? Answers will vary by student and may include references to Malthus and theory (pp. 502
–
504), demographic transition theory (pp. 505
–
507), population and social inequality (pp. 507
–
508), class inequality and overpopulation (p. 509), and urbanization (pp. 510
–
519).
Topic # 2: Do you think of the city mainly as a place of innovation and tolerance or mainly as a site of crime, prejudice, and anomie? Where does your image of the city come from? Your own experience? The mass media? Your sociological reading?
Answers will vary by student and may include references to text information on urbanization (pp. 510
–
519).
1 page 500 words
.
Week 10 Assignment 3 - Submit Here
Students
, please view the "Submit a Clickable Rubric Assignment" in the Student Center.
Instructors
, training on how to grade is within the Instructor Center.
Assignment 3: Cultural Activity Report
Due Week 10 and worth 100 points
As a way of experiencing the Humanities beyond your classroom, computer, and textbook, you are asked to do a certain type of “cultural activity” that fits well with our course and then report on your experience. Your instructor will require you to propose an activity and get instructor approval before you do it and report on it (students should look for any instructions in that respect). Every effort should be made to ensure that this is a hands-on experience (not a virtual one), that this activity fits the HUM111 class well, and that the activity is of sufficient quality for this university course. The two key types of activities are a museum visit or a performance. NOTE: This must not be a report on the same activity (and certainly not the same report) as done for another class, like HUM112. For instance, one might go to the same museum as done for HUM112, but this HUM111 report will focus on entirely different works and displays.
Visit a museum or gallery exhibition or attend a theater or musical performance before the end of Week 10. The activity (museum or performance) should have content that fits our course well. Have fun doing this.
Write a two to three (2-3) page report (500-750 words) that describes your experience.
Clearly identify the event location, date attended, the attendees, and your initial reaction upon arriving at the event.
Provide specific information and a description of at least two (2)
pieces
(e.g. art, exhibits, music, etc.).
Provide a summary of the event and describe your overall reaction after attending the event.
Use at least the class text as a reference (additional sources are fine, not necessary unless required by your content). Your report should include connections you make between things observed in your activity and things learned in the course and text.
Note
: Submit your cultural activity choice to the instructor for approval before the end of Week 5 (earlier is even better). Look for guidance from the instructor for how or where to make your proposal. You may also seek advice from your instructor (provide your town/state or zip code) for a good activity in your general area.
Visiting a Museum
It makes sense to approach a museum the way a seasoned traveler approaches visiting a city for the first time. Find out what there is available to see. In the museum, find out what sort of exhibitions are currently housed in the museum and start with the exhibits that interest you.
If there is a travelling exhibition, it’s always a good idea to see it while you have the chance. Then, if you have time, you can look at other things in the museum.
Every effort should be made ahead of time to identify a museum that has items and works one can e.
Week 1 - Discussion 2
The Industrial Revolution
Background: In the last quarter of the 19th Century, the Industrial Revolution was in full swing; however, with the business boom came a number of concerns, including corporate influence in politics and waves of immigration, as well as a middle class in apparent decline. These developments seemed to threaten to alter the character of American society as new technologies introduced new social problems, as well as offering new opportunities. The rise of captains of industry (or robber barons), with their sway of politicians, created a widespread feeling among common Americans that they had had lost control of their government.
Required Source:
The American Industrial Revolution
from the Films on Demand database in the Ashford University Library.
Instructions: Based on your textbook and the assigned video, analyze how the revolutionary nature of this period impacted either Native Americans, immigrants, or farmers, using the following questions as the basis of your analysis:
What were the most revolutionary social and economic developments of the last quarter of the nineteenth century?
How did the group of Americans you chose to examine respond to those changes, and how effective were their responses?
What role did government play in these developments?
Your initial post should be at least 250 words in length. Support your claims with examples from the required material(s) and properly cite any references. You may use additional scholarly sources to support your points if you choose. Your references and citations must be formatted according to APA style as outlined by the Ashford Writing Center.
.
Week 1 System and Application Overview An overview of the system.docxsheronlewthwaite
Week 1: System and Application Overview:
An overview of the system or software application an intended users
Week 1: Requirements Specification:
Detailed requirements specification with both functional and nonfunctional requirements
Week 2: System and Application Design:
A high-level design in the form of use cases and detailed design models utilizing computer-aided software engineering (CASE) tools to represent the data, processes, and interfaces
Week 3: Test and Quality Assurance Plan:
A test and quality assurance plan that included the various tests and quality control measures that need to be taken into consideration
Week 4: Development Strategy:
A development strategy that weighs make versus buy or insourcing versus outsourcing acquisition strategies
Integration and Deployment Plan
Develop an overall work breakdown structure (WBS) for the 7 system development life cycle (SDLC) phases:
Preliminary Analysis
System Analysis or Requirements Definition
System Design
Development
Integration and Testing
Acceptance, Installation, and Deployment
Operation Support and Maintenance
.
Week 1 DQOne objective of this course is learning how to cor.docxsheronlewthwaite
Week 1 DQ
One objective of this course is learning how to correctly interpret statistical measures. This includes learning how to identify intentionally misleading statistics. For this week's activity create your own example of a misleading statistic. Explain the context of the data, the source of the data, the sampling method that you used (or would use) to collect the data, and the (misleading) conclusions that would be drawn from your example. Be specific in explaining how the statistic is misleading.
500 hundred words one page
.
Week 1 - AssignmentDo the followingA corporation is created b.docxsheronlewthwaite
Week 1 - Assignment
Do the following:
A corporation is created by state issuing a charter upon the application of individuals known as incorporators. As a creature of state legislative bodies, the corporation is more complex to create and operate than other forms of businesses.
Write a one page essay describing the advantages and disadvantages of forming a corporation. Also, outline the complexities of creating a corporation.
In a Word document, you will want to save your essay file as ‘Week 1_Assignment_Your Name’ and submit the file for grading.
.
Weather Forecast Assignment Objective create a weather map.docxsheronlewthwaite
This document provides an assignment to create a weather map and forecast for 4 areas in late summer. Students must draw two midlatitude cyclones, one over the Great Lakes occluding and one mature over Colorado. They must write forecasts for areas along the warm front, cold front, cut off low, and occlusion, and show weather station models for at least 8 cities including dew point, temperature, wind, clouds, and pressure. Students should also draw isobars around each cyclone and across the US on their map.
Weak ties are valuable parts of a social network becausea.it is.docxsheronlewthwaite
Weak ties are valuable parts of a social network because:
a.
it is easier to sever them if a friendship doesn't blossom smoothly.
b.
it is easier to exert power over those to which we have such ties.
c.
they are more likely to introduce us to new information and ideas.
d.
we do not have to invest as much energy in maintaining them.
.
We have read and watched, in the two You Tube clips from the.docxsheronlewthwaite
We have read and watched, in the two You Tube clips from the Judaism and Christianity chapters, that monotheistic proselytizing religions have often been blamed for colonizing or destroying indigenous and foreign religions. Today, most of the world's monotheists live in countries that were once colonized by Portugal, France, Britain, Spain, Germany or other European countries. Because of this history, some critics of monotheism have argued that monotheistic religions are bad neighbors to other religions. Your task in this prompt is to reflect on this critique in light of what we have read about the history, practice, and teachings of Monotheistic faiths.
Writing Prompt:
Based on the readings and the YouTube clips we have watched explain whether or or not the teachings and practices of monotheistic faiths are helpful resources for becoming neighbors with the other non-monotheistic faiths we have studied? Explain why or why not.
Organizational Guidelines:
Introduction:
Introduce the position you are taking and clearly explain in a sentence or two why you are taking the position.
Paragraph One:
Discuss the historical events, practices or teachings that you think make monotheistic religion a good neighbor or a bad neighbor. (Be sure to use information from Brodd text and YouTube clips.)
Paragraph Two:
Expound on what you have articulated in paragraph one or present other relevant historical, events, or teachings.
*Note: You may not see a need to take two paragraphs here if not continue to the next point.
Paragraph Two or Three:
Discuss what monotheist stand to learn from other religions, which we have read, that could make them better neighbors. Or, if you think Christians are good neighbors discuss what you think the other religions we have read could learn from monotheism.(Expound on this point as you see fit.)
*Note: Choose only one or two religions here. You do not need to discuss all of the religions we have read. You also could choose to group the religions if you find they hold one thing in common that is distinct from monotheistic faith.
Paragraph Four: Conclusion
Restate and summarize your argument. Discuss what you think is the future for monotheism as it is faced with coming to terms with an awareness of religious diversity.
Word Processing Guidelines
1. 12pt font
2. 1 inch margins
3. 800 words maximum
4. For referencing please use the parenthetical format
Examples: (Brodd, 23); (YouTube, Judaism); or (YouTube, Christianity).
Helpful Guiding Questions:
What events or concepts in the history and practice of monotheism do you think make it susceptible to dominating the religions of its neighbors?
What events or concepts in the history and practice of monotheism make it the ideal neighbor to other religions?
What might monotheists learn, from the religions we have read, that might make Christians better neighbors to the world's religions? Or, what can Christians teach practitioners of the religions we have read so far that might make.
Web Site Project 1 Purpose The purpose of this project is to .docxsheronlewthwaite
Web Site Project 1
Purpose:
The purpose of this project is to demonstrate the ability to implement basic HTML code to create a simple three-page web site that displays text and links, and to properly validate the code and publish the site to the Web.
Instructions:
Create a three-page website about your favorite city. The home page should introduce the user to the city and why it is your favorite; then, briefly explain what the rest of the site contains. Page two should give general information about the city – a brief history/general information and current demographical statistics. Finally, the third page should display information about attractions, tourism, etc.
Requirements:
Your web site must demonstrate effective use of the basic HTML code from chapter 2. In order to complete
Web Site Project 1
, each page must include, at a minimum:
a properly coded head section
o
include an appropriate title to display in the title bar
a body section that demonstrates effective use of
o
heading 1 and heading 2 elements
o
paragraph and/or blockquote elements
o
line break element
o
unordered, ordered, or description lists
at least
two
different lists should be used, but not necessarily on
the same page
o
div and anchor elements
divs should be used to indicate “divisions” between sections of a web page, and create white space; for example, between the heading, navigation, content, and footer
anchor elements should be used to construct relative, absolute, and email links
o
bold and italicize phrase elements
navigation and external links
o
create navigation links to link your web pages
o
link to at least four other web sites that pertain to your favorite city
NOTE:
the external links do not have to be on every page and
cannot
include the site(s) you used for research
•
email and copyright information
o
include the text
Questions? Contact
with a link to your email address
o
include the word
Copyright
and the copyright symbol (note: the symbol
must use the appropriate code)
o
must include links to at least two online sources
o
this information must display on every page
.
Web QuizAssignment Name Web Field Trip Military Industrial Com.docxsheronlewthwaite
Web Quiz
Assignment Name:
Web Field Trip: Military Industrial Complex
Title:
Military Industrial Complex
Introduction:
World War II and then the Cold War increased the annual budget of the United States dramatically in the two decades from 1940 to 1960. During this period, the United States went from a reluctant participant in Western European culture to the military protector of Western Europe. The increase in the money spent on the military had enormous implications not only for the role of the United States in geopolitics, but also for the viability of democratic institutions within the United States. As members of congress became increasingly beholden to military contractors who supplied jobs in their congressional districts, the nature of politics in the United States changed significantly. In 1960, republican president Dwight Eisenhower called attention to what he originally labeled the military-industrial-congressional complex, a phrase that he later shortened to simply the military industrial complex.
To read Eisenhower's warning, see the following site.
Activity
Visit this URL:
Military-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Instructions:
Answer the following questions in the fields below.
1.
Why was Eisenhower a particularly well informed person on this subject?
2.
How did Eisenhower feel about the escalating costs of warfare?
3.
What were the implications of leaving this issue alone?
Web Quiz
Assignment Name:
The Port Huron Statement of the Students for a Democratic Society (1962)
Title:
The Port Huron Statement of the Students for a Democratic Society (1962)
Introduction:
The Port Huron statement was issued by a meeting of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) convention in Port Huron, Michigan, held on June 11-15, 1962. Largely written by Tom Hayden, the statement proclaims that young people are breaking away from the conservatism bred by the Cold War, frightened by the prospect of nuclear war, and alienated from American society by the falsehoods they have been told. The statement lays out the ways the New Left movement will create a grass-roots "participatory democracy," able to reconnect the public with American politics.
Visit URL:
The Port Huron Statement of the Students for a Democratic Society (1962)
Instructions:
After reading the introduction and the primary source provided, answer the questions below.
What does the statement say about African Americans and civil rights?
What concerns are raised about poverty in the United States?
What economic changes are called for?
What are the key components of participatory democracy?
Why are the demands of the Port Huron Statement considered on the liberal/left end of the political spectrum?
.
Web Technology PresentationSubmit a presentation for the CIO. Your.docxsheronlewthwaite
Web Technology Presentation
Submit a presentation for the CIO. Your presentation should address in detail the requirements for changing the database to a web-based architecture. Your CIO is interesting in knowing whether it is cost effective to use the cloud as an alternative for storing data. Explore additional options such as hosted SQL servers, SaaS providers, cloud deployment models, and the security implications.
To help the CIO make an informed decision, discuss the steps required to determine whether a web solution is appropriate and viable.
it should be 3-4 pages and tunitin free
.
We normally think of the arts as very different from technologies in.docxsheronlewthwaite
We normally think of the arts as very different from technologies in spite of the fact that art (with perhaps a few exceptions) is practiced with the help of technology. This practice creates interdependence between technology and art. To what extent does art respond to, or is shaped by, the technology that enables it? To what extent have advanced and accessible digital technologies, such as websites, digital photography, and YouTube, changed the relationship between art and technology? Are these technologies reshaping our attitudes toward artists?
.
Web Discussion and Assignment #41 page is Web Discussion with this.docxsheronlewthwaite
Web Discussion and Assignment #4
1 page is Web Discussion with this requirements.
2 page assignment #4 more later send info.
1 page Web Discussion Post
Take Christian Smith's subcultural identity theory and discuss it in terms of some example from your own life. Think of the sub-cultures in your own life that you belong to. It can be anything -- any kind of group or collective identity. Examples include fans of a particular sub-genre of music or fiction or art or sports team, participation in a sorority or fraternity, a religious group, a political group, etc. It doesn’t have to be a group that you belong to explicitly, just other people that you might identify with in some way or another.
Once you have a group in mind, talk about the symbolic things about this group that create a sense of collective identity. Smith talks about evangelical Christianity as creating strong symbolic boundaries through the unique beliefs and practices of their religion. But you could also think of this as much more simple practices. For example, if I wanted to write about being a University of Arizona football fan, I could talk about the practice of wearing clothing that identifies me as part of that group. Or I could talk about going to pep rallys or tailgating events where I can interact socially with other members of that group.
The key to applying the subcultural identity theory to understand culture, is to identify the ways in which different sub-cultures create symbolic boundaries that enable collective identity.
.
Web Application SeurityAs the Information Systems Security Offic.docxsheronlewthwaite
Web Application Seurity
As the Information Systems Security Officer for your large health care company, you have been assigned the task of implementing Web security. Determine how you would implement security to eliminate single points of failure.
Describe the implementation of Secure Sockets Layer (SSL) in support of Hypertext Transfer Protocol Secure (HTTPS). Assess how you are assured that your browser is secure. Determine if the user data truly is protected or this is a false sense of security. Give an example of SSL being compromised.
.
We use computers and electronic systems to run and store just about .docxsheronlewthwaite
We use computers and electronic systems to run and store just about everything. Personal computers and the Internet are now included as part of the Department of Homeland Security's cybersecurity issues.
Cybersecurity involves protecting the information by preventing, detecting, and responding to attacks on information that is housed in technology.
There are many levels of risks in cybersecurity, some more serious and damaging than others. Among these dangers are:
Viruses erasing the entire system.
Individuals breaking into personal computer systems and altering the systems' files.
Individuals using personal computers to attack others' computer systems.
Individuals stealing credit card information and making unauthorized purchases.
Unfortunately, there is no 100% guarantee that even with the best precautions some of these things won't happen. Risk reduction steps exist to minimize vulnerability to information.
Tasks:
Create a PowerPoint Presentation containing 6–8 slides to address the following:
Analyze and discuss the vulnerabilities and recommend what security management can do to minimize the potential of a government or private organization being at risk for cybersecurity damage.
Outline the steps you recommend and identify any impediments to successfully implementing the suggested cybersecurity program.
Support your presentation with at least three outside scholarly resources using APA in-text citations. Add detailed speaker notes for each of the slides.
.
we need to understand all six project feasibility factors. Its true.docxsheronlewthwaite
we need to understand all six project feasibility factors. It's true we need to consider all of them when beginning to plan for a system change. Why is the process of assessing project feasibility so important? What are the various methods for assessing project feasibility? When would one of them take precedence over the others
.
we have to write an essay 2 pages about Gustave Whitehead and the Wr.docxsheronlewthwaite
we have to write an essay 2 pages about Gustave Whitehead and the Wright brothers and we have to write an opinion on who do we think flew the first plane.
Did he fly before the wright brothers? You have to write both sides of the debate and then decide who is telling the truth . two pages due Thursday
Sorry I just realize I forgot to write the guys name . Gustave whitehead
Did Gustave whitehead flew before the right brothers.
.
This slide is special for master students (MIBS & MIFB) in UUM. Also useful for readers who are interested in the topic of contemporary Islamic banking.
it describes the bony anatomy including the femoral head , acetabulum, labrum . also discusses the capsule , ligaments . muscle that act on the hip joint and the range of motion are outlined. factors affecting hip joint stability and weight transmission through the joint are summarized.
This presentation includes basic of PCOS their pathology and treatment and also Ayurveda correlation of PCOS and Ayurvedic line of treatment mentioned in classics.
Walmart Business+ and Spark Good for Nonprofits.pdfTechSoup
"Learn about all the ways Walmart supports nonprofit organizations.
You will hear from Liz Willett, the Head of Nonprofits, and hear about what Walmart is doing to help nonprofits, including Walmart Business and Spark Good. Walmart Business+ is a new offer for nonprofits that offers discounts and also streamlines nonprofits order and expense tracking, saving time and money.
The webinar may also give some examples on how nonprofits can best leverage Walmart Business+.
The event will cover the following::
Walmart Business + (https://business.walmart.com/plus) is a new shopping experience for nonprofits, schools, and local business customers that connects an exclusive online shopping experience to stores. Benefits include free delivery and shipping, a 'Spend Analytics” feature, special discounts, deals and tax-exempt shopping.
Special TechSoup offer for a free 180 days membership, and up to $150 in discounts on eligible orders.
Spark Good (walmart.com/sparkgood) is a charitable platform that enables nonprofits to receive donations directly from customers and associates.
Answers about how you can do more with Walmart!"
ISO/IEC 27001, ISO/IEC 42001, and GDPR: Best Practices for Implementation and...PECB
Denis is a dynamic and results-driven Chief Information Officer (CIO) with a distinguished career spanning information systems analysis and technical project management. With a proven track record of spearheading the design and delivery of cutting-edge Information Management solutions, he has consistently elevated business operations, streamlined reporting functions, and maximized process efficiency.
Certified as an ISO/IEC 27001: Information Security Management Systems (ISMS) Lead Implementer, Data Protection Officer, and Cyber Risks Analyst, Denis brings a heightened focus on data security, privacy, and cyber resilience to every endeavor.
His expertise extends across a diverse spectrum of reporting, database, and web development applications, underpinned by an exceptional grasp of data storage and virtualization technologies. His proficiency in application testing, database administration, and data cleansing ensures seamless execution of complex projects.
What sets Denis apart is his comprehensive understanding of Business and Systems Analysis technologies, honed through involvement in all phases of the Software Development Lifecycle (SDLC). From meticulous requirements gathering to precise analysis, innovative design, rigorous development, thorough testing, and successful implementation, he has consistently delivered exceptional results.
Throughout his career, he has taken on multifaceted roles, from leading technical project management teams to owning solutions that drive operational excellence. His conscientious and proactive approach is unwavering, whether he is working independently or collaboratively within a team. His ability to connect with colleagues on a personal level underscores his commitment to fostering a harmonious and productive workplace environment.
Date: May 29, 2024
Tags: Information Security, ISO/IEC 27001, ISO/IEC 42001, Artificial Intelligence, GDPR
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Find out more about ISO training and certification services
Training: ISO/IEC 27001 Information Security Management System - EN | PECB
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Webinars: https://pecb.com/webinars
Article: https://pecb.com/article
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Main Java[All of the Base Concepts}.docxadhitya5119
This is part 1 of my Java Learning Journey. This Contains Custom methods, classes, constructors, packages, multithreading , try- catch block, finally block and more.
বাংলাদেশের অর্থনৈতিক সমীক্ষা ২০২৪ [Bangladesh Economic Review 2024 Bangla.pdf] কম্পিউটার , ট্যাব ও স্মার্ট ফোন ভার্সন সহ সম্পূর্ণ বাংলা ই-বুক বা pdf বই " সুচিপত্র ...বুকমার্ক মেনু 🔖 ও হাইপার লিংক মেনু 📝👆 যুক্ত ..
আমাদের সবার জন্য খুব খুব গুরুত্বপূর্ণ একটি বই ..বিসিএস, ব্যাংক, ইউনিভার্সিটি ভর্তি ও যে কোন প্রতিযোগিতা মূলক পরীক্ষার জন্য এর খুব ইম্পরট্যান্ট একটি বিষয় ...তাছাড়া বাংলাদেশের সাম্প্রতিক যে কোন ডাটা বা তথ্য এই বইতে পাবেন ...
তাই একজন নাগরিক হিসাবে এই তথ্য গুলো আপনার জানা প্রয়োজন ...।
বিসিএস ও ব্যাংক এর লিখিত পরীক্ষা ...+এছাড়া মাধ্যমিক ও উচ্চমাধ্যমিকের স্টুডেন্টদের জন্য অনেক কাজে আসবে ...
How to Add Chatter in the odoo 17 ERP ModuleCeline George
In Odoo, the chatter is like a chat tool that helps you work together on records. You can leave notes and track things, making it easier to talk with your team and partners. Inside chatter, all communication history, activity, and changes will be displayed.
A review of the growth of the Israel Genealogy Research Association Database Collection for the last 12 months. Our collection is now passed the 3 million mark and still growing. See which archives have contributed the most. See the different types of records we have, and which years have had records added. You can also see what we have for the future.
How to Fix the Import Error in the Odoo 17Celine George
An import error occurs when a program fails to import a module or library, disrupting its execution. In languages like Python, this issue arises when the specified module cannot be found or accessed, hindering the program's functionality. Resolving import errors is crucial for maintaining smooth software operation and uninterrupted development processes.
How to Build a Module in Odoo 17 Using the Scaffold MethodCeline George
Odoo provides an option for creating a module by using a single line command. By using this command the user can make a whole structure of a module. It is very easy for a beginner to make a module. There is no need to make each file manually. This slide will show how to create a module using the scaffold method.
I thank Eric Arnesen, Ava Baron, Jeff Cowie, Leon Fink, Michae.docx
1. I thank Eric Arnesen, Ava Baron, Jeff Cowie, Leon Fink,
Michael Merrill, Ruth Milkman, and Richard
Schneirov for their very helpful comments on various iterations
of this essay. Fellowship support from the
Russell Sage Foundation proved indispensable to the completion
of this article.
1. Walter Licht, “Neither Pure nor Simple,” Reviews in
American History 27 (1999): 610 – 17.
2. Among others, John Laslett, Labor and the Left: A Study of
Socialist and Radical Influences in the
American Labor Movement, 1881 – 1924 (New York: Basic,
1970); Michael Kazin, Barons of Labor: The San
Francisco Building Trades and Union Power in the Progressive
Era (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987);
David Montgomery, Fall of the House of Labor: Work place, the
State, and American Labor Activism, 1865 –
1925 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Howard
Kimeldorf, Battling for American Labor: Wob-
blies, Craft Workers, and the Making of the Union Movement
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999).
3. David Montgomery, Workers’ Control in America: Studies in
the History of Work, Technology, and
Labor Struggles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1979); Joseph McCartin, Labor’s Great War: The
Struggle for Industrial Democracy and the Origins of Modern
American Labor Relations, 1912 – 1921 (Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997).
4. Julie Greene, Pure and Simple Politics: The American
3. the most prominent AFL international unions, state federations,
and local bodies in
the decades before World War I.2 Support for nationalization of
industry, “industrial
democracy,” and other proposals for worker control also gained
ground among AFL
affiliates over the course of the Progressive Era, peaking in the
World War I era.3
Moreover, the AFL often strayed from voluntarist premises and
engaged in lobbying,
grassroots electoral mobilization, and partisan as well as
nonpartisan party politics.4
In short, the Progressive Era AFL, according to the new labor
history, was neither
politically monolithic nor politically disengaged.
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
5. Greene, Pure and Simple Politics, 75.
6. William Forbath, Law and the Shaping of the American Labor
Movement (Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 1991), 3; Nelson Lichtenstein, Susan Strasser,
and Roy Rosenzweig, Who Built America,
vol. 2, 2nd ed. (New York: Worth, 2000), 109, 158 – 161. See
also Leon Fink, “Labor, Liberty, and the Law:
Trade Unionism and the Problems of the American
Constitutional Order,” Journal of American History 74
(1987): 907 – 8, 914, on the early twentieth- century erosion of
“labor’s ‘republican’ faith,” its “drift” toward
“a homegrown conservative pragmatism,” and his assertion that
by the 1890s, “Gompers and the national
4. AFL leadership . . . effectively detached labor’s agenda from
any vision of change for the nation as a whole.”
The declension story is gospel in social science labor
scholarship as well. In Rick Fantasia and Kim Voss’s
telling, for instance, in Hard Work: Remaking the American
Labor Movement (Berkeley: University of Cali-
fornia Press, 2004), 37 – 39, the AFL’s “narrow, craft- based”
and “much more conservative ‘business union-
ism’ ” replaced the “egalitarian social unionism” of the
Knights.
7. David Brody, In Labor’s Cause: Main Themes on the History
of the American Worker (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1993), 111. For other accounts of
Gompers’s “narrowing of vision” and the rise of a
conservative AFL by the twentieth century: Nick Salvatore,
introduction to Seventy Years of Life and Labor:
Autobiography of Samuel Gompers (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 1984), quote x – xi; John Laslett,
“Samuel Gompers and the Rise of American Business
Unionism,” in Labor Leaders in America, ed. Melvyn
Dubofsky and Warren Van Tine (Urbana: University of Illinois
Press, 1987), 62 – 88; Christopher Tomlins,
The State and the Unions: Labor Relations, Law, and the
Organized Labor Movement in America, 1880 – 1960
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), chapter 3. On
the radicalism of Gompers and the AFL in
the late nineteenth century, see Stuart Kaufman, Samuel
Gompers and the Origins of the American Federation
of Labor 1848 –1896 (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1973);
Tomlins, The State and the Unions, chapter 2. For a
notable dissent to the narrative of decline and an exploration of
how late nineteenth- century trade unions
contributed to the rise of modern liberalism, see Richard
Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics: Class Conflict
and the Origins of Modern Liberalism in Chicago, 1864 – 1897
5. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998). See
also Lawrence Glickman, A Living Wage: American Workers
and the Making of Consumer Society (Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press, 1997), and Rosanne Currarino, The
Labor Question in America: Economic Democ-
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2
Yet, despite the rich outpouring of revisionist scholarship since
the 1970s, the
view of the Progressive Era AFL as a predominantly
conservative organization has
remained deeply entrenched. Socialists, industrial unionists, and
other radicals within
the AFL may have mounted a spirited challenge to the national
leadership, but “con-
servative business unionists,” as Julie Greene put it in Pure and
Simple Politics (1998),
maintained their dominance.5 Indeed, for William Forbath the
burning question was
why the radical nineteenth- century American labor movement
became exceptional in
its conservatism and lack of class consciousness by the
twentieth century. From the
1870s to the 1890s, most US workers embraced “broad and
radical reform ambitions,”
he argued. “What now demands analysis is the way in which
labor’s broader vision
of reform was dethroned by the rise of Samuel Gompers’s ‘pure
and simple’ trade
6. unionism.” The authors of Who Built America offered a similar
narrative of devolu-
tion to a conservative AFL trade unionism. In their view, “the
increasingly business-
like and racist policies of AFL craft unionism . . . overwhelmed
the Knights’ broader
vision of working- class organization.” 6 Even those who found
traces of radicalism in
the young Gompers or in the early AFL agreed that “pure- and-
simple unionism,” as
David Brody summarized, “cast off its radical moorings and,
under Gompers’ skill-
ful hand, became the guiding philosophy of a profoundly
conservative movement.” 7
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
racy in the Gilded Age (Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
2011), who, as later sections of this essay explore,
make a case for the progressivism of the AFL’s wage and hour
demands.
8. My call for more attention to the multidimensionality of the
politics of the Progressive Era AFL
parallels and is partially inspired by the renewal of interest
among historians in the “social politics” of Pro-
gressive Era reformers. Daniel Rodgers, for example, in
Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive
Age (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998),
acknowledges the limitations of progressives but
finds their efforts to address the “social questions” of poverty,
worker exploitation, and economic insecu-
7. rity noteworthy. On the shifting scholarly views of Progressive
Era politics, see Robert D. Johnston, “Re-
democratizing the Progressive Era: The Politics of Progressive
Era Historiography,” Journal of the Gilded
Age and Progressive Era 1 (2002): 68 – 92. On the differing
perspectives of middle- class progressives and “labor
progressives,” see Shelton Stromquist, Reinventing “The
People”: The Progressive Movement, the Class Prob-
lem, and the Origins of Modern Liberalism (Urbana: University
of Illinois, 2006).
9. Gwendolyn Mink, Old Labor and New Immigrants in
American Political Development, 1875 – 1920
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986); Glickman, A
Living Wage, chapters 2, 4; Currarino, The Labor
Question in America, chapter 2; Janice Fine and Daniel J.
Tichenor, “A Movement Wrestling: American
Labor’s Enduring Struggle with Immigration, 1866 – 2007,”
Studies in American Political Development 23
(October 2009): 94 – 100.
10. Brody, In Labor’s Cause, 114 – 22; Ileen DeVault, United
Apart: Gender and the Rise of Craft Union-
ism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2004); Robert
Zieger, For Jobs and Freedom: Race and Labor in
America since 1865 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press,
2007); Eric Arnesen, Waterfront Workers of
New Orleans: Race, Class, and Politics, 1863 – 1923 (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1991).
C o b b l e / P u t t i n g t h e P r o g r e s s i v e E r a A F L
i n I t s T i m e 63
In this “Up for Debate,” I want to reopen the question of how
best to char-
acterize the pure and simple trade unionism of the Progressive
8. Era AFL.8 It is true
that the AFL did not seek to end wage labor, market exchange,
or private property;
nor did it endorse state socialism, revolutionary syndicalism, or
a socialist or inde-
pendent labor party. Nevertheless, the national AFL did have a
program of broad
social reform. As I elaborate in the sections that follow, the
Progressive Era AFL
sought to change how wealth, power, and prestige were
distributed and to create a
society in which workers had equal rights, freedom, and power
comparable to capi-
tal. To accomplish these ends, it endeavored first to build
independent trade unions
that could contest capital’s dominance at the workplace and
ensure full citizenship to
workers; second, it pursued a range of legislative strategies to
loosen the grip of capital
on the state and protect worker rights and welfare. In so doing,
it called into question
prevailing notions of “liberty of contract,” market
fundamentalism, and class pater-
nalism. In sum, the Progressive Era AFL challenged the
dominant structures and
values of the established social order of its day. Thus, to
describe the national AFL’s
agenda as conservative obscures many of its core premises. It
also fails to place the
AFL in the context of its time.
There is no doubt that the AFL’s reform vision did not extend to
all workers.
It shared the Progressive Era’s racist prejudices against Asian
workers, for example,
and actively sought immigration policies favoring northern and
9. western European
nations.9 After 1895, it admitted affiliates who limited
membership to “whites,” and
AFL leaders and members voiced views of women, and of
African Americans and
other racial and ethnic groups that warrant condemnation.10
These assertions are well
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
11. On the Knights and Chinese exclusion, Alexander Saxton,
Indispensable Enemy: Labor and the
Anti- Chinese Movement in California (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1971), but see also Rob Weir,
“Blind in One Eye Only: Western and Eastern Knights of Labor
View the Chinese Question,” Labor His-
tory 41, no. 4 (2000): 421 – 36. On the American Railway
Union, see Susan E. Hirsch, “The Search for Unity
among Railroad Workers: The Pullman Strike in Perspective,”
in The Pullman Strike and the Crisis of the
1890s: Essays on Labor and Politics, ed. Richard Schneirov,
Shelton Stromquist, and Nick Salvatore (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1999), 50.
12. Marilyn Boxer, “Rethinking the Social Construction and
International Career of the Concept
‘Bourgeois Feminism,’ ” American Historical Review 112
(2007): 131– 58.
13. AFL Convention Proceedings, December 8, 1890, Detroit,
16 – 17.
14. AFL Convention Proceedings, December 8, 1890, Detroit,
10. 17, 21 – 22.
15. Letter, Frederick Engels to Hermann Schluter, January 29,
1891, Marx- Engels Correspondence
1891, www.Marxists.org/archives/Marx/works/1891/letters/
(accessed May 2, 2012).
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established and I do not contest them here. Rather, my goal in
this essay is to explore
more fully other dimensions of the AFL’s philosophy and
practice. That is not to
say the AFL’s record on race, gender, and immigration is
unimportant, irrelevant to
how the federation is to be characterized, or fully settled. It is
simply to say that just
as there is more to the Knights of Labor than its sympathies for
Chinese exclusion or
more to the American Railway Union than its refusal to admit
African Americans,
there is also more to Progressive Era pure and simple trade
unionism than its views
and policies on race, sex, and national origin.11
The scholarly conversation about how best to characterize the
AFL has been
hampered by the widespread uncritical reliance on terms and
categories inherited from
a century ago. Indeed, labor historians would do well to heed
11. Marilyn Boxer’s 2007 call
in the American Historical Review for scholars to consider the
biases of received labels,
especially those emerging from the vitriolic political exchanges
of the past.12
“Pure and simple,” for example, warrants a more precise and
thoughtful
usage. Samuel Gompers first used the phrase at the AFL’s 1890
Detroit conven-
tion to defend his judgment that political parties — in this case
the Socialist Labor
Party — were “not entitled to representation in a purely trade
union organization.”
The “trade unions pure and simple,” he intoned, “are the natural
organizations of
the wage- workers to secure their present material and practical
improvement and
to achieve their final emancipation.” 13 An AFL committee
report to the convention,
echoing Gompers, declared that “no delegate as an individual,
because of his belief,
whether radical or conservative” would be barred from the AFL,
but “political par-
ties of whatever nature” were “not entitled to representation.”
14 Frederick Engels,
among others, when asked about the dispute, understood why an
“association of trade
unions and nothing but trade unions” would reject organizations
that were not trade
unions.15 Socialist Labor Party leader Daniel DeLeon, however,
bitterly contested
the AFL’s decision and quickly turned “pure and simple” trade
unionism from a
phrase indicating an organization limited to trade unions into a
pejorative for those
12. who rejected social reform, independent labor politics, and the
beliefs of the Socialist
Labor Party. DeLeon and other left critics mocked the AFL as a
“pure and simple-
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
16. What’s What in the Labor Movement: A Dictionary of Labor
Affairs and Labor Terminology (New
York: B. W. Huebsch, 1921), 395; Daniel DeLeon, “What
Means This Strike?” (New York: People’s Library,
1899), 21.
17. Greene, Pure and Simple Politics, 2 – 3.
18. The growing use of the term “business unionism” can be
traced with Google’s advanced search
function. Bruce Laurie’s choice of “prudential unionism” for the
AFL in Artisans into Workers: Labor in
Nineteenth- Century America (Urbana: University of Illinois
Press, 1989), 176 – 210, is an exception to the wide-
spread reliance on “business unionism.”
19. Robert F. Hoxie, “Trade Unionism in the United States,”
Journal of Political Economy 22 (March
1914): 212 – 17. See also Robert F. Hoxie, Trade Unionism in
the United States (New York: D. Appleton, 1919),
a collection of his lectures and essays published after his death
in 1916. For a careful discussion and use of
the term “business unionism,” see Clayton Sinyai, Schools for
Democracy: A Political History of the American
Labor Movement (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006),
13. 75 – 77.
20. Hoxie, “Trade Unionism in the United States,” 212 – 13;
Hoxie, Trade Unionism in the United States,
103 – 4, 125 – 35, 186.
21. Hoxie, “Trade Unionism in the United States,” 213n1.
C o b b l e / P u t t i n g t h e P r o g r e s s i v e E r a A F L
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dom” organization and declared its leaders “pure and simples,”
and “ignorant, stu-
pid, and corrupt labor fakirs.” 16 Among present- day scholars,
“pure and simple,” as
Julie Greene observes, is somewhat ambiguous and used with
less and less precision.17
Still, traces of DeLeon’s condemnation of the AFL as a narrow
conservative move-
ment remain embedded in the phrase. It is time to think again
about the inherent
conservatism of pure and simple trade unionism and whether the
AFL was the nar-
row, conservative organization its adversaries claimed.
“Business unionism,” another inherited and largely pejorative
label for the
AFL, has eclipsed “pure and simple” in its frequency of use.18
“Business unionism”
was one of four “functional types” of unionism — “business,”
“uplift,” “revolutionary,”
and “predatory” — first posited by University of Chicago
economist Robert Hoxie in
the years before World War I.19 Unlike “uplift unionism,”
which, Hoxie wrote, “at
times even claims to think and act in the interest of society as a
14. whole,” business
unionism “expresses the viewpoint and interests of workers in a
craft or industry
rather than those of the working- class as a whole.” It “aims
chiefly at the here and
now . . . regardless of the welfare of workers outside the
particular group.” In Hox-
ie’s opinion, business unionism was “best represented in the
programs of the railroad
brotherhoods.” For Hoxie, the AFL did not fit easily into the
narrow self- interested
business unionist box.20 Moreover, Hoxie included in his
published writings a warn-
ing from a “friendly critic” against using the single construct of
“business unionism”
to characterize organized labor in the United States. “Business
and uplift unionism
are not in reality distinct and independent types,” the critic
observed, and in the real
world most so- called “business unions” include aspects of
“uplift unionism,” with its
idealistic aims and mutualist ethos.21
Nevertheless, scholars today increasingly use the single label
“business union-
ism” to characterize the AFL and to distinguish its brand of
unionism from idealis-
tic social reform unionisms. “Business unionism” most
commonly denotes the AFL’s
acceptance of “capitalist economic relations and the prevailing
social and political
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
15. 22. Quote from Lichtenstein, Strasser, and Rosenzweig, Who
Built America, 107 – 8. See also, among
others, Laslett, “Samuel Gompers and the Rise of American
Business Unionism,” 62 – 88; Victoria Hattam,
Labor Visions and State Power: The Origins of Business
Unionism in the United States (Princeton, NJ: Prince-
ton University Press, 1993).
23. Kim Moody, An Injury to All: The Decline of American
Unionism (New York: Verso, 1997), xiv –
xv; Paul Buhle, Taking Care of Business: Samuel Gompers,
George Meany, Lane Kirkland and the Tragedy of
American Labor (New York: Monthly Labor Review Press,
1999), 11, 17.
24. As Kim Voss asserts in The Making of American
Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class
Formation in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 1993), 235: “After the Knights
of Labor disintegrated, the American labor movement once
again became the domain of a small group of
skilled workers, organized primarily along craft lines. . . .
Consequently the failure of the Knights marks the
moment when, from a comparative perspective, the American
labor movement began to look exceptional.”
For the incorporation of the prevailing notion of the AFL as a
body of conservative skilled craftsmen into
general histories of the Progressive Era, see Michael McGerr, A
16. Fierce Discontent: The Rise and Fall of the
Progressive Movement in America (New York: Oxford
University Press, 2003), 32, 129 – 31.
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order,” its disengagement with broad social reform that would
benefit all citizens, its
willingness to cooperate with business, and its adoption of
businesslike or professional
practices such as high dues, benefit systems, and centralized
control.22 But some go fur-
ther, depicting the AFL’s “business unionism” as an antisocial
enterprise run largely to
enrich union bosses at the expense of the members and the rest
of the working class.23
In this essay I call into question the reigning view of
Progressive Era AFL
pure and simple unionism as a conservative or narrow “business
unionism” support-
ive of the prevailing social, political, and economic order. I
begin by first considering
whether the Progressive Era AFL is best understood as an
organization of “skilled,”
“craft” unionists. These two terms, widely associated with the
AFL, need attention
because they are used not only to characterize the membership
and structure of the
AFL but also to imply its conservatism.24 These labels, I argue,
17. fail to capture the het-
erogeneity of the membership and structure of the Progressive
Era AFL and when
used as part of dichotomous binaries — “skilled” versus
“unskilled” and “craft” versus
“industrial” — set up false distinctions between the AFL and
other labor organiza-
tions, such as the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW).
In the second half of the essay I turn to a reassessment of the
so- called “con-
servative” social philosophy and program of the national AFL,
drawing largely on
the writings and speeches of Gompers as the principal
spokesperson for the domi-
nant outlook of the AFL. It is the Progressive Era AFL’s social
reform program that
I claim best reveals the radical side of pure and simple trade
unionism. My definition
of radical is broad and follows that of the Oxford English
Dictionary: “touching or act-
ing upon what is essential or fundamental.” Core tenets of the
AFL’s social reform
program, I contend, were a radical challenge to laissez- faire
capitalism and to the Pro-
gressive Era class structures and ideologies that upheld it.
The Progressive Era AFL’s Shifting Membership
Labor scholars often rely on a dichotomous frame of “skilled”
versus “unskilled” to
categorize Progressive Era labor organizations, contrasting the
“skilled” craftsmen
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
18. 25. I put the terms skilled and unskilled in quotes to indicate
the problematic nature of the labels.
On “skill” as a socially constructed category, see Anne Phillips
and Barbara Taylor, “Sex and Skill: Notes
toward a Feminist Economics,” Feminist Review 6 (1980): 79 –
88; Ava Baron, “Technology and the Crisis of
Masculinity: The Gendering of Work and Skill in the US
Printing Industry, 1850 – 1920,” in Skill and Con-
sent: Contemporary Studies in the Labour Process, ed. Andrew
Sturdy, David Knights, and Hugh Willmott
(New York: Routledge, 1992), 67 – 96. On the “skill” involved
in so- called “unskilled” work, see Dorothy
Sue Cobble, Dishing It Out: Waitresses and Their Unions in the
Twentieth Century (Urbana: University of Illi-
nois Press, 1991), 51– 58; Mike Rose, The Mind at Work:
Valuing the Intelligence of the American Worker (New
York: Penguin, 2005).
26. For the list of affiliates and their memberships in 1899,
1904, 1914, and 1920, see Lewis L. Lorwin,
The American Federation of Labor: History, Politics, and
Prospects (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution,
1933), 476 – 84.
27. On the carpenters, see Richard Schneirov and Tom Suhrbur,
United Brotherhood, Union Town:
The History of the Carpenters Union of Chicago, 1863 – 1987
(Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press,
1988), 6 – 7, 9 – 11, 25 – 28; Christopher Tomlins, “AFL
Unions in the 1930s: Their Performance in Historical
Perspective,” Journal of American History 65 (1979): 1021–
19. 42. For the 1910 membership, see Gary M. Fink,
Labor Unions: The Greenwood Encyclopedia of American
Institutions (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1977), 51.
28. Lorwin, The American Federation of Labor, 484.
C o b b l e / P u t t i n g t h e P r o g r e s s i v e E r a A F L
i n I t s T i m e 67
of the AFL with the “unskilled” membership of the IWW.25 A
cursory look at the
actual job titles and membership figures of AFL affiliate
internationals from 1899 to
1920, however, raises doubt about whether the Progressive Era
AFL was an organi-
zation limited to the “skilled.” 26 Numerous artisanal craft
unions such as broom and
whisk makers and wood carvers are listed as AFL affiliates,
particularly in the ear-
liest years. But these organizations were small and declining in
membership. They
were outnumbered, and strikingly so after the turn of the
century, by the new and
rapidly growing unions of street railway employees,
longshoremen, seamen, and
teamsters. All of these trades, rightly or wrongly, were
perceived as “unskilled” or
“semi- skilled.” The “elite” of the building trades —
bricklayers, plumbers, and electri-
cians — are listed as well; but so too are the hod carriers or
“common laborers’ union,”
a union self- described as wholly composed of the “unskilled,”
with tens of thousands
of members by 1914, along with others outside the “elite,” such
as the painters and
the carpenters. The carpenters, for example, the largest of the
20. building trades unions,
with a membership of 232,000 by 1910, took in entry- level mill
and other manufactur-
ing woodworkers as well as a growing number of construction
workers whose jobs by
the early twentieth century consisted largely of repetitive
piecework and heavy labor.27
The upsurge of “unskilled” or “semi- skilled” workers in the
AFL between
1897 and 1904, as the AFL’s membership jumped from 264
thousand to 1.6 million,
caught the attention of contemporary commentator William
English Walling, a social
reformer and socialist who helped launch the Women’s Trade
Union League and
the National Association for the Advancement of Colored
People.28 In 1904, Walling
noted the changes in the skill mix and structure of the turn- of-
the- century AFL and
proclaimed the birth of a “new unionism” in the United States.
Walling contrasted
the British trades unions, primarily composed of skilled
workers, with America’s
AFL unions, a group he judged as moving decidedly toward a
mixed- skill member-
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
21. 29. William English Walling, “The New Unionism — The
Problem of the Unskilled Worker,” Annals
of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 24
(1904): 12 – 31; William English Walling, “British
and American Trade Unionism,” Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science 26 (1905):
109 – 27. For more on Walling, see Leon Fink, Progressive
Intellectuals and the Dilemmas of Democratic Com-
mitment (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997),
chapters 4, 5; Richard Schneirov, “The Odyssey
of William English Walling: Revisionism, Social Democracy,
and Evolutionary Pragmatism,” Journal of the
Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2 (2003): 403 – 30; and
Schneirov, introduction to William English Walling,
American Labor and American Democracy (New Brunswick, NJ:
Transaction, 2005), xi – xlvii.
30. Walling, “The New Unionism,” 22 – 25; Walling, “British
and American Trade Unionism,” 115 –
118; Theodore W. Glocker, “Amalgamation of Related Trades in
American Unions,” American Economic
Review 5 (1915): 555.
31. Lorwin, The American Federation of Labor, 484.
32. Glocker, “Amalgamation of Related Trades,” 554 – 75;
Lorwin, The American Federation of Labor,
70 – 71.
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ship. He did not credit the shift to an ideological superiority on
the part of American
workers or to a particular proclivity toward social solidarity.
Rather, he saw it largely
as a response to changes in US industrial processes and the
replacement of “skilled”
workers with “semi- skilled.” 29
AFL unions reacted in two ways, he claimed. First, the “old
unions, consist-
ing of skilled men,” newly conscious of the necessity for unity
among the many skill
levels within the trade, one after another, “decided to take the
unskilled in,” creating
what he called a “new trade unionism.” The International
Association of Machinists,
for example, after considerable debate at its 1903 Milwaukee
convention, changed
its constitution to allow the admission of “helpers” and others
“working around or
near lathes, drills, and presses.” Other unions, like the
Amalgamated Meat Cutters
and Butcher Workers, also made no distinction as to skill.
Second, a “new industrial
unionism” was gaining ground within the AFL. The United
Mine Workers (UMW),
the largest AFL affiliate, reached out beyond the “trade” to take
in all who worked
in or near the mines, regardless of their skill level or whether
they actually mined the
23. coal. The United Brewery Workers had a similar approach,
welcoming workers of all
skill levels in the industry. In sum, by 1904, in Walling’s
opinion, the AFL consisted
primarily of mixed- skill affiliates.30
The mixed- skill character of the AFL persisted after 1904 as
the federation’s
membership stabilized at a million and a half, and then rose
again after 1910, reach-
ing 2 million in 1914 and 4 million in 1920.31 The national
trade unions of transpor-
tation and other “unskilled” workers expanded, as did the
miners, brewery workers,
garment, and other industrial- style unions.32 The UMW’s
membership, to take one
example, had already climbed from ten thousand in 1897 to a
quarter of a million in
1905, boosted by its organizing campaigns among anthracite
miners and its partial
victory in the 1902 Anthracite Strike, a walkout involving some
150,000 miners. But
its growth continued after 1905, although more slowly, despite
formidable opposition
from intransigent, arrogant employers backed by their own
private armies, the courts,
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
24. 33. Walling, “British and American Trade Unionism,” 114 –
15; Gary Fink, Labor Unions, 228 – 33;
Thomas G. Andrews, Killing for Coal: America’s Deadliest
Labor War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univer-
sity Press, 2008).
34. On the pros and cons of federal locals, see Dorothy Sue
Cobble, “Lost Ways of Organizing: Reviv-
ing the AFL’s Direct Affiliate Strategy,” Industrial Relations 36
(1997): 278 – 301.
35. Cobble, “Lost Ways of Organizing.” The AFL did not accept
all charter requests. It refused a 1903
affiliation petition from California sugar beet workers, for
example, claiming it could not affiliate an orga-
nization that accepted Japanese members. The majority-
Mexican sugar beet workers association rejected
the AFL’s terms for affiliation and remained independent.
Thomas Almaguer, “Racial Domination and
Class Conflict in Capitalist Agriculture: The Oxnard Sugar Beet
Workers’ Strike of 1903,” Labor History
25 (1984): 325 – 50.
36. Lorwin, The American Federation of Labor, 67.
37. For other examples, see Cobble, “Lost Ways of Organizing,”
287 – 88.
38. Bruno Ramirez, When Workers Fight: The Politics of
Industrial Relations in the Progressive Era, 1898 –
1916 (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1978), chapter 11; Melvyn
Dubofsky, We Shall Be All: A History of the Indus-
trial Workers of the World (Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
2000).
25. C o b b l e / P u t t i n g t h e P r o g r e s s i v e E r a A F L
i n I t s T i m e 69
politicians, and local, state, and federal militia. In 1913, UMW
membership stood at
379,000; in 1920, it topped a half million.33
The large number of federal or directly affiliated local unions
chartered by the
federation beginning in the late 1890s also helped boost the
numbers of “semi- skilled”
and “unskilled” workers in the Progressive Era AFL. Used as a
way of organizing
workers in trade or industrial sectors where no internationals
existed or where inter-
nationals had “jurisdiction” but refused to organize, federal
locals took in workers at
all skill levels. The AFL’s policy on local affiliates had
numerous drawbacks. Federal
labor union members — many of whom were women and
workers of color — lacked
full voting rights in conventions and other settings. Moreover,
the federal union
approach did little to change the discriminatory and
uncooperative (or unorganizing)
internationals.34 Nevertheless, as I have detailed more fully
elsewhere, from 1886 to
its merger with the CIO in 1955 the AFL issued roughly twenty
thousand charters
to federal locals around the country, with some twelve thousand
local affiliates char-
tered before 1933.35 Many of these new locals were short-
lived, and others thrived only
to have their membership divided by trade and absorbed into
various internationals
26. claiming “jurisdiction.” But a surprising number banded
together in the Progres-
sive Era and petitioned the AFL for charters as new national
unions, often in areas
where little prior organization had existed. Lewis Lorwin
counted sixty- nine national
unions chartered from AFL federal locals between 1899 and
1904, and at its 1921 con-
vention the AFL listed eighty- six still- surviving internationals
formed from federal
locals.36 Indeed, some of the most prominent international
unions in the twentieth
century began as Progressive Era AFL local affiliates. The
Service Employees Inter-
national Union, for example, founded in 1917, consisted of
seven directly affiliated
AFL local unions, including six janitor locals.37
Unlike the AFL, the IWW concentrated on organizing some of
the most
marginalized workers, principally “unskilled industrial and
migratory workers.” 38
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
39. For IWW membership in 1916, see Melvyn Dubofsky and
27. Foster Rhea Dulles, Labor in America:
A History, 7th ed. (Wheeling, IL: Harlan Davidson, 2004), 200.
40. Morris Hillquit, Samuel Gompers, and Max J. Hayes, The
Double Edge of Labor’s Sword: Discussion
and Testimony on Socialism and Trade- Unionism before the
Commission on Industrial Relations (1914; reprint,
New York: Arno, 1971), 164 – 65.
41. “Occupational unionism,” as I argued in Dishing It Out,
better captures the constituency of the
twentieth- century AFL than “craft unionism.” “Trade
unionism,” the phrase most frequently employed by
workers at the time, also suggests a broader group than the
skilled elite.
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But more “unskilled” workers actually joined the AFL. The
IWW membership
remained disappointingly small throughout the Progressive Era,
reaching “probably
no more than 60,000 at its peak” in 1916.39 By contrast, in
1916, the AFL’s member-
ship stood at over 2 million. According to Typographical
unionist and socialist Max
Hayes, who had run unsuccessfully against Gompers for the
presidency of the AFL
in 1912, the accusations of the IWW about the AFL’s neglect of
“so- called common
28. labor” obscured the “thousands upon thousands of un- skilled”
who belonged to the
AFL. For example, he continued, one AFL union, the Hod
Carriers, had a “larger
increase last year [1913] than the entire membership of the
IWW.” 40
Of course, then, as now, many workers, “skilled” and
“unskilled,” lay outside
the fold of organized labor. Moreover, as is well known, and
has been noted, Progres-
sive Era AFL affiliates limited membership in other ways,
including on the basis of
race, ethnicity, sex, citizenship, and country of origin.
Nevertheless, these realities
should not blind us to the changing membership patterns of the
expanding Progres-
sive Era AFL, or to the heterogeneous skill mix of the workers
in its ranks, includ-
ing a larger number of the “so- called ‘common laborers’ ” than
could be found in the
IWW. The long- standing dichotomy between the “skilled”
workers of the AFL and
the “unskilled” workers of the IWW obscures more than it
reveals.
The Decline of “Craft” Unionism
“Craft” is often used in conjunction with or as a substitute for
“skilled” in charac-
terizing the conservative brand of AFL unionism in the
Progressive Era. Yet if we
acknowledge the AFL’s membership as mixed, with workers in
job titles with vari-
ous levels of skill and responsibility, then using “craft” to
connote “skill” makes little
sense.41 But what if “craft” is taken to mean a particular
29. structural form — that is, an
organization composed of workers in a single trade or
occupation? Is it still accurate
to describe the Progressive Era AFL as a “craft” organization?
Most obviously such a description ignores the AFL unions
conventionally
considered “industrial” organizations, which were a sizable and
growing segment
of the federation in the Progressive Era. But equally
problematic to this formulation,
by the early twentieth century few AFL unions were purely
“craft” or “industrial.”
Indeed, according to a 1915 analysis in the American Economic
Review, only 28 of the
133 existing national unions, most affiliated with the AFL, were
still pure “craft”
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
42. Glocker, “Amalgamation of Related Trades,” 554 – 55.
43. Cobble, Dishing It Out, chapters 4 – 6; Guide to the
ILGWU Records,1884 – 2006, Collection
30. Number 5780, Kheel Center Archives, Cornell University,
Ithaca, NY, http://rmc.library.cornell.edu/ead
/htmldocs/KCL05780.html (accessed May 27, 2012).
44. Schneirov, introduction, xiv; Selig Perlman, History of
Labour in the United States, vol. 2 (1918;
reprint, New York: Macmillan, 1966), 535 – 36.
45. Grace Palladino, Skilled Hands, Strong Spirits: A Century
of Building Trades History (Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press, 2007), chapter 2; Lorwin, The
American Federation of Labor, 93 – 95; Glocker,
“Amalgamation of Related Trades,” 556, 565.
46. Sympathy strikes and “secondary” actions, or strikes on
behalf of others, were widespread in the
building trades at the turn of the century before court rulings
severely limited such solidaristic actions.
Montgomery, Workers’ Control in America, chapter 1; Forbath,
Law and the Shaping of the American Labor
Movement, 98 – 105.
C o b b l e / P u t t i n g t h e P r o g r e s s i v e E r a A F L
i n I t s T i m e 71
unions.42 In other words, the Progressive Era AFL was as
mixed in structure as it
was in membership.
The vast majority of Progressive Era AFL national unions were
“amalgama-
tions of related trades,” often combining craft and industrial
structures within the
same organization. Consider the former Hotel Employees and
Restaurant Employees
International Union. Locally, it organized along occupational or
31. trade lines: bartend-
ers, cooks, and food servers each had separate locals; and at
times, as with the food
servers, these organizations split into smaller units along gender
lines. Yet the national
organization was industrial in structure: it claimed
“jurisdiction” over a wide swath
of workers in the hospitality industry, and in some cities,
hospitality trade councils
existed as well, bringing together all the trade locals for
coordinated organizing and
bargaining. The garment workers were similarly structured.
Cutters, dressmakers,
shirtmakers, and others joined separate trade locals affiliated to
joint boards and dis-
tricts. All, however, belonged to a national body that aimed to
organize and represent
workers industrywide.43
Even AFL unions organized along traditional trade lines at both
the local and
national levels — such as many in the building trades —
created industrial structures
and alliances with other trades. Selig Perlman, as Richard
Schneirov has pointed out,
called this phenomenon “craft- industrialism.” 44 By the late
nineteenth century indi-
vidual building trade unions in many large cities across the
country formed “indus-
trial” bodies, often called Building Trades Councils. And in
1908, after consider-
able controversy, the AFL chartered a Building and Trades
Department, primarily
to coordinate organizing, political activity, and resolve
interunion disputes among
national building trade organizations. (That same year the AFL
32. inaugurated a Metal
Trades Federation as well.)45 Construction unionists also
cooperated informally, estab-
lishing impermanent but highly effective industrial- like
alliances to ensure strike and
boycott success.46
Using “craft” to distinguish AFL unionism from the “industrial”
unionism of
the IWW relies on a fictional IWW as well as a fictional AFL.
The IWW no more
practiced “pure” industrial unionism than the AFL practiced
pure “craft” union-
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
47. Dubofsky, We Shall Be All, 33, 105 – 6, 166, 212 – 18.
For a detailed structural analysis of the IWW
from 1905 to 1917, including lists of affiliated bodies, see Paul
Brissenden, The I.W.W.: A Study of American
Syndicalism, Columbia University Studies in History,
Economics and Public Law (New York: Longmans,
Green & Co., 1919), 67 – 72, 134 – 35, 161– 63, 351.
33. 48. James O. Morris, Conflict within the AFL: A Study of Craft
versus Industrial Unionism, 1901 – 1938
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1958).
49. Eugene V. Debs, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs,
introduction by Arthur M. Schlesinger
Jr. (New York: Hermitage, 1948), 171– 242.
50. Samuel Gompers, Labor and the Common Welfare (Freeport,
NY: Books for Libraries Press, 1919),
200 – 202.
51. For example, Debs, Writings and Speeches, 199.
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ism. Indeed, in terms of structure the AFL and the IWW had
much in common.
Mining unions were the largest affiliates in both organizations,
at least while the
Western Federation of Miners remained within the IWW; and
both miner organi-
zations grouped workers together by region, employer, and type
of work. In addi-
tion, although the IWW aspired to organize workers
“industrially,” its actual affili-
ates were a heterogeneous group, with many organized along
occupational or trade
lines — timber workers, marine firemen, longshoremen,
waiters, cooks, punch press
34. operators, capmakers — as well as others residing in “mixed”
locals taking in workers
from a range of trades and industries. Like the AFL, the IWW
was “mixed” struc-
turally, organizing workers by trade and industry.47
What, then, is “industrial” unionism, and why was the IWW so
certain it
was the one true “industrial” union? As James Morris argued in
1958, “industrial”
unionism was as much a political as a structural idea.48 For the
IWW, it meant all
workers would eventually join “one big union,” realize they had
“nothing in com-
mon with the employing class,” and seize control of the means
of production. Eugene
Debs, especially during the IWW’s first few years — from
1905 to 1908, when he was
a dues- paying member — popularized the contrast between
what he considered the
AFL’s brand of “class collaborationist,” separatist, outmoded
“craft unionism” and the
solidaristic, far- seeing form of unionism he called
“revolutionary,” “class,” or “indus-
trial” unionism.49
The leaders of the AFL rejected the “revolutionary” notion of
“industrial”
unionism preached by the IWW. As Gompers flatly stated in
1912, the IWW’s call
for “one gigantic union” and for “social revolution through the
general strike” was
wrong- headed and “destructive in theory and practice.” 50 Yet
the AFL leadership’s
disdain for the IWW’s philosophy of “industrial unionism” did
not necessarily mean
35. the AFL consisted of narrowly constituted pure “craft” unions.
Nor did it mean the
AFL lacked structures that promoted cooperation and solidarity
beyond individual
workplaces or narrow trade identities, as its critics claimed.51
The AFL and its rivals
may have traded insults and epithets, but in the end they shared
many of the same
structures and organizational forms even if they disagreed
fundamentally about ulti-
mate goals.
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
52. Morris, Conflict within the AFL, 52 – 53; Ramirez, When
Workers Fight, chapter 11; Brissenden, The
I.W.W., 160 – 61.
53. On the suitability of occupational unionism for workers
outside mass production, see Dorothy
Sue Cobble, “Organizing the Postindustrial Work Force:
Lessons from the History of Waitress Unionism,”
Industrial and Labor Relations Review 44 (April 1991): 419 –
36; “Making Postindustrial Unionism Possible,”
in Restoring the Promise of American Labor Law, ed. Sheldon
Friedman et al. (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univer-
sity Press, 1994), 285 – 302; Ruth Milkman, L.A. Story:
Immigrant Workers and the Future of the U.S. Labor
36. Movement (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2006),
introduction, chapter 1. Christopher Tomlins (“AFL
Unions in the 1930s,” 1035 – 40) also stresses the need for
different strategies in different sectors of the econ-
omy. He analyzes the 1930s, detailing the CIO’s limited success
outside mass production and the AFL’s rapid
expansion in construction, transportation, services, and small
manufacturing.
54. Colin Gordon, “The Lost City of Solidarity: Metropolitan
Unionism in Historical Perspective,”
Politics and Society 27 (December 1999): 561– 85.
C o b b l e / P u t t i n g t h e P r o g r e s s i v e E r a A F L
i n I t s T i m e 73
Many leaders of the AFL believed that grouping workers by
trade, especially
at the local level, remained superior to all other organizational
forms. Powerful and
established AFL affiliates with considerable membership in a
particular trade also
bitterly opposed chartering new unions that might threaten their
claim to represent
current or future members in that trade. Both of these realities
operated at times to
retard the organization of new workers. Yet “industrial”
unionists of the IWW also
can be faulted for embracing a single structural ideal that was
ill- suited for organiz-
ing all workers. The character of all local IWW units, the IWW
convention affirmed
in 1906, would be “industrial,” comprising “the employees in
one industrial plant,
whether large or small.” 52 Then as now, rather than presuming
the superiority of
37. a particular organizational form, labor leaders needed to allow
workers more lati-
tude in shaping institutional arrangements appropriate to their
circumstances and
concerns.
Continuing the debate over “craft” versus “industrial” unionism
as framed by
its past partisans keeps historians from seeing the strengths and
limitations of various
forms of unionism for different groups of workers and from
understanding why dif-
ferent organizing strategies predominated in one era but not
another. No one struc-
tural form of unionism best fits all sectors of the economy.
Grouping workers pri-
marily by trade or occupation, an approach often found in local
labor markets with
multiple small employers and mobile workforces, was a poor
match for mass produc-
tion workers. But “industrial unionism,” with its worksite and
company focus, proved
ill suited for many in construction work or in service trades
(waitresses, musicians,
janitors, teamsters), who moved from employer to employer or
from worksite to work-
site and identified more with their trade than with a single
employer or industry.53
Moreover, as Colin Gordon argues, twentieth- century labor
history’s “core narrative”
of struggle between craft and industrial unionism misses the
geographic dimension
of union membership patterns and the strength of Progressive
Era AFL unionism in
metropolitan labor markets, what he calls “metropolitan
unionism.” 54
38. It is time for labor scholars to question the presumed
association between a
union’s structural form and its political orientation and to
reconsider the industrial
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
55. For more on the “industrial bias” and how outmoded factory
paradigms of labor organizing deter
unionizing among contemporary domestic, care, and sex
workers, see Dorothy Sue Cobble, “More Intimate
Unions,” in Intimate Labors: Cultures, Technologies, and the
Politics of Care, ed. Eileen Boris and Rhacel Par-
renas (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2010), 280 – 95.
56. Quote from Greene, Pure and Simple Politics, 3. See also,
among others, Forbath, Law and the Shap-
ing of the American Labor Movement, especially 1 – 36, 128 –
73; Lichtenstein, Strasser, and Rosenzweig, Who
Built America, 2:129; McCartin, Labor’s Great War, 203 – 5.
57. On “business syndicalism,” see Kimeldorf, Battling for
American Labor, 15; Kazin, Barons of Labor,
150. But see also Michael Kazin, The Populist Persuasion: An
American History (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univer-
sity Press, 1995), 52 – 53, for an exploration of the populist
rhetoric of the AFL, an organization, he writes,
that was “never so limited or unimaginative” as conventionally
depicted.
39. 58. Quote from Lichtenstein, Strasser, and Rosenzweig, Who
Built America, 2:159.
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bias that has so long dominated modern labor history.55 There
is nothing inherently
conservative about a horizontal unionism linking workers in a
trade or occupation
across worksite and employer boundaries. Conversely,
organizing workers vertically
into “industrial” units linked to single worksites, employers, or
companies has its own
exclusionary tendencies and limitations. The question — then
and now — is how to
design structures that can create effective solidarities, large and
small.
Reassessing the AFL’s Social Reform Agenda
But scholarly assessments of the conservatism of pure and
simple trade unionism rest
on more than assumptions about its “skilled” elite membership
and its outmoded
craft structure. More than one researcher has lamented the
Progressive Era AFL’s
pursuit of “modest goals,” its acceptance of the capitalist
system, its skepticism about
government ownership, and its rejection of an expanded
regulatory and welfare
40. state.56 Even those who question whether “state- centered
activism” should be the lit-
mus test for radicalism and find considerable similarity in the
militant direct action
and point- of- production orientation of the AFL and the IWW
regard the AFL’s
“business syndicalism” as limited.57
In the remainder of this essay, I offer a different perspective. I
foreground the
social reform agenda of the Progressive Era AFL and the radical
aspects of the phi-
losophy that guided it. I begin by discussing the AFL’s bread-
and- butter demands for
higher wages and shorter hours and its call for “independent
trade unionism” in an
era in which the legitimacy of workers’ right to organize and
bargain as a group was
far from being recognized by employers, the state, or the public.
I then turn to the
AFL’s legislative program and its efforts to gain support for its
core principles: “labor
is not a commodity,” “actual liberty of contract,” and “equality
of bargaining power.”
Bread- and- Butter Unionism
It is often assumed the AFL focused “narrowly on ‘bread and
butter’ ” goals such as
higher wages and shorter hours.58 Such issues may seem
lacking in transformative
power to those blessed with enough income to feed themselves
and their dependents,
as well as sufficient time for a healthy life apart from
employment. But certainly no
Labor
41. Published by Duke University Press
59. Glickman, A Living Wage, chapters 3, 4; Currarino, The
Labor Question in America, 86 – 113. See
also Currarino, “The Politics of ‘More’: The Labor Question
and the Idea of Economic Liberty in Industrial
America,” Journal of American History 93 (June 2006): 17 –
36.
60. Samuel Gompers, Labor and the Employer (New York: E. P.
Dutton, 1920), 58 – 79.
61. The gendered language of this passage is obvious. As
mentioned earlier, the Progressive Era AFL’s
reform vision did not extend to all workers. For an analysis of
the debates among New Deal era labor men
and women over who should receive a “living wage” and how
work time (waged and unwaged) should be
allocated, see Dorothy Sue Cobble, The Other Women’s
Movement: Work place Justice and Social Rights in
Modern America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press,
2004), chapters 4 and 5.
C o b b l e / P u t t i n g t h e P r o g r e s s i v e E r a A F L
i n I t s T i m e 75
serious reform movement could ignore the basic survival and
well- being of those for
whom it advocated.
42. Moreover, both Lawrence Glickman in A Living Wage (1997)
and Rosanne
Currarino in The Labor Question in America (2011) make a
compelling case for the
economic progressivism of the AFL’s call for higher wages and
shorter hours and for
how it benefited organized workers as well as the society at
large. The AFL’s “liv-
ing wage” concept, they explain, built on theories promoted by
Ira Steward and other
nineteenth- century labor reformers concerned with “under-
consumption” and “over-
production.” The AFL rejected conventional nineteenth- century
economic doctrines
positing unemployment, poverty, and business cycles of “boom
and bust” as natural
and hence inevitable. Such problems were solvable and best
attacked by two inter-
twined reforms: shorter hours and higher wages. These reforms
benefited workers
by redistributing wealth and creating more jobs. Increased
wages and leisure also
spurred consumption, thus boosting economic growth and
prosperity overall. The
labor movement’s consumerist turn, they argue, was not a
conservative declension.
Rather, it offered a powerful new rationale for improving
worker and societal liv-
ing standards and a progressive alternative to the dominant
economic philosophies
of the day.59
The demand for “living wages” and shorter hours remained
central to the
AFL’s reform agenda in the early twentieth century. In
43. justifying these reforms,
Gompers and other AFL leaders continued to voice the
progressive economic doc-
trines of Ira Steward. In addition, they drew on a long tradition
of labor republican-
ism concerned with fostering civic participation and advancing
the welfare of the
republic. The AFL’s Progressive Era bread- and- butter
unionism was about more than
material advancement and a robust economy: it was also about
personal and social
transformation. In short, the Progressive Era AFL, like the
dominant labor move-
ments of the nineteenth century, concerned itself with the
interests of its members
and with the broader social good.
Gompers was explicit about how higher wages and shorter hours
ensured
both the individual self- development of wage- earners and
larger social betterment.
He defined a “living wage,” for example, as a standard of living
that allowed wage-
earners to partake in culture and recreation. It made possible
“physical and mental
health” and fostered “self- respect.” 60 Time away from
employment made a worker
a “better citizen, a better father, a better husband, and a better
man in general.” 61
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
44. 62. Gompers, Labor and the Employer, 81 – 107; quotes 81, 91.
63. Hillquit, Gompers, and Hayes, The Double Edge of Labor’s
Sword, 76, 108.
64. On the “pragmatisms” of John Dewey and other Progressive
Era intellectuals, see Louis Menand,
The Metaphysical Club: A Story of Ideas in America (New
York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2001). For Dewey,
truth evolved from practice and “intelligent action” and could
not be apprehended abstractly or with any
finality. On Gompers as a pragmatist intellectual, see John R.
Commons, “Karl Marx and Samuel Gom-
pers,” Political Science Quarterly 41 (June 1926): 281– 86.
65. Hillquit, Gompers, and Hayes, The Double Edge of Labor’s
Sword, 123.
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Workers became “more enlightened” and “broader” in their
“views and sympathies.”
A democratic republic, he insisted, rested on the majority
having time for educa-
tion, reflection, and civic engagement. But working people
45. needed shorter hours to
change the republic, not just to preserve it. “What reform,
social, moral, political, or
economic was ever achieved by the effort of long hour
workmen?” Gompers queried.
“If the progress of the world depended upon the long hour
workers, our civilization
would halt.” 62
Bread- and- butter unionism was not merely focused on the
immediate. More
purchasing power and more time were worthy and
transformative ends in them-
selves; at the same time, they were means to other ends. What
those ends would
be Gompers could not fully predict. One set of reforms would
give way to another
as workers’ horizons expanded and their aspirations increased.
In the famous May
1914 exchange between Gompers and socialist Morris Hillquit
before the Commis-
sion on Industrial Relations, Gompers described the AFL as “a
social reform move-
ment” aiming “at complete social justice, and a maximum
liberty and happiness for
mankind.” Its purposes, “apart from the establishment of a
cooperative common-
wealth,” differed little from the socialist movement, he
explained. Surprisingly, Hill-
quit agreed, adding that “the Socialists see a difference in
degree only.” 63
Still, Gompers vehemently objected to any “social philosophy”
— including
socialism — he judged as predicting a priori what the ultimate
reforms would be. In
46. one striking passage, Gompers echoed the pragmatist
philosophies of his day and
accused socialists of refusing to learn from practice and of
making up facts to fit their
theories.64 “You start out with a given program, and everything
must conform to it;
and if the facts do not conform to your theories . . . so much the
worse for the facts.” 65
Of course, like his adversaries, Gompers also selected and
interpreted “facts” in ways
that conformed to his beliefs. The point, however, is that
Gompers refused not lofty
ends but theories in which ends were predetermined. The oft-
posited opposition
between the limited goals of bread- and- butter unionism and
the visionary agenda of
socialism appears overdrawn.
Writing in 1972, William M. Dick endeavored to describe the
“rather com-
plex whole of ‘Gompersism,’ ” the philosophy dominant in the
national AFL. He
wanted to move beyond the usual portrayal of the AFL that
emphasized its rejection
of socialism and its supposed desire to integrate labor into
capitalism. To miss the
AFL’s commitment to a “better social order” was, in his
opinion, to see “one side” but
not “the whole picture.” It left “a distorted impression” of
labor’s past and its political
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
47. 66. William M. Dick, Labor and Socialism in America: The
Gompers Era (Port Washington, NY: Ken-
nikat, 1972), 111.
67. Gompers, Labor and the Common Welfare, 190 – 91. For a
1924 call to transcend the definition of
‘Gompersism’ as narrow, conservative, and retrograde,” see
Harry Lang, “Gompersism,” Justice: An Organ
of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union, February
1, 1924, 8 – 9.
68. Gompers, Seventy Years of Life and Labor, 75.
69. Gompers, Labor and the Employer, 32.
70. In Pure and Simple Politics, Greene details how Gompers’s
views on labor’s prospects within the
Democratic Party shifted over the course of the Progressive Era.
71. For the phrase “independent labor politics,” see Clayton
Sinyai, “Change to Win: A Gomperism
for the Twenty- First Century,” New Labor Forum 16 (Spring
2007): 73 – 81. For Gompers’s views, see “Not
for Gompers,” Middletown (CT) Press, July 31, 1924, Samuel
Gompers Scrapbook, vol. 1, September 1923 –
July 1924, New York Public Library Special Collections, New
York, NY; Samuel Gompers, Should a Politi-
cal Labor Party Be Formed? An Address by Samuel Gompers to
a Labor Conference Held in NYC, December 9,
1918 (Washington, DC: AFL, 1918); Gompers, Labor and the
Common Welfare, 138.
48. C o b b l e / P u t t i n g t h e P r o g r e s s i v e E r a A F L
i n I t s T i m e 77
beliefs.66 As Gompers himself insisted in 1912 in the American
Federationist, if “Gom-
perism” is taken to be what its critics claim — a “fatuous
conservatism that refuses
consideration to radical ideas,” that fails to see the “unearned
wealth of plutocracy,”
that puts “the brakes on progressive thought” — then “there is
positively no ‘Gom-
perism’ ” in the trade union movement.67
“Independent Trade Unionism” and the AFL’s Challenge to
Class Paternalism
Following the advice of his fellow cigar- maker and intellectual
mentor, Ferdinand
Laurrell, Gompers “squared” all decisions with his union
card.68 But what did that
mean? At the most fundamental level, it meant he made
judgments based primarily
on what he thought would preserve and advance trade unions. In
Gom pers’s view,
wage- earners were powerless without organizations to defend
and promote their
interests; trade unions, he believed, were the organizations best
designed to defend
those interests, in part because workers themselves built and
controlled them. Unlike
many European unions, the AFL based its organizational
boundaries not on religious
or political allegiances but on wage- earner status: AFL trade
unions were organiza-
tions of wage- earners for wage- earners. Alliances with those
outside the wage- earning
working class were necessary, but wage- earners needed their
49. own institutions, inde-
pendent of employers, farmers, or well- meaning reformers.
“Experience shows,”
Gompers remarked in 1897, “that workmen, when others than
wage- earners are
members of the union, are often reluctant in expressing their
true sentiments.” 69
This emphasis on working- class separatism and the need for an
organiza-
tional space apart for workers underlay the AFL’s “pure and
simple” membership
policies, as well as its reluctance to form alliances with other
reform movements and
political parties. Gompers feared that labor’s interests would be
subordinated in a
mixed- class reform movement or political party, whether
Democratic, Republican,
Populist, or Socialist.70 Rather than an “independent labor
party,” for example, Gom-
pers generally favored “an independent labor politics,” with
workers forged together
as an influential bloc of swing voters pursuing a specific
platform of reforms.71 The
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
72. Report of the AFL Executive Council, AFL Convention
50. Proceedings, November 13 – 25, 1916,
Baltimore, MD, 13.
73. Gompers, Labor and the Common Welfare, 195.
74. Gompers, Labor and the Common Welfare, 209.
75. Gompers, Labor and the Employer, 18.
76. Gompers, Labor and the Employer, 305; Gompers, Labor
and the Common Welfare, 20.
77. Sinyai, Schools for Democracy, chapters 1, 3.
78. President Gompers’ Report, AFL Convention Proceedings,
November 14 – 26, 1910, St. Louis, MO,
16 – 17. See also American Federationist (March 1910), 200 –
201.
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commitment of Gompers and his circle to trade union
organization rested as well on
other beliefs, including the deeply held notion that “economic
power is the primary
power,” as the AFL Executive Council declared in 1916, “and
all other kinds of power
are derived from economic power and are in proportion to its
development.” 72 Never-
theless, trade unions “pure and simple” were defended not only
as the institutions best
suited for building working- class economic power but also as
working- class institu-
tions dedicated to the leadership of wage- earners.
51. Gompers bristled at any intimation, whether from the Right or
Left, that
workers needed instruction from those outside the working
class. “I believe in the
working people,” he said in 1916. “I believe in their growing
intelligence . . . and in
their growing and persistent demand for better conditions and a
more rightful situa-
tion in the industrial, political, and social affairs of this country
and of the world.” 73
He insisted on the capacity of workers to achieve their own
emancipation and rejected
any political theories he saw as suggesting otherwise.
Democracy — not socialism or
communism — was the answer. “Bolshevism,” he once
observed, is “abhorrent to a
world that loves democracy. We shall progress by the use of the
machinery of democ-
racy or we shall not progress. There is no group of men on earth
fit to dictate to the
rest of the world.” 74
Through trade unions workers achieved full individuality and
citizenship —
political, economic, and social. “It is only by the unity of the
working people who
have lost their single individuality that they gain their
collective social importance,” he
explained in 1904.75 By enabling workers to govern their own
lives on the job, unions
freed workers from industrial autocracy and prepared them for
democratic citizen-
ship. In the give- and- take of debate, unions “develop the
reason, the conscience and
the civic sense of the wage- earner,” Gompers explained.
52. Unions bolstered worker
self- confidence, he continued, and enabled workers “to take
their rightful place in
industry and society.” 76 They were “schools for democracy.”
77 “Our movement is
not ‘narrow,’ ” Gompers countered his critics in 1910, because
“trade unionism is not
narrow.” 78
AFL unionism thus stood as a stark rejection of the dominant
elitist class
ideologies depicting workers as children or as incapable of
industrial or political citi-
zenship due to their limited intelligence or stunted character. By
the 1920s, promi-
nent books defending trade unions — Frank Tannenbaum’s The
Labor Movement:
Its Conservative Functions and Social Effects (1921); William
English Walling’s Amer-
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
79. Michael Merrill, “Even Conservative Unions Have
Revolutionary Effects: Frank Tannenbaum on
the Labor Movement,” International Labor and Working- Class
History 77 (Spring 2010): 116.
53. 80. Selig Perlman, A Theory of the Labor Movement (New
York: Macmillan, 1928), 3 – 10, 272 – 79. On
Lauck, see Fink, Progressive Intellectuals and the Dilemmas of
Democratic Commitment, chapter 7.
81. On the various meanings of industrial democracy, including
the “voluntarist vision of industrial
democracy” put forward by Gompers and other “labor
conservatives,” see McCartin, Labor’s Great War,
203 – 5.
82. For more on these points, see Schneirov, introduction;
Schneirov, “The Odyssey of William
En glish Walling”; Michael Merrill, “Labor Shall Not Be
Property: The Horizon of Workers’ Control in
the United States,” Labor Studies Journal 21 (Summer 1996): 27
– 50.
C o b b l e / P u t t i n g t h e P r o g r e s s i v e E r a A F L
i n I t s T i m e 79
ican Labor and American Democracy (1926); W. Jett Lauck’s
Political and Industrial
Democracy, 1776 –1926 (1926); and Selig Perlman’s A Theory
of the Labor Movement
(1928) — devoted attention to these psychological and social
effects of trade unionism.
Tannenbaum, who later would come to prominence as a scholar
of comparative slav-
ery, for instance, has been described as seeing unions as the
institutional expression of
“the desire of wage- earners for recognition as fully human
moral agents (and not just
machine tenders or soulless ‘human resources’).” 79 Perlman
famously reminded his
54. readers of the AFL’s commitment to worker self- development
and “freedom on the
job.” Walling and Lauck believed democracy was doomed
without unions promot-
ing worker self- government and democratic citizenship.80
To be sure, Gompers’s version of industrial democracy through
independent
trade unionism differed from industrial democracy proposals
that prioritized state or
worker ownership.81 He and the majority of AFL leaders
believed changing owner-
ship would not necessarily solve the problem of autocratic
management. For exam-
ple, the issue remained: who would control the workplace and
how decision making
would be organized. Thus, the AFL’s primary focus was
democratizing the corpora-
tions through collective bargaining, not nationalizing or
eliminating them.82 It sought
to do away not with capital, but with capital’s domination and
control.
The AFL leadership saw corporations as neither purely
“private” nor purely
“public” enterprises; instead, they questioned those very
dichotomies and sought to
redefine the workplace as a quasi- public space by insisting that
civil and constitu-
tional rights did not stop at the plant gate. In one sense the
AFL’s version of “indus-
trial democracy” was a middle way between the private market
fundamentalism of
the Right and the collective or state ownership of the Left. Yet
it was not a compro-
mise between the two positions; it was a demand that the
55. inherent human rights of
workers be accorded recognition regardless of the “public” or
“private” nature of capi-
tal ownership or management.
The AFL did not envision unions as junior partners either to
capital or to the
state. That status was imposed on them; it was not one they
sought. Rather, AFL
leaders aspired to an equal partnership with management and to
an equality of bar-
gaining power with capital. Workers are not a “mob,” Secretary
of the AFL Frank
Morrison informed the New York Times readership in 1920.
“They are freemen”
whose “rights are embodied in the principles of trade
unionism,” which included
Labor
Published by Duke University Press
56. 83. Frank Morrison, “Labor’s Ultimatum to the Public,” New
York Times, July 18, 1920.
84. For example, Forbath, Law and the Shaping of the American
Labor Movement, 1.
85. Lorwin, The American Federation of Labor, 190 – 93;
Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers:
The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995),
chapters 3, 4; Hillquit, Gompers, and Hayes, The Double Edge
of Labor’s Sword, 105 – 7.
86. Hillquit, Gompers, and Hayes, The Double Edge of Labor’s
Sword, 105 – 8, quote 108; Skocpol, Pro-
tecting Soldiers and Mothers, chapters 3, 4; AFL’s
Reconstruction Program, AFL Convention Proceedings,
June 9 – 23, 1919, Atlantic City, NJ, 70 – 80.
87. Lorwin, The American Federation of Labor, 88 – 89; AFL
Convention Proceedings, November 9 – 21,
1908, Denver, Colorado, 82 – 83; AFL Convention
Proceedings, 1910, 25, 39 – 40; AFL Convention Proceed-
ings, 1919, 70 – 80; American Federation of Labor: History,
Encyclopedia, Reference Book (Washington, DC:
AFL, 1919), 30 – 36; Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and
Mothers, 212 – 17, 247.
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the right to organize and strike as a group and to bargain “with
57. equal powers” to
the employers.83 Indeed, a radically democratic — and perhaps
utopian — aspect of
“Gomperism” was its insistence that labor could be equal at
work and in society and
that labor’s equality could be won by the economic organizing
and political action of
workers themselves.
The AFL’s Transformative Legislative Agenda
The AFL’s legislative agenda in the Progressive Era is typically
seen as a disappoint-
ing devolution from inspiring nineteenth- century calls for a
cooperative common-
wealth and a more robust state.84 Undoubtedly, the national
AFL failed to endorse
federal wage and hour laws covering men and women or the full
range of social
welfare legislation until the 1930s. It also remained deeply
skeptical of the efficacy
of labor legislation without strong worker movements to ensure
enforcement and
showed little enthusiasm for many proposed state social
insurance programs and
nationalization proposals.85
But what gets lost in the legislative list of what the Progressive
Era AFL
opposed is what it supported. The national AFL preferred
mutualism and union-
run health and welfare programs to state- administered
contributory social insur-
ance programs, but it also favored federal noncontributory old
age pensions (after
1909) and employer liability for injury or loss of life (and, after
1914, workmen’s com-
58. pensation laws). As the best solution to unemployment and
economic recession, the
national AFL advanced higher wages and shorter hours as well
as “the undertaking
of great public works.” 86 Further, the national AFL favored
such standard “progres-
sive” political and economic reforms as inheritance and other
redistributive tax pro-
posals; the initiative, referendum, and recall mechanisms; child
labor laws in all the
states; nationalization of the telephone and telegraph; municipal
ownership of public
utilities; regulation of land and water ownership; free schools,
textbooks, and play-
grounds; “absolute suffrage of women co- equal with men”;
wage and hour laws for
women; and the “issue of money by the government — free
from manipulation of pri-
vate bankers for gain.” 87
Labor
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88. Greene, Pure and Simple Politics, 273; Forbath, Law and the
Shaping of the American Labor Move-
ment, 128 – 31; Fink, “Labor, Liberty, and the Law,” 196.
89. Karen Orren, Belated Feudalism: Labor, the Law, and
Liberal Development in the United States
59. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).
90. Samuel Gompers, “What Does Labor Want? A Paper Read
before the International Labor Con-
gress, Chicago, Ill., September 1893” (New York, n.d.),
http://www.history.umd.edu/Gompers/More.html
(accessed June 17, 2011).
91. Gompers, Should a Political Labor Party Be Formed?, 13.
92. For instance, Samuel Gompers, “Injunctions: Human Rights
and Property Rights Confused,”
American Federationist (July 1910): 590 – 93; Samuel
Gompers, “Judicial Invasion of Guaranteed Rights,”
American Federationist (April 1910): 298 – 301. For more on
labor’s freedom tradition, James Gray Pope,
“Labor’s Constitution of Freedom,” Yale Law Journal 106
(1997): 941 – 1031.
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i n I t s T i m e 81
Yet the AFL’s endorsement of political and economic proposals
popular with
progressive reformers of the day is not what distinguished its
legislative program or
engaged the bulk of its time and resources. Rather, the AFL’s
consuming legisla-
tive passion was its campaign to curb court injunctions and
judge- made law, includ-
ing, after 1900, its pursuit of federal anti- injunction
legislation. To be sure, the AFL’s
campaign to gain congressional relief from the courts did not
involve seeking laws
to increase the state’s regulation of working conditions or to
enhance social or state-
60. provided wages and benefits. But neither was it a narrow
“legalistic” program or a
disappointing sign of labor’s embrace of the “whole gospel of
liberty of contract” or
of “collective laissez- faire.” 88 Instead, as Karen Orren makes
clear, the AFL’s anti-
injunction campaign was an effort to end industrial feudalism
and usher in a new
era in which courts and judges would be guided not by common
law but by legisla-
tive intent.89
Further, the AFL’s call for the state to protect labor’s freedom
and grant it
equal liberties to capital was a challenge to and a critique of
capital’s dominance of
the state, as well as a demand that the state take action to
guarantee the constitutional
and inherent rights of all citizens. The capitalist class, Gompers
thundered in 1893,
“had its origin in force and fraud.” They, the “parasitic
capitalists,” stay in power by
“invoking the collusion of their dependents, the judges and the
legislators, to place the
organized workers outside the pale of the law.” He concluded:
“We demand equality
before the law, in fact as well as theory.” 90 In 1918, a quarter
of a century later, Gom-
pers made essentially the same point. Workers would not be
free, he claimed, until
they removed “the control of our government from the old- time
interests of corporate
power and judicial usurpation.” 91
In asserting workers’ right to the state’s equal protection, the
AFL advanced
61. what are now considered “core” or fundamental human rights:
freedom of speech,
freedom of association, and the right to organize and freely
elect representatives for
the purposes of collective bargaining.92 The AFL’s route to
securing these rights — its
focus on legislative remedies and its decision to accept the
language and framing of
the 1914 Clayton Anti- Trust Act — may not have yielded the
results hoped for in the
Progressive Era. But its call for “industrial liberty” — the right
to strike, to picket, and
Labor
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93. On “industrial liberty,” among others, Samuel Gompers,
“Justice Brewer on Strikes and Lawless-
ness,” American Federationist (April 1901): 121 – 23; John
Mitchell, “The Workingman’s Conception of Indus-
trial Liberty,” American Federationist (May 1910): 405 – 10.
94. John P. Frey, The Labor Injunction: An Exposition of
Government by Judicial Conscience and Its Men-
ace (Cincinnati: Equity, 1923), 97 – 98.
62. 95. Gompers, Labor and the Common Welfare, 5. For an
eloquent discussion of how the AFL’s rejec-
tion of the commodification of labor undercut a “defining
feature of capitalism,” see Pope, “Labor’s Con-
stitution of Freedom,” 942 – 43.
96. American Federation of Labor: History, Encyclopedia,
Reference Book, 24 – 25.
97. Morrison, “Labor’s Ultimatum,” 19.
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to form unions — and its demand that the state defend the civil
and economic rights
of workers with the same zeal with which it defended the rights
of capital should not
be seen as conservative or narrow.93 It should be reclaimed as
part of labor’s long free-
dom struggle.
The AFL’s Challenge to Market Fundamentalism and “Liberty
of Contract”
In defending labor’s right to liberties, power, and rewards equal
to those of capital, the
Progressive Era AFL challenged the conservative ideologies of
market fundamental-
ism, laissez- faire, and hyperindividualism. Section 6 of the
Clayton Act, for example,
famously enshrined a key tenet of the AFL: “The labor of a
63. human being is not a
commodity or article of commerce.” As iron molder and AFL
Metal Trades Depart-
ment President John Frey elaborated, “The labor power of a
human being can not be
bought and sold, contracted for and treated as an ordinary
commodity.” 94 Inherent
in this human rights claim was a rejection of the so- called laws
of the market and the
subordination of social and human needs to the supposed
dictates of economic com-
petition. “You cannot weigh a human soul in the same scales
with a piece of pork,”
Gompers insisted in 1891.95
Or, as the Progressive Era AFL reminded legislators, employers,
and the pub-
lic, the existing distribution of wealth and work was not
inviolable or natural: human
needs and rights could and must be taken into account. In 1919,
the AFL remained
unapologetically hostile to market fundamentalism and those
who defended it: “One
of the sophistries of life is the fetish of supply and demand. It is
the weapon held up
to working men when they seek better rewards for their labor. It
is rolled about the
tongues of the professional economists like a sweet morsel. It is
repeated parrot- like
by their spokesmen and apologists as a cure for all evils
resulting from the misman-
agement of industry.” 96 In opposition to the theories of market
fundamentalism, AFL
Secretary Morrison in 1920 offered labor’s own human rights
framework: “Labor has
always recognized that humanity has rights superior to those of
64. industry. In fact, it
has always contended for those rights, embracing as they do the
right to live and the
right to perform those functions which make living possible.”
97
At the same time, as James Pope contends, AFL unionists,
unlike many
middle- class progressive reformers, did not believe that
increasing state regulation of
working conditions would sufficiently protect the needs and
fundamental rights of
Labor
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98. Pope, “Labor’s Constitution of Freedom,” 987.
99. In 1925, in Charles Wolff Packing Co. v. Court of Industrial
Relations, the Supreme Court overturned
the law, citing conflict with employers’ right to contract. For
more on the Kansas Industrial Court Act, the
four- month Kansas miners’ strike in protest, and the decision
of Gompers and the AFL Executive Board
to side with the striking miners over the protests of John L.
Lewis, see Pope, “Labor’s Constitution of Free-
dom,” 958 – 66, 1000 – 1002.
65. 100. According to G. A. Cohen in Self- Ownership, Freedom,
and Equality (New York: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, 1995), “self- ownership” leads to libertarianism
because it suggests each individual person’s right
to determine what service or product they owe to another. At
the same time, Cohen writes, “the standard
Marxist condemnation of exploitation implies an endorsement
of self- ownership, since the employer steals
from the worker what should belong to her.” The abolitionist
intellectual tradition, on which many AFL
labor leaders drew, also featured “self- ownership” rhetoric
prominently.
101. Debate between Samuel Gompers, President, American
Federation of Labor and Henry J. Allen, Gov-
ernor of Kansas at Carnegie Hall, New York, May 28, 1920
(New York: E. P. Dutton, 1920), 3 – 5, 9 – 10, 14 – 16;
Frey, The Labor Injunction, ix.
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i n I t s T i m e 83
workers. They feared that “government domination” could
“substitute for employer
domination” with little or no change in their marginalized status
and denial of
rights.98 Their fears hardly seemed exaggerated when in
January 1920, in the wake
of the 1919 national strike wave, Kansas governor Henry J.
Allen, a Republican, per-
suaded the state legislature to pass the Kansas Industrial Court
Act, prohibiting
strikes in virtually all of the state’s unionized industries and
empowering a three-
judge court appointed by the governor to set wages and working
66. conditions.99 In his
subsequent debate with Governor Allen at Carnegie Hall over
the wisdom and con-
stitutionality of the law — a law conservatives across the
country hoped would be rep-
licated in other states — Gompers offered one of the fullest
explanations of why labor’s
“lawful, constitutional, natural, and inherent rights” could not
be denied by the state
or the market. Workers, he argued, owned themselves.100 No
man could “own”
another or force another to work. Because “labor power” is
“inherent in the individ-
ual” and cannot be separated from the person, it cannot be
coerced without reducing
the laborer to involuntary servitude. These principles underlay
the right to withhold
labor power — that is, the right to strike — as well as the right
to combine with others
in order to affect market forces and the conditions under which
one worked. Restrict-
ing labor’s right to strike, organize, and bargain, Gompers
maintained, violated not
only the Clayton Act, the Bill of Rights, and the Thirteenth
Amendment, but also
what we now call human rights. It created, as John Frey later
declared, “an American
form of industrial serfdom.” 101
Ultimately, the Clayton Act, hailed by Gompers as labor’s
“Magna Carta,”
failed to protect labor from either injunctions or antitrust
prosecution. Neither did
it ensure that organized labor had the economic power to
challenge capital’s con-
trol of the market and its ability to dictate wages, hours, and
67. working conditions in
many industries. Legislative breakthroughs along these lines
would not occur until
the 1930s, with the passage of the 1932 Norris- LaGuardia Anti-
Injunction Act and
the 1935 Wagner Act. The labor law turnaround of the 1930s
was unquestionably a
response to economic crisis and grassroots pressure. Yet it took
the particular form it
Labor
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102. David Plotke makes this argument in Building a
Democratic Political Order: Reshaping Ameri-
can Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1996). See also Dorothy Sue
Cobble, “The Wagner Act at 75: The Intellectual Origins of an
Institutional Revolution,” ABA Journal of
Labor and Employment Law 26 (Spring 2011): 201 – 12. For a
historical account of the intellectual shift from
individual to collective bargaining that laments the change, see
Howard Dickman, Industrial Democracy in
America: Ideological Origins of National Labor Relations
Policy (La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1987).
103. In Lochner v. New York 198 U.S. 45 (1905) and other
decisions, the courts posited this right as
constitutionally derived from the Fourteenth Amendment’s due
process clause, which forbids the state to
“deprive any person of life, liberty, or property.” Holmes
68. dissented in three key cases: Adair v. U.S., 208
U.S. 161 (1908); Coppage v. Kansas, 236 U.S. 1, 14 (1915); and
Hitchman Coal & Coke Co. v. Mitchell, 245
U.S. 229 (1917).
104. Mitchell, “The Workingman’s Conception of Industrial
Liberty,” 408.
105. “Labor’s Protest to Congress,” March 19, 1908, AFL
Convention Proceedings, 1908, 81– 83.
106. John Mitchell, Organized Labor: Its Problems, Purposes,
and Ideals (Philadelphia: American Book
and Bible House, 1903), 205 – 14.
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did because of shifts in political opinion and the erosion of faith
in business and the
ideologies undergirding their power.102
The “liberty of contract” argument, or the idea of preserving
liberty for indi-
viduals and “corporate persons” by forbidding state interference
in the contracts made
between workers and employers, was one of the major
intellectual barriers blocking
the forward march of progressive labor law before the New
Deal, which legal realists
like Oliver Wendell Holmes and others outside the labor
movement helped under-
69. mine.103 The AFL too attacked this version of “freedom.”
Court decisions based on
protecting workers’ so- called liberty are “guaranteeing
[workers] the liberties they do
not want and denying the liberty that is of real value,” former
mineworkers’ president
John Mitchell maintained in a 1910 address entitled “the
workingman’s conception
of industrial liberty.” 104 The “ ‘right’ to be maimed and killed,
the ‘right’ to work as
many hours as employers please and under any conditions which
they may impose,”
the AFL officers protested to Congress, is no liberty at all.
“Labor is justly indignant
at the guaranteeing of these worthless and academic ‘rights’ by
the courts,” when “in
the same breath” workers are denied the “necessary protection
of laws” safeguarding
“their rights and liberties and the exercise of them individually
or in association.” 105
Progressive Era AFL labor leaders called individual bargaining
with corpo-
rate entities a sham. “Workingmen have a nominal, but not a
real freedom of con-
tract,” Mitchell declared, “if they are prevented from
contracting collectively instead
of individually.” 106 For the majority of workers, real freedom
was secured as a social
right, as a right given to a group. Real or “actual liberty of
contract,” a phrase that was
to appear in both the Norris- LaGuardia Act and the Wagner
Act, occurred when
parties had some equality of bargaining power and some choice
of alternatives. The
Progressive Era AFL’s insistence on “actual liberty of contract”
70. through collective bar-
gaining challenged the fiction of individual freedom and choice
perpetuated by the
conservative elite. It called into question the core ideologies on
which the era’s unequal
distribution of wealth and power rested.
Labor
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107. For example, Salvatore, introduction, xxxviii.
108. David Montgomery, “Thinking about American Workers in
the 1920s,” International Labor and
Working- Class History 32 (Fall 1987): 14 – 16. For a similar
argument, see Schneirov, introduction, xxvi. For
exact figures, Lorwin, The American Federation of Labor, 484.
109. James Gray Pope, “The Thirteenth Amendment versus the
Commerce Clause: Labor and the
Shaping of American Constitutional Law, 1921 – 1957,”
Columbia Law Review 1 (2002): 102; Daniel Ernst,
“The Yellow- Dog Contract and Liberal Reform, 1917 – 1932,”
Labor History 251 (1989): 30. In addition to
labor leaders, Ernst details three streams of middle- class
prolabor liberals pushing for an end to yellow dog
contracts and other legal restrictions on labor in the 1920s: the
Commons network of social scientists, pro-
labor lawyers such as Donald Richberg of the Railway
71. Employees Department of the AFL, and prolabor
legal academics.
110. Frey, The Labor Injunction, 43 – 44.
111. Ruth O’Brien, Workers’ Paradox: The Republican Origins
of New Deal Labor Policy, 1886 – 1935
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 158 –
72. The origins, underlying philosophies, and
interrelationships of the three major federal industrial relations
statutes passed in the decade after 1925 —
the 1926 Railway Labor Act, the 1932 Norris-LaGuardia Act,
and the 1935 Wagner Act — deserve fuller
attention from scholars. For a recent account of the impact on
state industrial relations policy of the inde-
pendent railway brotherhoods and their partners in the AFL’s
Railway Employees Department, see Jon
Huibregtse, American Railroad Labor and the Genesis of the
New Deal, 1919 – 1935 (Gainesville: University
Press of Florida, 2010).
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The Legacy of Pure and Simple Radicalism
In the early 1920s, the AFL’s wartime growth spurt reversed in
the face of conser-
vative Republican ascendancy and employers’ open- shop
onslaught. Some historians
have seen this reversal as evidence of the basic bankruptcy of
Gompersian principles
and a sign of the AFL’s impotence.107 Yet as David
Montgomery once noted, AFL
membership in the 1920s remained above its prewar level. The
AFL lost almost a
million members between 1920 and 1923, but it then stabilized
72. at close to 3 million,
considerably higher than before the war.108 In addition, a
longer perspective, taking
the story into the 1930s and beyond, points to a different
conclusion about the bank-
ruptcy of the AFL’s reform agenda.
Throughout the 1920s, AFL leaders and their allies continued to
make the
case for injunctive relief and for labor’s equal freedom and
power through collective
bargaining. Andrew Furuseth, an officer and legislative
representative for the sea-
men’s unions, joined John Frey and others to push for state and
federal laws restrict-
ing court injunctions, arguing that without such laws workers
lacked the ability to
combine and to negotiate genuine contracts or exercise real
liberty.109 The Court’s
“disregard for human rights” and its reinforcement of “class
distinctions” and “class
privileges,” Frey wrote in 1923, must be stopped.110 The AFL’s
campaign for and pas-
sage of state anti- injunction laws laid the foundation for the
Norris- LaGuardia Act,
a major legislative triumph for the AFL, which after 1928
enjoyed a growing number
of elected political allies among Progressive Republicans and
Democrats.111 The legal
premises of Norris- LaGuardia closely resembled the AFL’s
vision of a “hands- off ”
state in one sense: the government would not pressure
employers to recognize unions,
nor would it limit who was eligible to unionize and what they
could bargain for. Yet
73. Labor
Published by Duke University Press
112. The Wagner Act preamble stresses the negative
consequences of the “inequality of bargaining
power between employees who do not possess full freedom of
association or actual liberty of contract and
employers who are organized in the corporate or other forms of
ownership.” The Norris-LaGuardia Act
justifies state intervention to realize “actual liberty of contract,”
made impossible because of the “helpless-
ness” of the individual worker in bargaining with the employer.
Gompers used similar language in 1905:
“Without combination or cooperation, the individual workman
is helpless, at the mercy of the employer.”
See Gompers, “Trade Unionism and Liberty,” American
Federationist (July 1905): 448.
113. Wagner, “The Ideal Industrial State — as Wagner Sees It,”
NYT Magazine, May 9, 1937, 23; Leon
H. Keyserling, “The Wagner Act: Its Origin and Current
Significance,” George Washington Law Review 29
(1960 – 61): 199 – 233; Cobble, “The Wagner Act at 75.”
114. Woll and Walling, Our Next Step: A National Economic
Policy (New York: Harper & Brothers,
1934), 119 – 20. William Green, however, rarely made such
bold statements. For a particularly lackluster per-
formance by Green, see Statement of William Green, before the
Committee on Judiciary, HR, 71st Cong.,
2nd sess., 22 – 43.
74. 115. Tomlins, “AFL Unions in the 1930s,” 1035 – 40.
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the law’s preamble recognized the legitimacy of collective
bargaining, or “actual lib-
erty of contract,” and declared the state’s interest in furthering
that goal by restricting
court injunctions against strikes, picketing, and boycotting.
With public policy now
in favor of labor’s “full freedom of association,” the balance of
power between work-
ers and employers shifted in 1932.
The 1935 Wagner Act repeated the “actual liberty of contract”
language and
the “equality of bargaining” notions in Norris- LaGuardia.112
This time, however, the
state would take on more responsibilities for ensuring
bargaining equality by regulat-
ing employer behavior. Senator Wagner and his aide, Leon
Keyserling, did the heavy
lifting for the Wagner Act. They hammered home to the
Roosevelt administration
and to the public the act’s contribution to economic prosperity
and to industrial peace.
They also defended it as a preservation of “liberty,” arguing
that only through “group
rights” could individual liberty for workers be secured.113 The
75. AFL’s vice- president,
Matthew Woll, and William English Walling reiterated in Our
Next Step: A National
Economic Policy (1934) the long- standing AFL position that
labor needed not just
“rights but power more or less equal to employers” — not a
position Congress was
prepared to take. Still, labor’s political allies in the 1930s
firmly defended the neces-
sity of “independent trade unionism” as a means to real
freedom, integral to political
democracy, and necessary to redistributing wealth and raising
living standards for
the majority.114
The labor movement’s organizing surge in the private sector
began after the
passage of Norris- LaGuardia and continued into the war years.
As Christopher Tom-
lins details, the AFL’s membership soared from 2.3 million in
1933 to 6.8 million by
1945, fueled largely by the swell of unionization outside mass
production — in con-
struction, transportation, services, and small manufacturing;
CIO membership, con-
centrated in mining and mass production, stood at 4 million in
1945.115 By the late
1940s, after the passage of the 1947 Taft- Hartley Amendments
to the Wagner Act
and the loss of many of the “economic liberties” Norris-
LaGuardia had granted, pri-
vate sector union growth was stymied. It has yet to experience
another major uptick.
Labor
76. Published by Duke University Press
116. On postwar industrial unionism, David Brody, Workers in
Industrial America: Essays on the 20th
Century Struggle (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980),
chapter 5; Sanford Jacoby, Modern Manors: Wel-
fare Capitalism since the New Deal (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1997), chapter 7.
117. Forbath in Law and the Shaping of the American Labor
Movement concludes that the AFL, trapped
in a rights framework, adopted an ideology little different from
dominant laissez- faire notions. The AFL
may have concerned itself with individual rights and been
skeptical of state regulation, but its advocacy of
independent trade unionism and union regulation of markets was
a rejection of unregulated so- called “free
markets” or laissez- faire and an assertion of how real freedom
for workers is not realized through individ-
ual liberty of contract.
118. On the need for labor to have a way of exercising power
politically, see Julie Greene, “Response:
Reassessing Gompers and the AFL,” Symposium on Julie
Greene, Pure and Simple Politics (1998), Labor
History 40 (1999): 205 – 6. On labor’s “recurrent dilemma” of
how to assert political power and how to ensure
a sympathetic state, see Fink, “Labor, Liberty, and the Law,”
923 – 25.
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The great labor victories of the 1930s and 1940s sprang from
the Wagner Act and
from the CIO’s embrace of organizing and a larger role for the
state, among other fac-
tors. But they also rested on Norris- LaGuardia and the AFL’s
affinity with workers
outside mass production and its decades of advocacy for
“independent trade union-
ism,” “actual liberty of contract,” and “equality of bargaining
power.”
We tend to lose sight of labor’s “freedom” and “human rights”
tradition
because of the large bureaucratic union structures that arose in
industrial workplaces
after World War II.116 Labor’s freedom tradition has also been
wrongly conflated with
the quite different “freedom” and “rights” traditions of the
conservative Right, which
historically used “rights” claims to undermine, not advance,
social justice.117 And cer-
tainly, labor movements, to be effective, must combine rights
claims and economic
organizing with political strategies challenging capital’s
domination of the state.118 But
by writing off the AFL as only an organization of skilled, craft
unionists and seeing
its agenda as largely or unrelentingly conservative, labor
historians marginalize and
dismiss the social reform impulses of the dominant labor
institution in the Progressive
Era. In the conventional story it is only a valiant few — those
who favored abolishing
78. private property, wage labor, and the capitalist classes — who
were fighting against
the conservative rest, including the conservative AFL. But
political descriptors are
relative, and one must always ask: conservative compared to
whom and by what cri-
teria? A labor movement that advocated for the redistribution of
wealth, power, and
prestige and for the extension of full civil, social, and economic
rights to wage- earners
was not merely “conservative.” It was part of a progressive
political tradition on which
future generations of reformers can build.
Labor
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Labor
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