This document provides background information on King Cnut's (also known as Canute) reign over England from 1013-1033. It discusses Cnut's Danish lineage and how his father Sweyn Forkbeard conquered England in 1014 before his short rule. When Sweyn died, Cnut took control of the Danish armies in England and eventually defeated the Saxon king Edmund to unite England under his rule. The summary analyzes how Cnut impacted the clergy, aristocracy, and common people in medieval England through his consolidation of political power. He gained support of the influential church by confirming their land holdings and wealth, which helped legitimize his rule over the mixed Danish and English population.

1. TEXAS A&M COMMERCE
Cnut In England 1013-1033
History 313.01E A FEUDAL SOCIETY
Allan Folsom
4/27/2015
An Assessment of his Reign and policies upon the
Clergy, Aristocracy and Common Peasant

2. 1
It is not difficult to imagine the smiling faces of the king’s courtiers, perhaps fighting
back laughter as their Liege stared out at the rising tide, his sense of feigned indignity growing.
"Thou too art subject to my command!" he is rumored to have said to the surf as it began to lap
at his robe and ankles as he imprudently commanded it not to. Of course the tide came as it
always did and still does, leaving King Cnut (often referred to as Canute) standing in the midst of
the surf in what initially appears to be a performance more akin to Monty Python than to the
scholarly historiographical analysis of one of England's most under-rated and un-chronicled
monarchs of the early middle ages. He reigned in England during the tenth century, just prior to
the Norman Conquest.
The account above finds its genesis in the apocryphal anecdote illustrating the humility of
King Canute the Great written by Henry of Huntington. In his citation of Henry, Lord Raglan
describes Canute in King Solomon like fashion, using the futile illustration of attempting to turn
back the tides as an opportunity to rebuke his fawning aides for their obsequious devotion to
him.1
As a result of this, Canute declared his piety and frailty before God, refusing to wear his
crown again, hanging it instead upon the crucified head of a statue of Jesus Christ. It is this
feigned example of humility so uniquely and cleverly displayed by Canute that leads a student of
history to the thesis for this paper: Although there is little recorded evidence available, the reign
of Canute, significantly impacted the Clergy, the Aristocracy and the common peasants.
Was Canute's humble piety a legitimate reflection of his character, or is it indicative of a
shrewd monarch who dealt harshly with his enemies in seeking to change the existing structure
of established English governance? If so, how is this evidenced in the historical record? How
1 Lord Raglan: Canute and the Waves, Man, Vol. 60 (Jan 1960) Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland. (Raglan cites two sources,namely Henry of Huntington in the Chronicles and Chambers
Encyclopedia.)

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did the reign of a Norse king, who brought England into a Trans Scandinavian empire affect the
medieval population and structure of mostly Saxon Britain?
In order to answer these questions effectively, one must first examine Canute's
beginnings. Canute was the son of the Danish king Swein Forkbeard, who ascended to the
Danish throne late in the 9th century. Considered an illegitimate heir because his mother was of
low birth, Swein was an afterthought in consideration for the throne.
He rebelled against his father Harald, pulling the Danish kingdom into a protracted
struggle in the mid 980's eventually driving a wounded Harald into exile in 986 or 987. The
previous deaths of Harlad's elder sons and his own untimely demise due to wounds suffered in
the rebellion led to Swein's elevation.2
Swein's skill in crafting alliances as well as his military cunning allowed him to establish
a sovereignty that saw its power based in control of the strategic entrance to the Baltic Sea,
allowing his realm to profit from the trade flowing through that region. This power also
translated to the formation of alliances which helped him to establish a firm political hold upon
the more fertile and populated regions of southern Scandinavia.3 From this supremacy came a
potent naval force and a natural inclination for raiding, tribute and eventual conquest, with
England eyed as the prize.
Invasions and raids of England by the Danes were an accepted part of life for the Saxons
who ruled British Isles in the 8th and 9th century. These incursions led to the establishment of
the "Danelaw"(lands where laws of the Danes held sway) in the northern and eastern parts of the
2
Howard, Ian: Swein Forkbeard's Invasions and the Danish Conquest of England 991-1017.
Boydell Press (Woodbridge, 2003.) Pg.8
3
Sawyer,Peter,"Cnut's Scandinavian Empire" in Reign of Cnut: King of England, Denmark and Norway
Edited by Alexander Rumble:(London: Leicester University Press, 2002) Pg. 12.

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Island, leading to weakened Saxon rule. Slowly through this influence, England was being
pulled into the Trans-Scandinavian empire. Nonetheless, battles were waged for the control of
these lands as the Saxons attempted to re-establish dominance.
One such engagement, the St. Brice's Day Massacre, ordered under the auspices of Saxon
King Ethelred II, slaughtered an untold number of Danes living in England including, according
to disputed legend, Swein Forkbeard's sister Gunhilde and her husband4. This seems to have
switched the impetus of Swein's incursions from tribute and plunder towards conquest.5
Following a series of bloody campaigns against the Saxon King Ethelred and his allies, Swein
was able to claim the throne of England in 1014, once Ethelred and his sons were pushed into
exile. His period in office however was short lived as he died only after 5 weeks. With Swein's
son Harald on the throne in Norway, the powerful Danish fleet and army in England declared
Canute their leader.
In a retrospective examination of the previous military successes of Swein Forkbeard
while in England, it is necessary to look at his political acumen and savvy with the jarls of the
Scandinavian peninsula. His skill in crafting alliances and coalitions with his rivals aided the
relative stability of his reign significantly. This ability as well as a keen sense of the oppositions
weaknesses played a considerable role in his English campaign as he was able to exploit the
divisions between Ethelred and select Saxon nobles who had come to mistrust him.6
At his father's side during these endeavors was the young Canute. It is clear that he was a
quick study and learned his craft of not only raiding and military tactics, but the art of
4 Dates of the event according to Malmesbury's Chronicles place the massacre at 1002 and Sweins arrival in 1003
with the intent to avenge his sister, however the return of Swein is noted in that year and according to the Anglo
Saxon Chronicle in 1013, calling into question chronological accuracy and his personalmotivations. William of
Malmesbury's: Chronicle of the Kings of England ,Pg 185. Translated by J.A Giles, D.C.L. Bohn Publishers,
London (1846) Online reference DPLA.org.
5 Howard, Ian: Swein Forkbeard,Pg 9.
6 Howard, Ian: Swein Forkbeard,Pg 103

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persuasion in an adroit fashion. These lessons prepared him for the rule of a continent whose
organization and established bureaucracy leaned towards stability under the auspices of the right
leader. At the time of his ascension, there is speculation as to his age, some place him in his mid
twenties, but the most reliable estimates place his birth at approximately A.D. 990,making him
approximately 23 years old.7
As with the death of any authoritative leader, Swein's passing saw a developing power
vacuum that the young Canute had to deal with quickly. He failed at the outset to fully surmount
every facet of England and establish his rule. According to Simon Keynes, this amounted to
little more than a physical "conquest" of the continent.8
Nature abhors a void and in the aftermath of Swein's successful invasion and the
subsequent instability caused by his death, Ethelred (in exile in Normandy) was contacted by the
remaining Saxon nobles in 1014 and recalled to his throne. After reaching agreement on a pact
with the nobles for reform, Ethelred and his army returned from exile and attacked, catching the
Danish armies unprepared. Canute and his forces were driven out in that same year, in retreat,
returning to Norway .9
Petitioning for troops and ships from his brother Harald who sat upon the throne in
Norway, Canute reinvaded England again in 1016. His campaign was skillful and showed early
indications of success as he took most of the country in a matter of months. Killing Ethelred in
battle near London in April of that year led to the ascension of Ethelred's son and successor
Edmund.
7Howard, Ian: Swein Forkbeard, Pg 102
8
Keynes, Simon; "Cnut's earl's" in Reign of Cnut: King of England, Denmark and Norway
Edited by Alexander Rumble:(London: Leicester University Press, 2002) Pg. 44
9The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A.D. 920-1051, Avalon.law.yale.edu

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Cnut fought Edmund to what emerges in the historical record to be somewhat of a draw,
wounding him at the battle at Assandun (or Ashdon according to M.K. Lawson).10 Historians
(Lawson, Larson) have speculated that the event that precipitated this was the timely defection of
Edaric Streona, a Danish commander who had defected to Edmund and then at a critical
juncture, defected back to Cnut, taking his men and arms with him. In the month of October,
Edmund sued for terms of peace, taking Wessex as the seat of Saxon power for himself and
ceding Mercia and Northumbria to Canute.
On or around the 30th of November, Edmund succumbed to his wounds and died. The
Saxon ealdormen, weary of war and not wishing for a prolonged struggle, perhaps realized they
were out matched not only militarily but politically. With this in mind they sent overtures to
Canute to be the new king. Canute wasted little time in relishing the fact that fate had smiled
upon him. With the lessons learned from the previous failed post-military expedition in 1014, he
moved swiftly to consolidate his political regime. Pursuant to this, he married Emma, the widow
of King Ethelred, guaranteeing in essence that Ethelred's remaining sons as well as his brother
Richard II would pose no threat to his rule. This shrewd political move was the first step in
making the conquest complete. After this, he found virtually no resistance to his uniting the
country under his rule.
After the arrangement of a large payment of tribute to the Danes, an official end to
hostilities was formalized at Oxford in 1018. Dividing up the country into four manageable
sections, notably Wessex (where the seat of power would be), Northumbria, East Anglia and
Mercia, he set his top four earls in authority. With relative political balance achieved in England,
Canute paid off his fleet and sailed for Norway to re-establish his control over the Danish throne
10 Lawson, M.K.: Cunt; England'sViking King 1016-1035,Pg.28-30 The History Press (Port Stroud, reprinted
2014)

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in the wake of his brother Harald's death. 11 Reliable scholarship on these events has Canute
returning to England after quieting Danish royal uneasiness in the Spring of 1020. This is where
history finally sees the King that dynastically broke the line of English monarchs dating back
through the West Saxon royal lineage to throne of the hero founder Cedric in 534.
When one examines Cnut's effect upon the first estate, specifically the church and priests
who in large part held sway and influence over the second and third estates one can see a pattern
of required loyalty to the king begin to develop. This pattern can be seen amid the obvious
political patronage and gamesmanship in which the king was highly involved. In general it is
safe to assume that Canute realized that the church was vital to establishing his rule. This is
taking into consideration that a large part of the country was still sympathetic to the deposed
Saxon ruler. Regardless, Canute understood an important fact, that Englishmen and Danes both
shared the basic tenets of the Christian faith.
Christianity and by extension the church had become a vital facet of English life.
Missionaries from England had also spent years in Denmark and Norway and it is speculated by
David Hill in his essay: An Urban Policy for Cnut? that the staffing and organization of the
Danish Church, as well as the reorganization and development of Danish towns reflect this.12
This relationship with the English church would prove vital, yet initially problematic to
appropriately gauge. In M.K. Lawson's commentary on Canute's relations with the English
church, he notes the complexity of this relationship and that it offered Canute considerable
11 Accounts from Thietmar of Merseburg as well as the Canterbury confraternity curiously have Harald in England
during the siege of London sailing home with the return of the fleet in 1016. These are speculative accounts at best
and difficult to corroborate. Lawson tends to think that Harald remained in Denmark instead of accompanying Cnut
on his expeditions to England. Lawson, M.K.: Cnut,Pg.88-90.
12 Hill notes that the ancient administrative method of delineation was changed from "syssels" in favor of the
"herred", an institution akin to and based upon the English "hundred." Hill also points out the development of mints
and mint markings quite similar to the Royal coinage and patterns existing in England at the time. Hill, David: An
Urban Policy for Cnut? in Reign of Cnut, King of England Denmark and Norway. Edited by Alexander Rumble
(London: Leicester University Press, 2002) Pg.102-105

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difficulty, yet it held tremendous opportunity.13 In referencing his relations with those who pray,
Lawson further states: "religious affairs were complex but pregnant with possibilities."14
The possibilities that Lawson speaks of are what Canute sought to manipulate. Patronage
of the clergy is clearly evident in all elements of scholarship on Canute, yet in surveying this
relationship between the King and those that pray, it is interesting to begin at the end. In a
translated excerpt of Canute's obituary eulogy, written in 1037 to his widow, Queen Emma,
Alistair Campbell notes a reflected solemnity:
"Therefore let kings and princes learn to imitate the actions of this lord who...cheerfully gave
earthly things in order to be able to obtain heavenly ones. For he was not forgetful of the nature
of his own condition, that he was to die in the world, and to leave whatever things can be desired
in mortal life; and because of this, while alive he distributed honorably to God and his holy
places the wealth which he could not take with him at death, lest perhaps he acted avariciously
he should live hateful to all, and there might be no man who would pray for any good thing for
his soul."15
This of course is suggestive of the image found in the 1031 manuscript showing Cnut and
his consort Aelfgifu presenting a Cross to New Minster and Hyde Abbey. Cnut is pictured in
his regalia, hand upon his sword and crown upon his head, Aelfgifu looking pious and humble,
both are attended by angels laying vestments upon them. In this portrayal they are seen placing
the gold Cross upon the altar before the Trinity floating above and the church hierarchy and laity
observing.16
Already a Christian when he assumed the throne, it seems relatively axiomatic that Cnut
would reach out the church. The Domesday book, (according to Lawson) records the wealth and
13 Lawson, Cnut, Pg. 111
14 Lawson, Cnut, Pg. 132
15Quote from Alistair Campbell's translation of the "Encomium Emmae" referencing Cnut's Eulogy. Rumble,
Alexander: Cnut'sScandinavian Empire in The Reign of Cnut Edited by Alexander Rumble (London: Leicester
University Press,2002)
16 The British Library: Canute and Aelfgifu Present A Cross to the New Minister. The Liber Vitae (Book of Life)
of New Minster and Hyde Abbey. www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/illmanus/stowmanucoll

9. 8
power that the church had in England prior to Canute's reign. This power was centered in land
holdings.17 The backing of the church would legitimize his reign and aide in controlling the
populace at large, being influenced heavily by the politics of family and status to which land was
tied. The church would prove a vital ally in adding an element of stability in a country that had
seen three decades of nonstop war.
With this being said it is relatively easy to see Canute's persuasion. In a macro view,
Canute's combining of the Danish and English religious districts coupled with his own decision
to rule from England, gave the English diocese tremendous clout in Rome. This no doubt had an
effect upon the political echelons of the church, most notably the Archbishops, who would see
their clout in Rome rise as well.
William of Malmesbury's view in the Chronicles of the Kings of England is that Canute's
patronage of the clergy was a political move designed to show the priests as well as the laity that
"Christianity would be taken seriously by this ruler with recent pagan ancestry."18 Of course the
argument can be made as to how seriously he did indeed take his faith. This is evidenced by his
choice to overtly keep a mistress, Aelfgifu of Northampton. She was the daughter of a powerful
Ealdorman, Aelfthelm of Northumbria.
M.K. Lawson states that the affair more than likely had begun prior to his marriage to
Emma and was probably meant to secure the support of Aelfgifu's family.19 The fact that he
chose to keep the relationship with his consort after his marriage to Queen Emma no doubt gave
the church pause, as it violated the Biblical edict against adultery. They seemed content
however to cast a blind eye towards this indiscretion and in turn, Canute rewarded them with
17 Lawson, Cnut, Pg.113
18 William of Malmesbury: Chronicle of the Kings of England ,Pg 189. Translated by J.A Giles, D.C.L. Bohn
Publishers, London (1846) Online reference DPLA.org.
19 Lawson, Cnut, Pg 123.

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lavish offerings consisting of land, relics, iconography, as well as tax exemption status. There
would however a caveat to this.
Favor was shown to those who were vocal proponents of his rule and who supported
Canute in his military campaigns. These were mostly the churches in the eastern territories
where the Danelaw was the prevailing legal code and loyalty was not in question. The churches
and cities who had opposed Canute, specifically those in Saxon territory were treated with the
sternest possible measures. An example of this would be the city and church of London.
. Elaine Treharne notes in her book, Living Through Conquest, that Canute was, "a king
who depicted himself as pious, generous and politically astute, on the other hand many of his
deeds were actions of a brutal, tax raising, regicidal, fratricidal, adulterous usurper."20 This
bifurcation in Canute's character is evidenced by his politically motivated treatment of the
developing London "cult" of St. Elfheah, a former Archbishop, martyred by Sweins army in
1012.
Long a hotbed of anti-Danish sentiment and contemptuous to Scandinavian rule, London
supported Ethelred and Edmund during Canute's conquest. In the aftermath of the battle at
Ashdon, miracles were said to have been occurring at the tomb of St.Elfheah, a priest martyred
in opposition to the previous Danish incursions. Pilgrims were beginning to congregate,
becoming vocal and restless. Canute saw this as a possible problem for his administration of the
country.
In seeking to remove this threat or at least to tamp down any burgeoning discord, he not
only increased their tax burden but arranged through the Archbishop to move the remains of St.
Elfheah to Canterbury, making a spectacle out of the procession with Queen Emma presiding.
20
Treharne, Elaine: Living Through Conquest, the Politics of Early English 1020-1220
Oxford University Press (Oxford, UK 2012) Pg. 56

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There was political rationale behind this move as the powerful church in Canterbury saw St.
Elfheah as one of their own and welcomed the reposition of his remains there. What that meant
to the Canterbury church was an increase in pilgrims and prestige as well as an obvious increase
in tithing. This is but one example of the political influence exerted upon the church by Canute,
and characteristic of his shrewdness that brought him a powerful ally in governance.
In retrospect, it is easy to see that holding influence over the message of the church
through overt patronage or indirect persecution was critical. The message Canute was sending
was that loyalty to the king was rewarded. Disloyalty meant that you were dealt with in a
fashion that would see you on the losing end of the struggle. Within its own hierarchy, the
powers in the church saw clearly that the side that allied with the king reaped benefit, much to
the determent of those in opposition.
In examining Canute's effect upon the Aristocracy in the second estate, once clearly sees
the obvious influence of the fluid nature of church/state politics and the trickle down effects they
had upon the other estates. This is indicated by the curious partnership that developed between
Canute and Archbishop Wulfstan, who had faithfully served in Ethelred's court. Wulfstan, the
Archbishop of York and a prominent power in the political structure of the church was shown
significant deference by Canute. Curiously evident in the research is that Canute trusted
Wulfstan, obviously seeing value in him as an advisor. Wulfstan because of his unambiguous
political clout was allowed and encouraged to craft the majority of Canute's legal code,
providing a synthesis between the Danish ruler and the established legal system.
The crafting of Canute's legal code had significant effect upon the second estate,
specifically the existing Saxon Aristocracy. Research seems to indicate that consistency rather
than wholesale change was Canute's aim. Canute's proclamations of 1020 and 1027, precursors

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to his official legal code indicate that he sought to govern in the tradition of good English kings,
most notably in the tradition of Edgar, "making no distinction between Dane or Angle."21 This
perhaps was the rationale behind allowing Wulfstan to craft the legal code with elements of
previous Saxon governance. On the surface this seems to have paid benefits as evidenced by the
lack of any significant armed insurrection against his reign, however it should be noted that
during his period in office Canute did not commission a Domesday survey, so at best, the small
facets of existing evidence are speculative.22
Katharin Mack in her article: Changing Thegns, Cnut's conquest and the English
Aristocracy, postulates that the relative calm of Canute's time on the throne of England
contrasted with the tremendous upheaval of the Norman Conquest leads one to assume that the
Aristocracy prospered in the same fashion as the clergy in Canute's realm. This assumption, as
Mack points out, is somewhat ambiguous when one examines the often fragmentary evidence of
the times, consisting of wills, chronicles, charters, and laws which point to wholesale changes in
the established Saxon aristocracy, which radically altered traditional practices that were in place
for centuries.23
What is evident, according to the Anglo Saxon Chronicle ,is that prior to Canute's return
from Denmark in 1020 and subsequent establishment of his permanent governance, there had
been roughly 29 years of devastation of life and property all throughout England beginning in
991.24 It is further noted that several of the existing Saxon ealdormen and their respective
families in the time period prior to 1016 were killed in battle or by treachery, one of the first
21Larson, Laurence M. The Political Policiesof Cnut as King of England,The American Historical Review,
Published by Oxford University Press, Vol. 15, No. 4 (July 1910) Pg. 720-743.
22 Mack, Katharin: Changing Thegns:Cnut'sConquest and the English Aristocracy
Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies, Vol. 16, No. 4 (Winter,1984), pp. 375-387
23Mack, Katharin: Changing Thegns:Pg.377
24 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A.D. 920-1051, Avalon.law.yale.edu

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being Brihtnoth who was killed at the battle of Maldon in 991.25 This devastation to the
Aristocracy created a pressing political instability which had to be addressed by Canute in order
to promote constancy in his realm.
As noted earlier, Canute established four sections of the country, one for himself and
dividing remaining responsibility between his earls. As it was with the church, loyalty was seen
as the litmus test by Canute for the ruling Aristocracy. Violations of fealty, or interpreted
mistrust of any kind brought harsh responses. With this in mind, it is curious to note that these
preliminary appointments seem to have been temporary, M.K Lawson likening them more to
"interim military governments than a basis for future administrations." It seems that most of the
ealdormen initially assigned would be out of power, either by banishment or in the case of
Eaderic Streona by execution, one of the victims of the purge of 1017.26
This curious event speaks to the character of Canute and his view of the Aristocracy,
especially as it relates to his post conquest policy of governance. Scholarship is not entirely
clear as to why Canute had Eaderic, his fellow Dane executed, but it is recorded that his death
was ordered: "so that soldiers may learn to be faithful, not faithless to their kings." It is evident
that Eaderic had a history of defections, first and perhaps most notably to the English in 1007.
He defected from the English in 1015, was reconciled to Edmund Ironsides in 1016 only to
defect again to Canute at the battle of Assandun. Clearly Canute was uncomfortable with the
insecurity presented by Eaderic's past. Setting an example with the execution of an ally and
fellow Dane clearly showed that no-one would be above the law.27
25 Killings, Douglas B, (translator): The Battle of Maldon, Ancient English Poem.
www.english.ox.ac.uk/oecoursepack/maldon/
26 Lawson, Cnut,Pg. 169.
27 Keynes, Simon: Cnut'searls, Taken from Rumble's Reign of Cnut, Pg. 67.

14. 13
In addition to Eaderic, Canute systematically outlawed, banished or executed others that
he saw as a threat, replacing the "ealdormen" with "earls" more closely connected with him
through blood or marriage. The practicality of such a move seems prudent, however it is noted
by Katharin Mack that it was evident of a broader wholesale reorganization. "Canute's
institutional reorganization from ealdormen to earls was accompanied by a complete change in
the personnel of the administrative aristocracy." This was accomplished as well by elevating the
familial houses of Godwine and Leofwine. These houses, who according to Mack's research
were relatively minor, owed no fealty to any previous administration. From this fact it can be
deduced that Canute saw value in favoring them. Leofwine is first noted in a charter dated in
994 from Ethelred's reign and Godwine not coming into focus until Canute's establishment of
governance. They remained influential houses in the English aristocracy for a generation. 28
Perhaps the most affected group of the aristocracy were the bereaved of what the Battle
of Maldron reflects were "countless good men"29 who fought in the wars and destruction that
preceded and reflected Canute's reign. Mack, in her scholarship of wills, laws homilies and
charters of the times notes a curious change in the codes of the times concerning the treatment of
widows.
The law code, a synthesis of Saxon tradition under Ethelred and Cnut supervised by
Wulfstan reflects that the emphasis was placed upon the circumstances of their established rights
of inheritance of property. 30 Widows were forbidden to marry within one year, prohibited from
marrying a close relative of their late husband and prohibited from "too hastily being consecrated
as a nun." Obviously this was a reaction to the problems arising from the increasing widowhood
in the aristocracy. The widows of the day were often forced into marriages of convenience in
28 Mack, Changing Thegns, Pg.378
29 Killings, Douglas B, (translator): The Battle of Maldon, Ancient English Poem. http://www.english.ox.ac.uk
30 Whitelock, Dorothy: "Wulfstan and the Laws of Cnut" English Historical Review 63 (1948): 433-52.

15. 14
order for others to usurp the estates of their late husbands, thus humiliating them and often
reducing them to poverty.31 On the surface these appear to be an act of kingly protection, it does
however speak to Cnut's desire to control these aristocratic families through their manorial land
holdings, which in medieval society was the source of wealth.
Mack also notes that the result of these wholesale changes concerning land were evidence
of a breakdown of the traditional inheritance practices and the declining ability of kin-groups to
retain their lands. The resulting legal crisis seems to have increased, not diminished in Canute's
reign. 32 The introduction of a new law, the "Be Naam" (concerning "distraint") details the legal
procedures to be followed during accusations brought against land owners by inheritors of kin or
debt holders. Mack notes the curious significance of a Scandinavian loanword, [distraint] in a
novel piece of legislative action to describe what had become a chronic problem during the
Viking wars.
Mack's further examinations of the later Domesday Book show that: "Lands once held by
wealthy prominent Thegns prior to Cnut's ascension were held, for the most part, by members of
the royal family, royal officials and wealthy Thegns who are known to have risen under Cnut, or
men of no known economic or political significance.33 The implication here is that in order to
reward one group, another must suffer, or to paraphrase the Bible, The Lord gives and the Lord
takes away.34
The lack of concrete sources makes it difficult to assess the effect of Canute upon the
final estate, those who work, namely the common peasant. As established earlier, it is clear to
assume that common peasants suffered greatly under the burden of conquest being caught
31 Mack, Changing Thegns, Pg.381.
32 Jurasinski, Stefan: Reddatur Parentibus: The Vengeance of the Family in Cnut's Homicide Legislation. Law and
History Review. Vol. 20, No. 1. (Spring, 2002) American Society for Legal History. pp. 157-180.
33 Mack, Changing Thegns, 381-84
34 Job 1:21, The Bible, New King James Version

16. 15
between warring factions, often in positions that were indefensible. In the post conquest period,
an expected increase in taxation surely had an effect upon the economy and those that toiled.
On this point, scholars opinions differ greatly in the stated amounts raised in taxation
efforts during Cnut's time. Debates rooted in speculation upon "per hide taxes" for example, as
well as contrasting geld amounts of later kings point to the guesswork involved in this task. Yet
there is no question that taxation was present and often quite burdensome, especially for those in
opposition to the king. Lawson states that: "Cnut did indeed follow through on his plans to tax
all of England to pay his men, probably deciding to do so after Edmunds death."35 His rationale
was to pay off his fleet and dismiss them. It is not without merit to speculate of the potential
problems stemming from an army comprised of fractious alliances of Danish warriors whose
allegiance to him was tenuous at best. The Saxon population in England also surely saw them as
little more than a pagan force of occupation as well, thereby necessitating their discharge.
One does see an enunciation of the existing patterns in English urban life during Canute's
reign. These obviously reflect societal shifts in population and demography of select centers or
towns of activity. David Hill, in his article: An Urban Policy for Cnut? points out that the
already established, nearly century old urban system in England delineated clearly the rules
between town and country. This system, at the time of Canute was beginning to see change.
Hill points out four themes which characterized Canute's relations with his English
towns: "Firstly, there seems to be an underlying strength to the economy whose expansion led to
the foundations of new sites and the enlargement of existing ones.36 The expanding economy
saw continued growth in suburbs around existing towns and establishment of other centers of
35 Lawson, M.K., These StoriesLook True: Levels of Taxation During the Reigns of Alethelraed II and Cnut,
36 Hill, David: An Urban Policy for Cnut? in Reign of Cnut, King of England Denmark and Norway. Edited by
Alexander Rumble (London: Leicester University Press,2002) Pg.102-105

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trade. The growth centers were predominately in areas where the loyalty to Canute was not in
question."37
The second and third notations in Hill's assessment deal with Canute's policies towards
towns that he deemed "recalcitrant" to his rule. This meant the slighting of defenses, examples
being those of Hereford and Cricklade and the implementation of higher taxes. London, where
certain elements still remained loyal to Ethelred also saw the implementation of a special geld in
1018, an amount which the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle puts at ten and half thousand pounds.38 This
ties in with Hill's third assessment, where he points to the punishment of London also explaining
the overt embellishment of Winchester as a capital with vast improvements to churches noting
the glories of Canute's family and reign.
In rounding out Hill's assessment, he notes that the cessation of hostilities from Viking
invasions, evidenced by the abandonment of the emergency boroughs of Aethelred at South
Cadbury, Cissbury Circle at Sussex along with other boroughs whose locations and names have
been lost to time. The clear benefit to the population at large, inclusive of the common peasant
was the cessation of hostilities, ushering in two decades of relative peace.39
In summation, It is difficult to fully understand the effect of the reign of Canute upon the
Clergy, the Aristocracy and the common peasant. An objective picture is incomplete due to a
lack of reliable sources. The emerging picture is one of a king who, contrary to Legend, acted
much like his Saxon counterparts especially in the political realm where he was seen as cunning
and often ruthless towards his enemies.
37Hill, David: An Urban Policy for Cnut? in Reign of Cnut, King of England Denmark and Norway. Edited by
Alexander Rumble (London: Leicester University Press,2002) Pg.102-105
38Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A.D. 920-1051, Avalon.law.yale.edu
39 Hill, An Urban Policy for Cnut? Pg 104

18. 17
In retrospect, his overt patronage of the church seems more likely to be better understood
as political shrewdness, including currying support of those who sought his favor and
persecuting those who opposed him.
His treatment of the Aristocracy speaks again to the need for establishing his governance
and securing his court. The reorganization of the laws governing inheritance, especially that of
land disbursal shows again his propensity to reward his friends and punish his enemies.
His cessation of the Danish raids upon England benefited the common peasants as the economy
grew because increasingly peaceful times required less expenses for military defenses. As a
result, diversity and trade began to flourish.
In the aftermath of his passing, we once again see that nature abhors a vacuum. Many
intriguing facets of his time are lost due in part to dramatic upheaval of the Norman Conquest.
Those that followed in his wake were no match for the skill and acumen displayed by Canute.
Though his kingship is often overlooked in the Historiography of England, it remains a testament
to one of the most underrated and underestimated monarchs to grace the British throne.

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Primary Sources
The British Library: Canute and Aelfgifu Present A Cross to the New Minister. The Liber Vitae
(Book of Life) of New Minster and Hyde Abbey. Online reference accessed 4/27/2015
www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/illmanus.
Secondary Sources
Howard, Ian: Swein Forkbeard's Invasions and the Danish Conquest of England 991-1017.
Boydell Press, (Woodbridge, 2003)
Killings, Douglas B, (translator): The Battle of Maldon, Ancient English Poem.
http://www.english.ox.ac.uk/oecoursepack/maldon/
Larson, Laurence M: The Political Policies of Cnut as King of England. The American Historical
Review. Vol. 15, No. 4., Oxford University Press on behalf of the American Historical
Association. (July 1910) pp. 720-743
Lawson, M.K: Cnut, England's Viking King. 1016-35. The History Press (Gloucestershire, U.K.
1993,2003)
Rumble, Alexander: The Reign of Cnut: King of England, Denmark and Norway Fairleigh
Dickenson University Press, Leicester University Press (Cassell, U.K 2002)
Treharne, Elaine: Living Through Conquest, The Politics of Early English 1020-1220 Oxford
University Press (Oxford, U.K. 2012)
Mack, Katharin: Changing Thegns: Cnut's Conquest and the English Aristocracy
Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies, Vol. 16, No. 4 (Winter,1984), pp.
375-387
Whitelock, Dorothy: Wulfstan and the Laws of Cnut. The English Historical Review. Vol. 63,
No. 249 Oxford University Press (Oct. 1948) pp. 443-452
Jurasinski, Stefan: Reddatur Parentibus: The Vengeance of the Family in Cnut's Homicide
Legislation. Law and History Review. Vol. 20, No. 1. (Spring, 2002) American Society
for Legal History. pp. 157-180.

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