5. 1.Men have greater body mass and
strength, they are better equipped
physically to engage in hunting, warfare,
and land clearing.
2. A second argument is that women do the
things they do because those tasks are
compatible with child care.
6. 3.In terms of reproduction, men tend
to be more expendable than women.
In other words, because women have more
limited (and therefore more valuable)
reproductive capacities, they are less likely
to be required to engage in dangerous
activities.
7. An Ecuadorian man works at a sewing
machine, a job usually associated with
women in the United States.
8. In some parts of
traditional Africa,
for ex.,women
are known to carry
much heavier
loads than men,
work long hours
in the fields,
and even serve as
warriors.
9. In much the same way that societies divide
labor on the basis of sex, they also
allocate tasks according to age.
In our own society, where formal education
routinely lasts through the late teens (and
often beyond),young people generally do
not engage in much productive work.
10. Today an increasing number of children aged
fourteen and under are engaged in wage
employment or commercial activity.
According to a study by the U.S. Department
of Labor (2007), approximately191 million
children between the ages of five and
fourteen work throughout Asia, Africa, and
Latin America, and of these, nearly half work
full time.
11. This Dalit girl
from India is
working full time
making bricks for
pennies a day
rather than going
to school.
12. Old men among the Tiwi of north Australia
give up the strenuous work of hunting in
favor of staying at home to make hunting
tools, such as spears and throwing sticks,
for the younger men.
13. Among the Abkhasians in the nation of
Georgia, who are known for their longevity,
the elderly do not retire, but the nature of
their work becomes less strenuous.
Men in their eighties and nineties no longer
are expected to plow fields but to continue
doing light work like weeding; women of
similar age stop working in fields and confine
their chores to light housework, knitting, and
feeding chickens (Benet 1976).
14. another term for division of labor— is an
important descriptive characteristic of any
society.
Subsistence societies ,
with low population densities and simple
technologies are likely to have a division
of labor based on little more than gender
and age.
15. Industrialized societies,
where most people are engaged in very
specialized occupations, such as computer
programmer, TV repairperson,
kindergarten teacher, janitor, CPA, or
thoracic surgeon.
16. A type of social integration based on
mutual interdependence—found in
societies with a relatively elaborate
division of labor.
17. A type of social integration based
on mutuality of interests—found in
societies with little division of labor.
18. Goods and services are allocated in all
societies according to three different
modes of distribution:
reciprocity,
redistribution, and
market exchange
19. In the United States,
most commodities are distributed according
to a free-market exchange system based
on the principle of “capacity to pay.”
People receive money for their labor, and
then use that money to purchase the
goods and services they need or want.
20. A mode of distribution characterized by the
exchange of goods and services of
approximately equal value between
parties.
21. Generalized Reciprocity
-which is usually played out among family
members or close friends, carries with it
the highest level of moral obligation.
-Those who give goods or services do
NOT expect the recipient to make a return
at any definite time in the future.
22.
23. After having lived in Kandoka village in Papua New
Guinea on several different occasions, anthropologist
David Counts learned important lessons about life in a
society that practices reciprocity:
First, in a society where food is shared or gifted as
part of social life, you may not buy it with money. . . .
[Second,] never refuse a gift, and never fail to return
a gift. If you cannot use it, you can always give it to
someone else. . . .
[Third,] where reciprocity is the
rule and gifts are the idiom, you cannot demand a
gift, just as you cannot refuse a request.
24. Balanced Reciprocity
- The practice of giving with the expectation
that a similar gift will be given in the opposite
direction after a limited period of time.
-Involves more formal relationships, greater
social distance, and a strong obligation to repay
the original gift.
25. Example: Indians of Oaxaca, Mexico
A man is expected to sponsor at least one
fiesta celebrating a major saint’s day. Such
events, involving elaborate food, beverages,
and entertainment, almost always are beyond
the capacity of a man to provide by himself.
Consequently the man solicits the help of his
relatives, friends, and neighbors, thereby
mortgaging his future surpluses. Those who
help out expect to be repaid in equivalent
amounts when they sponsor a similar fiesta.
26. In some cases of balanced reciprocity,
people go to considerable lengths to
maintain the relationship.
For example, the Semang of the Malay
Peninsula engage in a form of silent trade,
whereby they studiously avoid any face-to-
face contact with their trading partners.
27. A form of reciprocal trading found among the
Trobriand Islanders involving the use of
white shell necklaces and red shell
bracelets.
28. the kula involves an elaborate and highly ritualized
exchange of shell bracelets and shell necklaces
that pass (in opposite directions) among a ring of
islands.
main significance is as symbols of the reciprocal
relationships among trading partners.
When trading partners meet, they exchange shell
necklaces for shell bracelets according to a set of
ceremonial rituals. Then, for the next several days,
they also exchange many of their everyday
commodities, such as yams, boats, pigs, fish, and
craft items.
30. -form of economic exchange between
individuals who try to take advantage of
each other.
-It is based on the principle of trying to
get something for nothing or to get the
better end of the deal.
31. Selling prepared food in an urban
center at an inflated price when
there is very little competition
and high demand (North America)
One very important aspect of the process of production
is the allocation of tasks to be performed—that is,
deciding which types of people will perform which categories
of work. Every society, whether large or small,
distinguishes, to some degree, between the work appropriate
for men and women and for adults and children.
Even though many societies have considerably more
complex divisions of labor, all societies make distinctions
on the basis of gender and age.
Although some roles (jobs) found in the world are
played by both women and men, many others are
associated with one gender or the other. For example,
women generally tend crops, gather wild foods, care for
children, prepare food, clean house, fetch water, and
collect cooking fuel. Men, on the other hand, hunt,
build houses, clear land for cultivation, herd large
animals, fish, trap small animals, and serve as political
functionaries. There are exceptions to these broad generalizations
about what constitutes men’s and women’s
work. In
For example, if men risk their lives hunting buffalo or
whales, reproduction in the group will not suffer, provided
that women continue to have access to men
Although some roles (jobs) found in the world are
played by both women and men, many others are
associated with one gender or the other. For example,
women generally tend crops, gather wild foods, care for
children, prepare food, clean house, fetch water, and
collect cooking fuel. Men, on the other hand, hunt,
build houses, clear land for cultivation, herd large
animals, fish, trap small animals, and serve as political
functionaries. There are exceptions to these broad generalizations
about what constitutes men’s and women’s
work. In
In much the same way that societies divide labor on
the basis of sex, they also allocate tasks according to
age. Because of their lack of knowledge and physical
strength, children are often excluded from certain
tasks. In our own society, where formal education routinely
lasts through the late teens (and often beyond),
young people generally do not engage in much productive
work. By way of contrast, children in less industrialized
societies usually become involved in work
activities at a considerably earlier age. In traditional
times children were expected to do household chores,
help with subsistence farming, and tend flocks of
animals.
children in less industrialized
societies usually become involved in work
activities at a considerably earlier age. In traditional
times children were expected to do household chores,
help with subsistence farming, and tend flocks of
animals.
Today an increasing number of children aged
fourteen and under are engaged in wage employment
or commercial activity.
Although normal adult work generally ceases during
old age in these societies, the elderly do assume new
roles dealing with spiritual matters. Moreover, given
their advanced years, they take on the role of societal
historians and advisors because they are the repositories
of traditional wisdom. By way of contrast, the transition
from being employed to being retired in the United
States is considerably more abrupt. When most workers
reach the age of sixty-five, they receive a plaque or a
certificate and cease their productive activity. Unlike
the situation among the Tiwi and Abkhasians, when workers in the United States retire, they usually suffer a
noticeable loss of prestige and self-esteem
A subsistence economy is a non-monetary economy which relies on natural resources to provide for basic needs, through hunting, gathering, and subsistenceagriculture. ... As urbanization, civilization, and division of labor spread, varioussocieties moved to other economic systems at various times.
According to French sociologist
Emile Durkheim (1933), in highly specialized
societies in which people engage in complementary
roles, social solidarity arises from their mutual dependence
on one another. That is, teachers need to be on
good terms with a butcher, a carpenter, and an auto
mechanic because teachers are so highly specialized
that they cannot procure meat on their own, build a
wood deck, or fix a faulty carburetor. Durkheim calls
the social solidarity resulting from this labor specialization
and mutual interdependence organic solidarity.
In contrast, societies with minimal division of labor also possess a form of solidarity, but of a different type. This
type of solidarity, which Durkheim calls mechanical
solidarity, is based on commonality of interests, social
homogeneity, strict conformity, kinship, mutual affection,
and tradition.
The principle of reciprocity operates, for example,
when friends and relatives exchange gifts for birthdays,
holidays, and other special occasions. We can see the
principle of redistribution at work when people hand
over a certain portion of their personal income to the
government for taxes. Even though more than one
mode of distribution can operate in any given society
at the same time, usually only one mode predominates.
Reciprocity is the exchange of goods and services of
roughly equal value between two parties without the
use of money. Economic anthropologists generally
recognize three types of reciprocity, depending on the
degree of closeness of the parties involved in the exchange:
generalized reciprocity, balanced reciprocity,
and negative reciprocity (Sahlins 1972).
In most foraging societies, when a large animal
such as a bushbuck is killed, the hunter keeps enough
for his own immediate family and distributes the rest
to his more distant relatives. With no refrigeration or
other way of preserving meat, it would make little sense
for the hunter to hoard all of the meat himself because
it would spoil before it could be eaten. Instead sharing
with others becomes the expected norm. And, of
course, given the uncertainty of hunting, sharing your
kill today would entitle you to share someone else’s kill
tomorrow. Such an economic strategy helps all family
members sustain themselves by providing a fairly steady
supply of meat despite the inconsistent success of most
individual hunters. In such societies generosity is perhaps
the highest ideal, and hoarding and stinginess are
seen as being extremely antisocial.
After having lived in Kandoka village in Papua New
Guinea on several different occasions, anthropologist
David Counts learned important lessons about life in a
society that practices reciprocity:
First, in a society where food is shared or gifted as
part of social life, you may not buy it with money. . . .
[Second,] never refuse a gift, and never fail to return
a gift. If you cannot use it, you can always give it to
someone else. . . . [Third,] where reciprocity is the
rule and gifts are the idiom, you cannot demand a
gift, just as you cannot refuse a request. (1995: 95–98)
is a form of exchange involving
the expectation that goods and services of equivalent
value will be returned within a specified period of
time.
A major economic motivation of balanced reciprocity
is to exchange surplus goods and services for those
that are in short supply. Shortfalls and surpluses can result
from different levels of technology, environmental
variations, or different production capacities. But whatever
the cause, balanced reciprocity enables both parties
in the exchange to maximize their consumption.
The Indians of Oaxaca, Mexico, exemplify balanced
reciprocity in the exchange of both goods and services.
Silent Trade -A form of trading found in some small-scale
societies in which the trading partners have no face-to-face
contact.
The Semang leave their products collected from the forest at an agreed-upon location near the
village of their trading partners. They return at a later
time to receive the commodities (usually salt, beads,
and tools) left in exchange. By avoiding social contact,
both the Semang and their exchange partners eliminate
the risk of jeopardizing the relationship by haggling
or arguing over equivalencies (Service 1966).
the
kula involves an elaborate and highly ritualized exchange
of shell bracelets and shell necklaces that
pass (in opposite directions) among a ring of islands.
The necklaces move in a clockwise direction and the
bracelets move counterclockwise. Many of these shell
objects have become well known for their beauty, the
noble deeds of their former owners, and the great distances
they have traveled. Their main significance is as
symbols of the reciprocal relationships among trading
partners. These partnerships are often maintained for
long periods of time.
The Trobriand Islanders and their neighbors have
fairly diversified systems of production with considerable
labor specialization. They produce garden crops
such as yams and taro, are skilled at fishing, build
ocean-worthy boats, raise pigs, and produce a wide
range of crafts—including dishes, pots, baskets, and
jewelry. When trading partners meet, they exchange
shell necklaces for shell bracelets according to a set ofceremonial rituals. Then, for the next several days, they
also exchange many of their everyday commodities,
such as yams, boats, pigs, fish, and craft items.
The shell necklaces and bracelets have no particular
monetary value, yet they are indispensable because
they symbolize each partner’s good faith and willingness
to maintain the longevity of the trading relationship.
Trading partners must avoid at all costs any attempt
to gain an advantage in the exchange. Generosity and
honor are the order of the day. Whoever receives a generous
gift is expected to reciprocate.
This very complex system of trade found among
the Trobriand Islanders has been surrounded with ritual
and ceremony. Individuals are under a strong obligation
to pass on the shell objects they receive to other
partners in the chain. After a number of years, these
bracelets and necklaces will eventually return to their
island of origin and from there continue on the cycle
once again. Thus the continual exchange of bracelets
and necklaces ties together a number of islands, some
of which are great distances from one another.
Because the ceremonial exchange of shell objects
has always been accompanied by the exchange
of everyday, practical commodities, the kula ring has
clearly functioned as an effective, albeit complicated,
system of exchange of goods. Yet the kula ring is more
than just an economic institution. Because there are no
all-encompassing political institutions to maintain peace
among all of these islands, the maintenance of cordial
relationships between trading partners no doubt serves
as a peacekeeping mechanism. Moreover the kula ring
plays an important sociocultural role by creating and
maintaining long-term social relationships and by fostering
the traditional myths, folklore, and history associated
with the circulating shell bracelets and necklaces.
Involving the most impersonal (possibly even
hostile) social relations, negative reciprocity can take
the form of hard bargaining, cheating, or out-and-out
theft. In this form of reciprocity, the sense of altruism
and social obligation is at its lowest, and the desire for
personal gain is the greatest. Because negative reciprocity
is incompatible with close, harmonious relations, it
is most often practiced against strangers and enemies.