This document provides a literature review on factors that may influence how mayors of different races approach gentrification and urban redevelopment. It discusses three perspectives from the existing literature: 1) the economic and social conditions of the cities where mayors govern, 2) the racial makeup and politics of those cities, and 3) the types of coalitions mayors form. However, the literature is criticized for focusing only on black mayors in distressed cities and not considering black mayors who govern economically strong cities. The author proposes examining specific redevelopment plans of black and white mayors in similar city contexts to determine if racial differences exist independent of city conditions. A research design is outlined to conduct a qualitative comparative case study analysis of mayoral terms

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Introduction
Black mayors are no longer a rare occurrence; they now lead some of the most
prominent urban centers across the country. Mostly, black mayors are coming to power in
situations that are much different than the ones their white counterparts enter into. These
black-led cities face different problems and pose unique obstacles in the way of their
leaders. However, it is important to understand that black and white mayors also govern
very similar types of cities. Despite any commonality, there is a general expectation for
the way in which mayors of different races carry out gentrification and redevelopment.
The redevelopment plans of black mayors are to be more redistributive and address social
issues while white redevelopment is assumed to cater to the needs of the private sector
and often ignore community grievances. I seek to uncover what factors affect how “big
city” mayors of different races gentrify and redevelop? It becomes easier to explain the
gentrification and redevelopment of both black and white mayors after taking a closer
look at the cities in which they govern.
Literature Review
American cities are on the rise, leading to massive urban redevelopment plans and
gentrification. In addition, minority mayors are being elected at a higher rate than ever
before (Marschall and Ruhil 2006, 830), creating an interesting dynamic in urban centers
across the country. “Big city” mayors must answer the call of gentrification for its
integral role in the growth of American cities. My research topic seeks to investigate the
gentrification and redevelopment of “big cities” in the United States. Specifically, I am
interested in finding out why race determines how mayors gentrify and redevelop. I want
to explore the differences in black versus white mayors. To do so, I am looking at how

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mayors of each race go about gentrification; examining the cities they govern, any
hurdles they must overcome, the types of policy they employ, coalitions formed, and the
overall outcomes and effects of redevelopment in black and white-led cities. Race is a
determinant in how “big city” mayors treat gentrification and the way in which they
redevelop, I want to know why.
The literature on this topic mainly highlights the differences between black and
white mayors when it comes to gentrification and urban redevelopment. Specifically,
highlighting how mayors of different races govern and the mayoral processes undertaken
on the way to redevelopment. Three different camps emerge and are critical to mayoral-
led gentrification of cities. First, the condition of cities, either economically/financially
stable or distressed and the type of city, meaning whether a black majority or white
majority is present in terms of city populous or the makeup of city and state legislative
bodies, has an impact when mayors are pursuing redevelopment initiatives. The strength
of the city condition camp is that it provides background on the situations under which
mayors are operating, highlighting the obstacles they must overcome and the needs that
must be met. However, mayors do not have a say in the conditions of cities before taking
office, a weakness in that condition and type of city may not be helpful in explaining
gentrification style as they may be addressing inherited circumstances. I will direct most
of my attention to this coalition building camp, as it is a vital piece in mayoral
redevelopment and the difference in coalitions formed by black mayors and white mayors
offer valuable insight to explaining gentrification patterns.
The condition of a city and type of city government in place has an impact on
what a mayor can achieve and the types of redevelopment policies they are able to

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pursue. By condition of city the literature is referring to the state of the city, economically
or financially. Some cities are economically well off while others are amidst a financial
crises. Black mayors are generally elected in distressed cities; their election is seen as an
emergency solution to the problems. Cities with a black mayor usually have a much
higher average poverty rate than white-led cities (Kraus and Swanstrom 2001, 101),
increasing the cities’ needs for revenue to provide services. Along with that, black-led
cities tend to have less population (Kraus and Swanstrom 2001, 101), specifically relative
to their region which means a decreased tax base and revenue stream, making these cities
more dependent on state legislatures for funding and support (Kraus and Swanstrom
2001, 101). Reliance on the state and federal government makes the job of a black mayor
difficult, decreasing their ability to govern autonomously as these legislatures are not
likely to offer help for “black problems”. The fiscal capability of a city government is
determined by the income of its residents, white-led cities have a higher income among
residents than black urban centers (Kraus and Swanstrom 2001, 101). Thus, black mayors
may feel the need to address the distressed situation of the cities they govern while whites
are not so crippled by the conditions. To me, the strength of this theme is its ability to
help us understand the situation under which mayors must operate, a predictor of how
they may go about gentrifying their cities. A weakness of the camp is that it connects the
state of cities to the race of mayor elected, despite the fact that these mayors are elected
when the city is already either distressed or well off. Black mayors come to power in
cities that are already “hollow,” their election does not make the city distressed (Kraus
and Swanstrom 2001, 101).

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The size of the black population and the characteristics of racial bloc voting are
crucial to black mayors (Marschall and Ruhil 2006, 830). A black majority city will
provide the mayor with support both electorally and in pushing policy initiatives, the
same would be expected in state legislatures and city councils, unfortunately these bodies
are seldom majority black. However, black residents in black-led cities have lower
evaluations of local government performance in their cities as opposed to blacks in white-
led cities (Howell and Perry 2004, 32). Black mayors operating in a city where they face
a white majority will make it harder for them to get approval on their plans and
consequently they will face opposition in almost every step of the process towards
redevelopment (Marschall and Ruhil 2006). For example, the amount of black members
on a city council is likely to increase the success of a black mayor (Marschall and Ruhil
2006, 832). Furthermore, a progressive style city government will welcome the changes
brought forth by a black mayor seeking to amend traditional politics that have led to
increased poverty (Betancur and Gills 2004).
Mayors are not always able to allocate resources according to their preferences.
Conventional wisdom tells us that black mayors will be inclined to spend more on
welfare than other budgetary items (Keller 1977, 40). However, literature found that
black mayors do not differ greatly from white mayors in the way they spend (Keller
1977). Preferences among mayors of different races do differ but black mayors are
limited and not able to spend according to their preference (Keller 1977, 40). Black
mayors would like to welfare type policies their main concern and gentrify with a focus
on redistribution but they are constrained in doing so. Black mayors are often dealing
with a shrinking tax base and in addition are usually up against archaic state laws that

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impede raising revenue. Some states have laws in place that restrict any new policies that
foster an increase in revenue streams to the city centers. Further, whites have been
leaving urban centers, which means an outmigration of white wealth. Finally, poor city
conditions, fiscally and socially combined with uncooperative city councils and state
legislatures pose obstacles for black mayors (Keller 1977, 50). All of these factors set
limits on what black mayors can achieve when he or she wants to meet the needs of those
who support them the most, other blacks. In contrast, white mayors have the ability to use
private means to redevelop their cities and get gentrification plans approved. They do so
by enlisting corporate elites and leaders of the private sector, most of which are white, to
aid in their redevelopment initiatives (Betancur 2004). This means they do not have to
rely on the state and federal government for funding unlike black mayors. White mayors
have the aid and support of mostly white city councils, business leaders, and those with
the money in the private sector (Keller 1977, 49). Black mayors must try and gain white
support in order for their redevelopment plans to not meet opposition.
All in all, blacks should have a hard time spending more on redistributive type
policies because they are not able to. Instead of directing attention to just the black
community, black mayors must try to make everyone happy and not push race (Keller
1977, 50). However, if black mayors have a black majority city council along with a
majority black electorate, they are in good shape. In the end, the literature tells us that
preference spending among mayors is unlikely, especially for blacks facing greater
opposition than whites. A strength of the preference governing camp is its ability to
provide a counter argument to the assumption that mayors tend to allocate resources
according to their preferences. In addition, the theme of preference governing helps

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explain mayoral policy choice and the paths chosen by city leadership towards the
creation of redevelopment plans. However, an obvious weakness of this theme is that the
conventional wisdom does not hold in all mayoral situations and is further dependent on
the makeup of city councils and residents.
The most essential tool for mayors of either race in order to redevelop is the
formation of coalitions. These coalitions must be multi-faceted and incorporate as many
city interests as possible. Black mayors often seek to form a coalition described by Black
Urban Regime Theory (Bennett 1993, 430). Black Urban Regime Theory says that black
coalitions will often be made up of other minorities along with as many influential
members of the community as possible. This means the inclusion of black business
leaders and any power wielders within a city that are also minorities. Black Urban
Regime theory explains that black mayors tend to take this route in order to combine
black support and like-minded decision makers with competing interests in order to have
support on both sides of the table and appeal to the needs of different city actors.
Community based coalitions provide minority mayors with a way to bridge the racial gap
and answer racial problems (Thompson 2005, 301). Differently, white mayors build
coalitions that move away from the community and focus on corporate and elite interests
that are intertwined with business (Betancur and Gills 2004, 98). White coalitions
highlight the privatization of white mayor coalitions and overall direction towards
redevelopment, providing them with benefits black mayors do not have as easy access to.
This is a weakness of the camp in that it is impossible to generalize the types of coalitions
mayors form, depending on the context of the city and various powers that must be
assembled in order for necessary support, coalitions are never one in the same. The

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different types of coalitions lead to different paths along the way to gentrifying and
redeveloping. If mayors want to have any shot at successfully implementing their plans
they must build these multi-faceted coalitions.
The biggest problem with the literature is that it ignores the fact that black mayors
come to power in more than just distressed, “Hollow Prize” cities that are amidst
economic or financial crises. Black mayors come to power in all types of cities, some of
which are booming and experiencing great economic times; these cases have not been
looked at. The literature emphasizes the differences in black versus white mayors and the
situations under which they govern. These differences could direct back to the fact that
the literature examines different types of cities for the two races. Further, the literature
simply provides us with the framework under which these mayors operate. For example,
without examining more closely the redevelopment initiatives under Mayor Stokes in
Cleveland, how can we tell if he answered the desperate calls of struggling city
neighborhoods? The distressed cities with severe needs may or may not be receiving
attention but without looking at redevelopment plans and outcomes we will not be able to
tell. The degree to which Harold Washington’s Black Urban Regime helped him
accomplish redevelopment is unknown unless we take a closer look at redevelopment
cases in Chicago during his tenure. We cannot tell if the privatization route often chosen
by white mayors ends up having a hand in the outcome of redevelopment plans without
examining cases like Hope VI during Mayor Daley’s tenure in Chicago. By providing the
foundation and mayoral processes on the way to redevelopment and gentrification, the
literature can only assume and postulate what actual redevelopment may look like. In
order to accept the conventional wisdom of the literature, a closer look must be taken at

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specific gentrification and redevelopment plans themselves, their implementation and the
outcomes.
The literature on the topic is very structuralistic and deterministic which leaves
little room for examining agency in order to tell us some of the other powers that may be
forcing the hand of mayors and impacting redevelopment. Further research could also
take a look at how much black-led cities depend on state and federal funds and how the
variation in attaining these funds affects their redevelopment (Keller 1977, 52). Most
importantly, future research must examine cases in which black mayors come to power in
cities that are not considered struggling or distressed. The only way that we can tell what
mayoral coalitions look like, depending on the race of the mayor or the way that mayors
of different races redevelop and gentrify is by comparing the two in similar cities. Black
and white mayors need to be examined in the same type of cities, struggling cities, or
well off cities, rather than looking at black mayors who take over distressed cities and
white mayors who govern bustling urban centers. My research will accomplish this task
and look at black mayors who take over cities similar to those that white mayors govern
and then examine the redevelopment and gentrification in each. Finally, there are very
few examinations of specific gentrification and redevelopment plans during each mayor’s
tenure. The specific gentrification and redevelopment plans pursued by each mayor must
be more carefully dissected.
Theory
Conventional wisdom tells us that black mayors come to power in distressed cities
in need of emergency solutions. In addition, the literature postulates the differences in
gentrification between black and white mayors can be traced back to race. However,

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black mayors are elected in more than just distressed cities, often labeled, “Hollow
Cities” (Kraus, Neil and Swanstrom 2001). Mayors David Dinkins and Harold
Washington were elected in New York City and Chicago; two of the largest, most
economically well off cities in the world, both “Non-Hollow” cities. I believe that when
comparing black versus white mayors in cities of similar conditions and context, race is
not a factor. Therefore, I reject the conventional wisdom that black and white mayors
gentrify and redevelop differently because of race. Instead, I suggest that city condition
or city type is what determines how mayors of different races gentrify and redevelop.
“Big City” mayors gentrify and redevelop to the needs of their city and to the extent the
condition of the city allows. Whether it is the economic health of the city, the percent of
residents in poverty, or the unemployment rate, all of these determine the condition of a
city and the environment under which a mayor pursues gentrification and redevelopment.
I hypothesize that city condition determines the type of gentrification and redevelopment
plans produced by mayors of different races. Further, when mayors of each race are
compared in the same type of city, either “Hollow” or “Non-Hollow”, their gentrification
and redevelopment plans will be similar.
Gentrification and
Redevelopment PlansRace of Mayor
IV DV
Hollow Cities
Conditional

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ResearchDesignand Methods
In order to determine the factors that affect how “big city” mayors of different
races gentrify and redevelop I must examine both black and white mayors in different
types of cities. I hypothesize that city condition determines the type of gentrification and
redevelopment plans produced by mayors of different races. Further, I expect that in
“non-hollow” cities, black and white mayors will employ the same type of gentrification
and redevelopment plans. Utilizing case study methodology, specifically, the aggregate
cross-sectional design, I will be able to measure my variables across the tenures of
mayors of both races in cities with differing conditions (Johnson and Reynolds 2008,
196). My approach is qualitative in nature, using observations in the form of case studies
and content analysis as a data collection method. The goal of my study is to uncover the
factors that affect how “big city” mayors of different races gentrify and redevelop. More
specifically, I am interested in finding out whether the condition of the city in which
mayors of both races govern determines the type of gentrification and redevelopment
plans their administrations’ produce. Ultimately, I want to be able to explain that race is
not what differentiates the redevelopment plans of black and white mayors but rather the
condition and the type of city are what determines the type of redevelopment plans
mayors of both races produce. The case study approach is most suitable for my research
because it will allow me to examine multiple “big city” mayors of both races while
comparing their gentrification and redevelopment initiatives within different types of
cities.
I will be measuring both race and gentrification/redevelopment plans of “big city”
mayors. For the purpose of my study, I will use Rachel Brahinsky’s definition of race, “A

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symbolic category produced through political and social processes and defined through
historical, geographic, legal, class, and gender relationships (Brahinsky 2011, 145).”
Race will be observed by looking at news articles in which the different mayors either
explicitly state their race or address racial undertones and their identity. By doing so, I
increase the validity of the measure by allowing the mayors themselves to provide their
“race”, as opposed to inferring on my own which would be subject to error. I am only
interested in black and white mayors; since some mayors may have identified as mixed
race or other, examining how they racially identify themselves makes it easier to observe.
Urban redevelopment in the U.S. can be broken down into three main techniques:
public-private redevelopment, community based, and private (Mele 2011). Public-private
redevelopment can be defined as an expansive set of interactions among sectors that have
traditionally operated separately (Hamlin 2005, 115). Further, during public-private
redevelopment, the city and a developer come together and form a partnership to
complete a project. Actors commonly seen in this technique are labor unions, community
development organizations, housing corporations, private developers, and corporations,
all combining their resources for a common goal and mutual gain (Hamlin 2005, 114).
Next, community based redevelopment primarily features the work of community
development organizations/corporations or CDCs. Community based redevelopment is
based on “community betterment” and grassroots mobilization (Kirkpatrick 2007, 332).
In this technique, marginalized neighborhoods are able to better themselves from market-
based urban revitalization. Finally, private redevelopment can be defined as the readiness
of governments to use public resources and power to promote private-sector-initiated
development (Mele 2011, 427). Private development benefits the private sector itself and

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often ignores the needs of the community and public. I will observe redevelopment plans
by performing content analysis of the specific plans for each mayor during their tenure.
Race and redevelopment plans will be measured in cities with different
conditions. Both “Hollow” and “Non-Hollow” cities will be examined. “Hollow” cities
are those with depleted tax bases and inadequate resources to fund services or black-
controlled urban centers with a dependency on white-controlled state legislatures (Kraus
and Swanstrom 2001, 99). “Non-hollow” cities enjoy booming revenue streams and
hearty tax bases providing city leadership with adequate resources. For the purpose of my
study I will conceptualize “hollow” cities as those with a poverty rate greater than 25%
and “non-hollow” as cities with a poverty rate anywhere under the said 25% mark as of
2015. Here city condition will be observed using census information. Poverty rate is a
key determinant of a cities’ condition, by examining poverty rates for the various cities
this measure is valid. City type or the condition of the city will be dichotomous either
“Hollow” or “Non-Hollow”.
Case selection is important to my research and I have chosen my cases carefully
to ensure the best results if my research were to be conducted. I will look at four different
mayors, three black and one white. In addition, I will look at two different types of cities,
“hollow” and “non-hollow”, three of the cities being “non-hollow” and one “hollow”.
Gentrification/redevelopment plans pursued during each mayor’s tenure are included in
the cases. The cases contained in my study are as follows: former Mayor of Chicago
Richard M. Daley and the Plan for Transformation, former Mayor of New York David
Dinkins and the Cooper Square Plan, Mayor of Atlanta Kasim Reed and Oakland City
Revitalization, and finally former Mayor of Detroit Kwame Kilpatrick and the Next

13. 13
Detroit Neighborhoods Initiative. The cases I have chosen are easily comparable, the
“non-hollow” cities are similar in their makeup, all of the cases are generally from the
same time period with the exception of Richard M. Daley’s tenure in Chicago, and there
is enough diversity present between the race of the mayors and city types. It is pertinent
to have a balance of similarity and diversity, similarity for the generalizability and
diversity for the comparability aspect in order to uncover relationships between the
variables.
The data source for city condition will be the U.S. Census Bureau from its “City
Quick Facts” (U.S. Census Bureau). Census data only changes from year to year so
reliability should not be an issue by looking at data from 2015. For race, data will be
collected from the news articles pertaining to each mayor, in which they either explicitly
state their race or speak to their racial identity. For David Dinkins, a New York Daily
News article where he discusses his election as the first black mayor of New York (NY
Daily News 2014). An article from News One in which Mayor Reed discusses the legacy
of Black mayors in Atlanta and his own experience as a black mayor (News One 2012).
Kwame Kilpatrick and other black mayors who have fallen from grace are discussed in
another News One article (Staff 2012). Finally, an article in the Chicago Tribune
discussing Mayor Richard M. Daley’s background as an Irish American and his
confrontation with the black community in Chicago at the time (Johnson 1989). As long
as personal inferences about race are not made, and the participants provide the race
themselves, the data is reliable. The data source for redevelopment plans will be the
individual plans under the tenure of each mayor. The Cooper Square Plan under David
Dinkins (Cooper Square Committee 2005), Oakland City Revitalization during Kasim

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Reed’s time as mayor (CLT 2012), the African Town development under Kwame
Kilpatrick (Building Detroit 2008), and A Plan for Transformation while Richard M.
Daley was mayor of Chicago (CHA 2000). Development plan data is reliable so long as
the actual documents or as close to blue prints as possible, for the specific plans are used.
I have come up with my own coding techniques to analyze the data for my study.
In regard to race, I will analyze the news articles pertaining to each mayor and then code:
white=0 and black=1. My unit of analysis for coding race is the individual. For
redevelopment plans, I will perform content analysis of each individual plan. While
performing the content analysis I will be looking to categorize each redevelopment plan
as one of the three urban development techniques, either public-private, community
based, or private. If the plan falls under the public-private technique it will be scored as 1,
community based scored as 2, and private 3. By utilizing a small “n” technique I will be
able to find a relationship between the redevelopment plans for mayors of different races,
in certain types of cities.
In order to acquire evidence for my proposed relationship I seek to find that in the
same type of city, mayors of both races gentrify and redevelop the same way. More
specifically, in “non-hollow” cities, both black and what mayor’s redevelopment plans
mirror one another. For example, I hope to observe that in “non-hollow” cities, like
Chicago and New York, that David Dinkins’ and Richard M. Daley’s redevelopment
plans both can be classified under the same technique, such as public-private
redevelopment. When keeping the type of city constant the redevelopment plans of each
mayor, regardless of race should fall under the same classification. However, when
comparing mayors of the same race, in my study black, in different types of cities, one

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“hollow” and the other “non-hollow”, I expect the redevelopment plans of each are not
able to be classified the same. I expect that by holding city type constant and comparing
mayors of different races, then holding race constant and comparing different city types, I
will be able to eliminate race as a factor and determine that the condition of a city or type
of city is what determines the type of redevelopment plans that are undertaken.
With the cases I am examining, the relationship should be generalizable across
mayors of different races for any city in the United States. The problem is that mayors
pursue many different types of redevelopment plans during their tenure. One plan may be
able to be categorized one way, but another plan could be starkly different. It is possible
that the relationship may not maintain throughout every redevelopment plan a mayor
pursues. However, city type and city condition do not change very rapidly. A “hollow”
city would not become a “non-hollow” city during the tenure of a single mayor.
Therefore, there is reason to believe that the relationship found in my research would be
present regardless of the mayor or which redevelopment plan is examined.

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