Text of the Keynote Address by His Excellency, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, CON, Governor, Ekiti State, Nigeria titled ENTITLED: TOWARDS A MORE PERFECT UNION Presented at the TOWARDS A VIABLE UNION: NATIONAL DIALOGUE ON REMAKING NIGERIA, ABUJA

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Text of the Keynote Address by
His Excellency
Dr. Kayode Fayemi, CON
Governor, Ekiti State, Nigeria
ENTITLED: TOWARDS A MORE PERFECT UNION
Presented at the
TOWARDS A VIABLE UNION: NATIONAL DIALOGUE ON
REMAKING NIGERIA
ABUJA
August 19, 2021
Protocols
It is my pleasure to give the keynote address at this National Dialogue on
Remaking Nigeria. Iam reallyimpressed bythegreat effort which Chidoand
his team haveput intothiswork. Thisdialogue itself is a fall out of the book:
Remaking Nigeria: Sixty Years, Sixty Voices which is like a hansard of a
public square parliament of some of the brightest and soundest minds in
Nigeria today.
I like toextend mysincereappreciationtoeverymember oftheteamthathas
put this beautiful, insightful and incisive work together. I have had the
privilege of a complimentary copy and I have gone through, I deeply
appreciate the depth, diversity and quality of the intellect and industry
therein. I am not surprised about the output becausethe authorship istruly
star-studded, and oneshould not expect anything but excellent thinking and
elegant style.
Thisbook has, in several ways, a lot of attributessimilar tothefinalreport of
InternationalCommissionfor theStudyofCommunicationProblems, which
wasempanelled in1976 byUnited NationsScientific, Educationand Cultural
Organisation (UNESCO) headed by Sean McBride. The outcome of that
commissionwasthebookentitled: Many Voices, One World; thisbookcould

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in fact, have been, “ManyVoices, One Nigeria”becauseof therichnessof its
content, demography of contributors, plurality of opinions, diversity in
cultural and geographical spread as well as engaging perspectives shared in
the book.
Remaking Nigeria: Sixty Years, Sixty Voices is historic in that it was
published to mark the epochal 60th anniversary of Nigeria’s nationhood. It
also coincided with a timeof internationaldistressasa result of the COVID-
19 pandemic when the whole world was thrown into one of the most trying
socioeconomic challenges in history.
I am particularly glad that the theme of today’s dialogue is consistent with
the title of the paper I delivered at Arewa House in 2020 where I spoke on
the topic: Unfinished Greatness- Towards a more perfect union in
Nigeria. And when I wasasked towritetheforeword tothisbook, I thought
it was niceI wrotefrom theperspectiveof my idea of nationalbuilding asan
unfinished business. I am therefore glad that the theme of this dialogue is
very much insync with mypreviousopinion. Mycontributioninthisaddress
will therefore be a reiteration of what I had previously voiced out on the
futureof Nigeriaand what Ithinkweneed to dofor us tohave a moreperfect
union that gives her citizens a future that is inspiring and prosperous.
Ladiesand gentlemen, Isometimesaskthequestionastohow best weshould
approach the challenge of nation building that ails Nigeria. There are those
who think the problem with Nigeria is her size, some others think it is the
manyethnic interestsconflating oneanother for domination. Othersthinkit
is all about bad leadership, while some others believe it is the constitution.
There are those who blamepoverty as the issue, while some pan-Africanists
believe colonialism, foreign religions and intellectual imperialism are the
reasons we are still lagging behind. The thirst for excuses and culprits to
blame for our obvious challenges is an insatiable one.
In the midst of these epistemological melee, there have even been more
disillusioned solutionstohow toend theproblem –theloudest ofthesetoday
are the clamours for secession and unending complaints about

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marginalisation, whichismutualanyway!Ithereforetend toassumethatthe
idea of “remaking Nigeria” itself stems from the mind-set that sees the
country as a fallen or collapsing edifice rather than a country still in the
hands of architects and builders.
For me, the idea of remaking the nation should not suggest a strategic
demolitionfor us to erect a totally new structure. Thequestionthat we must
however be willing to answer is where the inhabitants of a nation as big as
Nigeria take shelter if we must collapse it, because for many, the idea of
remaking Nigeria includes unmaking? And if the problem with the current
structureisless of the competenceof the architectsand structuralengineers
as much as it is with the estate managers and occupants, how will the new
erection or the “remade” structure fare in the hands of the same occupants
who are unwilling to change until every other person has changed?
For me, whatever defects that currently ails our country can be corrected
without having to collapse the whole structure. This is very logical if we
understand that nation building is an endless endeavour and that no
generationisever satisfied with theworkit hasdone, it isthegenerationthat
comes after that can truly appreciate the progress that has made when they
begin to take for granted what was scarcely available for the generation
before them.
Nation building is an unfinished business. Every generation, Frantz Fanon
said, “Must out of relative obscurity discover its mission, fulfil it, or betray
it”. It is therefore illusory for us to believe that Nigeria can actually reach
perfection from her foundation.
To start with, thereisno nationtodaythat iswholly satisfied with itspresent
status. Every nation at all times strives to better its best and reach new
heights. For us as a people our focus should be about how we can reinvent
our nation, work for the prosperityof our people and ensure their peaceand
prosperity.

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Indeed, few people would disagree with the view that there is a significant
gap betweenour potentialfor greatnessasa country, and therealityofwhere
we arenow. It isthereforea sacred dutyfor all of us tocontinue toseek every
opportunitytomakethedreamofa great nationcometopast. It isevenmore
important toknow that for aslong asmancontinuestosleep, hewillcontinue
to dream. There is no end to dreaming.
Imperatives for a more Perfect Union
Therefore, tospeakof building a moreperfect unionistobesuperfluous. But
embedded in that deliberate superfluity is a fundamental notion of eternal
work in progress, a perpetual commitment to, and improvement no matter
how satisfying or dissatisfying thepresent conditionis. Thesecond stanza of
our national anthem ends with an infinitive that underlines that nation
building is an unending search for perfection. It says: “To build a nation,
where peace and justice shall reign.”
For the next one thousand years, no matter the progress we would have
made, as long as this country continues to exist, generations after
generations, willcontinue to seek "tobuild a nation, wherepeaceand justice
shall reign. It is credit to the genius of whoever invented that line that both
the mission and the means to achievethe missionis captured inone simple
phrase.
Thepath tonation-buildingispeace, thepath topeaceisjustice, andthepath
tojusticeisequityandinclusion. Evenfor Americanswhocoinedthemantra,
of a more perfect union, it was done out of the understandingthat the work
of nation building is never done. If a country like the United States, forged
out of a commonpurposeand commonconsent, perpetually seeks to makea
more perfect union, we have no excuse to give up on the task of nation-
building in Nigeria.
This truth is what the celebrated novelist, Ben Okri makes the center-piece
of his magicalrealitynovel: The Famished Road. He metaphorisestheroad

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as the unending journey of manand the unfinished work of nation building.
For him, in the road "each new generation begins with nothing and with
everything. They know all the earlier mistakes. Theymaynot know that they
know, but they do. They know the early plans, the original intentions sand
the earliest dreams. Each generation has to reconnect the dreams for
themselves. They tend to become a little wiser, but don't go very far. It is
possible that they now travel slower, and will make bigger mistakes. That is
how they are, as a people. They have an infinity of hope and an eternity of
struggles. Nothing can destroy them except themselves and they will never
finish the road that is their soul and they do not know it"
Okri tells us that the work of nationbuilding is for all generations. And how
far each generation is able to go on the journey to nation-building and the
attainment of greatness depends on the aggregate character and
predilectionsof that generation. Perhaps, as productsof a specific period of
our history and national experience, we are distrustful of change, even if
changeis what our situationrecommends. Wemust however take note that
the generation that wants to take over from us are products of a different
historical experience. A great number of young Nigerians today did not
experience colonialism or military dictatorship.
They are akin to the post-apartheid South Africans which are referred to as
the "born free generation”. Because they can take the fact of democracy for
granted, it is difficult for them to see democracy as an end in itself. What
really matters to them is what democracy can do for them, how it can work
for them and how it canhelp to facilitatetheir dreams. Nurtured inthecusp
of some of the most rapid transformation in human history, they are less
fearful of changeand experimentation. Ifit is not working, they want it fixed
urgently, sometimes, with little thought about the costs and benefits.
The#EndSARS protest of2020 and itsimplicationsareanattestationtothis
proclivity. What started as an innocuousonline protest over police brutality
soon snowballed before our very eyes into a movement that assumed

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destructivedimensions. But the core demandsof #EndSARS, should not be
lost today or tomorrow, not even in the ashes of the ruins that followed the
protest. In theprotest wasa genuinedesirefor accountability, inclusion, and
respect for human dignity, responsive and responsible leadership and
liberalisation of democratic gains in terms of economic opportunity, equity
and fairness.
For over a decade, several analysts have noted that our massive youth
population could be a major demographic advantage to our country if it is
properly harnessed. Years of neglect and failure to make the right
investments to support this population is now, quite predictably, turning it
to a major disruptive force and a time bomb.
Restructuring, Devolution, Fiscal Federalism and Greatness
In our quest towards a more perfect union therefore, the main challenge is
one of remodeling the union and the basis of its fundamental national
association. Unfortunately, this is one issue that we have allowed to be
implicated in our instinctive mutual suspicion and unnecessary brickbats.
Caught in our politics of difference and otherness, devolution,
decentralisation, restructuring and such other concepts have come to mean
different things to different people, depending on the ethnic and regional
toga they wear.
Our age-long distrust and suspicionofone another arenow being tested and
contested on the basis of this issue that should be the pivot of our nation-
building effort. However, stripped of all opportunism and dysfunctional
baggage, these concepts should simply refer to a way to re-imagine and
remake our countryto make it work well for everyone. I associatefully with
the views of respected scholar and former Chairman of INEC, Professor
Attahiru Jega whenhe said that "sooner than later, these mattershave to be
addressed squarely but dispassionately. The challenge is how to addressthe
issue of restructuring the Nigerian federal system without upsetting the

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apple-cart; that is, how to add value to the structureand systemic efficacyof
the federal arrangement, without unleashing instability occasioned by the
mobilisation of ethnic, regional and religious sentiments and identities.
"(Jega: 2017)
I will argue therefore, that our idea of restructuring must bemotivated only
by our generationalresponsibilitytoperfect our union and to build a nation
where peaceand justiceshall reignbased on an operativeprinciplethat true
greatnessliesinbuilding a countrythat worksfor everyone, regardlessof the
language they speak, or how they understand and worship God.
The evolution of Nigeria'sfederalism hasnot served our best interestsand it
is not surprising that we have witnessed protests at every attempt at
constitutional reengineering. Two prominent examples were the 2005
Constitutional Reform Conference convened by President Obasanjo's
administration and the 2014 National Conference at the instance of
President Jonathan. In the two conferences, the delicate issue remains that
of restructuring (often dubbed Devolution of Power, Decentralisation, True
Federalism, etc.). But for how long can we continue to run away from this
issueand continue topretend that somehow it would resolve itselfsomeday?
In my view, structuralchanges(likestatecreationand merger) would appear
to me, unrealistic in a democratic dispensation. I also do not think we can
easily go backto the pre-1966 regionalstructureor adopt the 54 federating-
unitsproposalof the2014 conference, which Ifind unrealistic, nomatter the
appealor attraction. Rather, our preoccupationsshould be, how canwemake
the current structure work better for us in terms of, first our governance
system; second, our economy and national productivity; and third
citizenship and inclusion. Theremaybeother issuesthat should betheobject
of our restructuring, but I consider these to be paramount. Therefore, in my
view, restructuring should be less about redrawing the map of Nigeria, but
about building a more efficient governance system that is capable of
delivering the greater good to the greatest number of our people.

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In essence, our desire to build a more perfect union should be anchored on
the principle of devolution of powers - that is, re-allocation of powers and
resources to the country's federating units. The reasons for this are not far-
fetched. First, long yearsofmilitaryrulehasproduced anover-concentration
of powers and resourcesat thecentreto thedetriment ofthe states. Two, the
1999 constitution, ashasbeenargued byseveralobservers, washurriedlyput
together by the departing military authority and was not a product of
sufficient inclusiveness. Part of thefocus of such an exerciseshould be: what
items should remain on the exclusive legislative list and which ones should
be transferred tothe concurrent list? Other topicalissuesinclude derivation
principle; fiscal federalism and revenue allocation; land tenure, local
government creation and autonomy; etc. All points considered, the fiscal
burden of maintaining a largely inefficient and over-bloated bureaucracy is
a metaphor for shooting oneself on the foot.
Again, in arriving at a position on what ought to be in the quest for a more
perfect union, I wish to further say that my sentiments are more associated
with strengthening thesub-nationalunitsinthe re-allocationof powers and
resources. The assignment of functions that would be consistent with a
devolved but strengthened federal system would have a short, exclusive
federal list focusing on national defence and security, macro-economy,
foreign affairs, customs and excise; joint responsibility in respect of certain
functions that are currently assigned exclusively to the federal government
(tor example, internal security and policing) and primary responsibility of
the sub-national governments in respect to other functions in the second
schedule of the 1999 constitution whilst the remaining powers devolve to
states.
On revenue collection and sharing, the position of the Nigeria Governors'
Forum to which I subscribe is that the sharing formula should be reviewed
in favour of the states, especially given the argument of devolved
responsibilities to the sub-nationals. In the context of the-proposed new

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federalstructure, Governorshaveargued for a formulaalong thelinesof42%
to states, 35% to the Federal and 2.3% to Local Governments.
37. Remaking Nigeria through devolution of powers and re-organisation of
the federating unitsis an idea whose timehas come. To quoteAttahiru Jega
again, by working hard and rationally, scientifically, to remove all the
distortions in our federal system, we would have a better functioning
federation with only states as federating units with conscious commitment
to zonal cooperation among contiguous states, with local governments
subsumed under states... with substantial devolution of power,
responsibilitiesand resourcesfrom thefederalgovernment tothestates, and
with mechanisms of ensuring greater equality of opportunity for all and
affirmative action for inclusion of the marginalised, minorities and groups
discriminated against in the country. (Jega 2017)
Greatness beckons-The Power of Leadership
While we set out as a country on a somewhat progressive footing under the
Founding Fathers', the reversals that we experienced mainly from the
implosions that arose within the polity and the incursion of authoritarian
rule, alongsideits'civilian' inflections, enthroned a paradigmofgovernment
and public governance that coalesced around waste, bureaucratic
inefficiency, red-tapism and certainly, corrosive corruption.
Thereafter, wewitnessed how theStatebecamemoreand more unitary, and
how the contest for the privileges of the centre took on an increasingly
desperatetenor among thedifferent groupsand stakeholdersinthe country.
While corruptionand state exclusionthrived, several groupsbegan to feel a
sense of alienation, leading to their desertion of a sense of national
citizenship and affiliation to the State, which they subsequently considered
asbeing contraptiontobeexploitedfor individualgain-a 'cake' thateveryone
needed to grab a share of. Thus, whatever could be taken out of the centre-

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more illegally- was considered acceptable and just within the perception of
local interest.
From the foregoing what is evident is that most prominentlyat the national
level the Nigerian post-colonial state has not behaved in a fundamentally
different wayfrom thecolonialstate. Eventhough operatedbyNigerians, the
post-colonial state has been as alien and as predatory as its colonial
predecessor. As late Professor Claude Ake argued in the early 1990s, this
legacy has its roots in the colonial era when politicaldiscourseexcluded not
only democracy but even the idea of good government, and politics was
reduced to the clash of one exclusive claim to power against another. The
questiontherefore is: How canthe business of statebe serious business in a
context in which public governance is largely a predatory exercise in which
power is captured from citizensand not freely given by citizens; a context in
which the consent of the people is not integral to the constitution of
legitimacy?
Against thebackdrop ofthe post-colonialstatein Africa, it isstill possible to
argue that political leadership remains a major determinant of good public
governance. The African experience, among others, has shown that the
quality, vision, patriotism and competence of the political leadership is
critical to the transformation of African states and the possibilities of good
governance. In our specific experience in Nigeria, we also have instances of
how the quality of the leadership has produced good system of public
governance, even if few and far between.
Yet, importantas the power of leadership is, until and unless we recompose
the Nigerian State and make it derive her original consent and legitimacy
from the people, then we labour in vain. Contraryto the pretensionsof neo-
liberal economists, without a modern state there cannot be an economy or
society: therefore, beforepublic governance, theremust bea modernstatein
the real sense. A predatory state cannot give birth to proper public
governance and a sense of justice and fairness.

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Thoseof us inpublic officemaydeludeourselves, but theevents of therecent
times have brought the contradictions of the Nigerian state into a sharper
focus. Whether your immediate concern is police brutality and the need for
police reform or you reflect upon the rationale and the challenges of those
who insist that until Nigeria becomes a theocracy, there shall be blood and
tearsunlimited; whether you looktowardstheNigerDelta where, despitethe
amnestyand the industryof graft and greed that it has re-produced, thereis
a continuousand bloody demand for justiceand equity; or you examinethe
endless pretexts for ethnic strife and blood-letting between the indigenous
people and thesettlersin theMiddleBelt; whether you scrutinisetheregular
apocalyptic predictions of many Nigerians about the fate of the country, or
you contemplatewhat would happen if measuresare not takento arrest the
drift, you cannot escapethe conclusionthat Nigerianeedsto be re-imagined
and re-created.
Theseareissuesthat need tobetackled frontallyand courageouslytoo. Ihave
no doubt that Nigeria is a viable country and that her place in the comity of
great nationsis well assured. With all handson deck, we will makethis land
a place of pride.
Myfinalword inour journeyto a moreperfect unionwould bethat weshould
deemphasise negative energy, deactivate fault-finding but concentrate on
building consensus and generating pragmatic solutions. Petty antagonism,
ethnic profiling, religiousclashesand hatemongering cannot build a nation.
With a hopeful and positively minded people, there is no mountain we
cannot surmount and that's why I commend the essays in this book to all
Nigerians and friends of Nigeria.
45. I thank you for listening.
Dr. Kayode Fayemi, CON
Governor, Ekiti State, Nigeria

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Chairman, Nigeria Governors' Forum