The success of the Obama campaign is a sign that civic participation is on the rise again after decades of decline. Obama built an "old-fashioned movement in an old-fashioned way" by deploying organizers to meet with supporters face-to-face and encourage them to talk to their neighbors, rather than just contacting campaign headquarters. Now, Obama and community organizers aim to continue engaging these communities through a new organization called OFA 2.0 that will provide support for locally-led initiatives. Their goal is a "national, grassroots-driven renewal of civic engagement." Community organizers hope this will combine the best of community organizing and electoral politics to sustain citizen engagement.
The document discusses a proposal to reduce gang violence in Chicago. It notes that Chicago has surpassed other major cities like New York and Los Angeles in gang homicides. The proposal recommends increasing education programs about the dangers of gangs in schools and expanding the police force using strategies from other cities to reduce gang violence. The budget and an evaluation plan are also included to implement these recommendations.
How Cannabis Exposes the Divide between Politicians and VotersCannabis News
The document discusses how cannabis legalization exposes a disconnect between politicians and the public. Most Americans now support legalizing cannabis for medical and recreational use, yet politicians have been slow to change policies. The upcoming presidential election features candidates like Biden who have historically opposed cannabis but are now calling for decriminalization. The author argues this does not go far enough and that the election could mark the end of the "old regime" of politicians out of touch with current public opinion on cannabis legalization.
Janet Darnell discovered she had breast cancer after getting a mammogram during Breast Cancer Awareness Month, even though she did not have health insurance. A nonprofit called Partners for Breast Cancer Care paid for her biopsy and treatment. After recovering, Darnell began volunteering for the nonprofit and is now its director, helping many others receive care. She credits the organization with saving her life.
The full title is "Understanding the new breed of digital donors and how to maximise your fundraising through their networks" and this presentation was given by Bryan Miller and Jonathan Waddingham at the 29th International Fundraising Congress in Holland on the 22nd and 23rd October 2009
The document provides a critical theory analysis of how the town of Taber, Alberta mishandled the release of its new Community Standards Bylaw (CSB) in three main ways:
1) There was a lack of public consultation in drafting and passing the bylaw, which included vague definitions and fines that raised legal issues.
2) Having multiple spokespeople from the town and police force who provided inconsistent and confusing messages to media about the bylaw's enforcement.
3) Failing to have a coordinated social media strategy, which allowed negative public opinion and mockery on social media to go unchecked and damage the town's reputation.
Chris Shaw won a seat on the Woodside Town Council as a write-in candidate, defeating Nancy Reyering who had been running unopposed. Shaw received 663 votes (53.1%) compared to Reyering's 585 votes. Turnout was higher than average at 38.5%. Shaw said he ran to provide an alternative to Reyering, citing concerns about her subjectivity from her time on the Architectural and Site Review Board. Reyering said she was proud of her campaign and experience could benefit the town council.
This article profiles Paul Roof, a professor at the College of Charleston known for his large beard. It discusses how Roof stopped shaving over 10 years ago and has since focused on growing and maintaining his facial hair. The article provides tips from Roof on growing and grooming a beard, and notes that his beard has brought him public attention, including being featured on a local beer can. It aims to shed light on the man behind the famous beard.
The document discusses a proposal to reduce gang violence in Chicago. It notes that Chicago has surpassed other major cities like New York and Los Angeles in gang homicides. The proposal recommends increasing education programs about the dangers of gangs in schools and expanding the police force using strategies from other cities to reduce gang violence. The budget and an evaluation plan are also included to implement these recommendations.
How Cannabis Exposes the Divide between Politicians and VotersCannabis News
The document discusses how cannabis legalization exposes a disconnect between politicians and the public. Most Americans now support legalizing cannabis for medical and recreational use, yet politicians have been slow to change policies. The upcoming presidential election features candidates like Biden who have historically opposed cannabis but are now calling for decriminalization. The author argues this does not go far enough and that the election could mark the end of the "old regime" of politicians out of touch with current public opinion on cannabis legalization.
Janet Darnell discovered she had breast cancer after getting a mammogram during Breast Cancer Awareness Month, even though she did not have health insurance. A nonprofit called Partners for Breast Cancer Care paid for her biopsy and treatment. After recovering, Darnell began volunteering for the nonprofit and is now its director, helping many others receive care. She credits the organization with saving her life.
The full title is "Understanding the new breed of digital donors and how to maximise your fundraising through their networks" and this presentation was given by Bryan Miller and Jonathan Waddingham at the 29th International Fundraising Congress in Holland on the 22nd and 23rd October 2009
The document provides a critical theory analysis of how the town of Taber, Alberta mishandled the release of its new Community Standards Bylaw (CSB) in three main ways:
1) There was a lack of public consultation in drafting and passing the bylaw, which included vague definitions and fines that raised legal issues.
2) Having multiple spokespeople from the town and police force who provided inconsistent and confusing messages to media about the bylaw's enforcement.
3) Failing to have a coordinated social media strategy, which allowed negative public opinion and mockery on social media to go unchecked and damage the town's reputation.
Chris Shaw won a seat on the Woodside Town Council as a write-in candidate, defeating Nancy Reyering who had been running unopposed. Shaw received 663 votes (53.1%) compared to Reyering's 585 votes. Turnout was higher than average at 38.5%. Shaw said he ran to provide an alternative to Reyering, citing concerns about her subjectivity from her time on the Architectural and Site Review Board. Reyering said she was proud of her campaign and experience could benefit the town council.
This article profiles Paul Roof, a professor at the College of Charleston known for his large beard. It discusses how Roof stopped shaving over 10 years ago and has since focused on growing and maintaining his facial hair. The article provides tips from Roof on growing and grooming a beard, and notes that his beard has brought him public attention, including being featured on a local beer can. It aims to shed light on the man behind the famous beard.
E marketer taking_the_measure_of_millennial_men-as_sort-of-grownups_as_digita...AdCMO
This document provides an overview of millennial men in the United States based on their demographics, digital behaviors, and shopping habits. It finds that while millennial men face some challenges like lower rates of college education compared to women, they are generally satisfied with their careers and financial situations. Millennial men are highly engaged with digital technologies and use them extensively for entertainment, social networking, and online shopping due to the convenience they provide. However, their digital usage has not necessarily replaced offline activities. Overall, the document explores both challenges faced by millennial men as well as ways in which they are adapting to changing social and economic conditions.
Crime and poverty are contemporary social issues according to the document. Statistics show that households below the median income level are twice as likely to be victims of crime. The document examines explanations for the link between crime and poverty from Marxist, social interactionist, and empirical research perspectives. Marxism views crime as rooted in economic inequalities under capitalism where the ruling class exploits the working class. Social interactionism sees crime as learned through interactions in deprived social environments. Research also finds poverty increases the likelihood of youth violent crime due to family circumstances and developing identities in response to community deprivation.
Democracy Alliance Does America: The Soros-Founded Plutocrats’ Club Forms Sta...James Dellinger
The Democracy Alliance was formed in 2005 by wealthy liberal donors like George Soros who were frustrated by Democratic losses in recent elections. It aims to build a permanent liberal infrastructure of non-profit groups to compete with the conservative movement. The Alliance facilitates hundreds of millions of dollars in donations to approved groups and has helped Democrats win in recent elections. It is now organizing state-level chapters, with Colorado being its most successful, helping turn the state reliably Democratic. Critics worry this network could undermine electoral integrity, as the Alliance also funds groups that support electing Democratic secretaries of state who oversee elections.
This article series celebrates the 20th anniversary of the Carolina Panthers holding their NFL training camp at Wofford College in Spartanburg, South Carolina. It discusses how the relationship started in 1995 and has become an enduring partnership that has benefited both the team and the local community economically and emotionally. While the current contract expires after this summer, both parties hope to negotiate an extension to continue the popular tradition. Subsequent articles will look back at Panthers camp history and its impact on Spartanburg.
President Barack Obama visited Lehman College in the Bronx to promote the My Brother's Keeper Alliance nonprofit initiative. The initiative aims to help minority young men through mentoring and programs to promote high school graduation and reduce incarceration rates. Obama's visit highlighted issues like low graduation rates for black and Hispanic men in the Bronx. Local officials welcomed the initiative, which will use public and private funds. Some residents expressed that the initiative's goals of education and opportunity could help address problems like crime rates in their communities.
Ronald's Bridge Project was created to help homeless individuals in San Francisco and across the United States. The organization aims to house homeless people in shelters, equip them with job skills, and help them gain employment and independence. Ronald's Bridge Project will partner with local businesses to help shelter residents find work. The founders conducted research and determined that San Francisco has over 10,000 homeless people but shelter for only 1,000. They hope to expand shelters to other major cities to address the growing homeless crisis nationwide.
The document provides an overview of Black philanthropy in Boston based on a study conducted by New England Blacks in Philanthropy (NEBiP). It finds that Black donors in Boston are economically, ethnically, and educationally diverse. While some respondents held the view that most Black philanthropy is directed towards churches, the study found Black donors give to a wide range of causes. It also examines the historic roots of Boston's Black community and civic engagement, noting many pioneering Black leaders and activists have been connected to the city. The diversity and civic traditions of Boston's Black residents are seen as unique strengths that could be further built upon.
- Only 11.93% of eligible voters in Columbia, Missouri voted in the recent municipal election, one of the lowest turnouts in 15 years.
- Factors that contributed to the low turnout included a lack of high-profile issues or candidates on the ballot, voter fatigue from frequent elections, and the spring timing of municipal elections which are not unified with state or national elections.
- Political scientists suggest increasing voter engagement through unifying local election timing with other elections, raising awareness of local issues, and boosting competition between candidates.
The document discusses the rise in popularity of online dating. It notes that while initially taboo, over 1 million Canadians now admit to using online dating sites. A wide range of dating sites and apps now exist to help people find love online. Some sites use algorithms to match users, while others allow browsing profiles. Surveys show that online dating has led to both short and long-term relationships for many users, though experts warn people should use caution, as deception is common on such sites. The business of online dating has grown into a $1.65 billion industry in recent years.
While PAC spending has grown significantly in elections, the relationship between district income levels and PAC contributions is unclear. The authors analyzed this relationship through three linear regression models comparing mean household income to PAC spending at the congressional district level from 2006-2012. The first model found a weak positive correlation, but it was not statistically significant. The second model, adjusted for year-to-year differences, also produced a positive correlation that was not statistically significant. The third model, which further adjusted for district differences, showed the strongest positive correlation but with a large margin of error, preventing conclusions. Overall, the analysis did not find clear evidence that lower-income districts receive more PAC funds to compensate for smaller donor bases as hypothesized.
David Brown, executive editor of The Commercial Appeal newspaper, believes journalists should be actively involved in their community through organizations like the Chamber of Commerce and United Way. While some argue this compromises objectivity, Brown argues it's important for journalists to truly understand what's happening in the community. Brown takes steps to avoid conflicts of interest by not participating in political activities or sharing confidential board information. However, some of Brown's staff disagree with his level of involvement, believing journalists' role is to observe and report, not participate. The Commercial Appeal itself supports various community programs, raising questions about the appropriate level of involvement for media organizations.
This document summarizes Robert Bailey's book "Gay Politics, Urban Politics: Identity and Economics in the Urban Setting." Bailey argues that identity politics, not just economics, shape urban policymaking. He examines how the gay and lesbian identity and community have politically impacted cities in the US. The summary discusses how Bailey defines identity and its importance in politics. It also outlines the key demographic trends and voting patterns of gays and lesbians that determine where and how they influence urban policies. Case studies are used to show how identity politics have successfully changed policies at the local level over time.
This document announces award winners for several categories in an All Weekly Division competition. For the "Best Published Editorial/Op-Ed Column" category:
- Third place went to GSA Business and writer Scott Miller for an editorial arguing that expanding Medicaid in South Carolina would save the state money and provide healthcare to many residents.
- Second place went to the Murrells Inlet Messenger and writer Tim Callahan for a personal editorial about missing his alcoholic father at Christmas time.
- No first place winner is mentioned. The document provides context about the winners but does not analyze or summarize the content of the editorials.
Masculinity and Misogyny in the Digital AgeBrandwatch
Ditch the Label – one of the largest anti-bullying charities in the world – worked with Brandwatch to analyze 19 million public tweets over a four year period to explore the current climate of misogyny and constructs of masculinity as expressed across social media.
The project sheds light on discriminatory language, but should not be viewed as an argument for online censorship. Rather, the data points to the need for a nuanced approach, further open debate and awareness, and positive role models.
NATIONAL FORUM JOURNALS are a group of national and international refereed, blind-reviewed academic journals. NFJ publishes articles academic intellectual diversity, multicultural issues, management, business, administration, issues focusing on colleges, universities, and schools, all aspects of schooling, special education, counseling and addiction, international issues of education, organizational behavior, theory and development, and much more. DR. WILLIAM ALLAN KRITSONIS is Editor-in-Chief (Since 1982). See: www.nationalforum.com
THE WHEEL SPEAKS ON 2013 – Realistic Explicit Statistics?THE WHEEL
The document discusses racial disparities in the US criminal justice system. It notes that while people of color make up 30% of the population, they account for 60% of the prison population, which has grown 700% from 1970 to 2005. Black men are disproportionately affected, with 1 in 15 being incarcerated compared to 1 in 106 white men. The document cites statistics showing that 1 in 3 black men can expect to go to prison and that blacks and Hispanics are around 3 times more likely to be searched during traffic stops than white motorists.
This document summarizes discussions from a community meeting about traffic safety in Glenwood Springs, Colorado. It announces that the next "Imagine Glenwood" meeting will take place on September 30th at 5:30pm at the Glenwood Springs Library. The meeting will allow residents to work with the city to address traffic safety issues and propose solutions.
Crime is deviant behaviour which is against the criminal lawcapesociology
Crime is defined as deviant behavior against criminal law. However, there is no universal agreement on what constitutes a crime. Some argue crime is socially constructed and depends on how societies interpret actions. In the Caribbean, there is debate around whether the region needs its own crime theory. While some argue theories may not fully capture Caribbean contexts, others believe mainstream theories can still apply when considering cultural and economic factors influencing local crime patterns and rates. Overall, the document discusses debates around defining crime and the need for region-specific crime theories.
The Province of Modena has established several policies to promote renewable energy and reduce emissions. It began supporting local governments to join the Covenant of Mayors in 2010. The number of participating municipalities grew from 6 to 41 between 2010-2013. A club and website were created to share experiences and best practices. Study tours and other educational activities were held. Funding from the EU and Italy supported municipal sustainable energy projects and ISO 50001 certification in one town. The Province of Modena continues supporting local efforts to achieve Covenant of Mayors objectives.
Edward (Bill) Murphy is a highly experienced drilling supervisor with over 23 years of experience in offshore and onshore oil and gas projects around the world. He has extensive experience managing drilling operations and safety programs. His most recent roles were as a drilling supervisor for Santos Limited in Australia, overseeing coal seam gas drilling operations. He has worked on various types of rigs for many companies, including Santos, KNOC, Seadrill, and Origin Energy. Murphy has a strong safety focus and aims to develop accident-free work environments through rigorous safety programs. He is computer literate and experienced in rig-based reporting systems.
E marketer taking_the_measure_of_millennial_men-as_sort-of-grownups_as_digita...AdCMO
This document provides an overview of millennial men in the United States based on their demographics, digital behaviors, and shopping habits. It finds that while millennial men face some challenges like lower rates of college education compared to women, they are generally satisfied with their careers and financial situations. Millennial men are highly engaged with digital technologies and use them extensively for entertainment, social networking, and online shopping due to the convenience they provide. However, their digital usage has not necessarily replaced offline activities. Overall, the document explores both challenges faced by millennial men as well as ways in which they are adapting to changing social and economic conditions.
Crime and poverty are contemporary social issues according to the document. Statistics show that households below the median income level are twice as likely to be victims of crime. The document examines explanations for the link between crime and poverty from Marxist, social interactionist, and empirical research perspectives. Marxism views crime as rooted in economic inequalities under capitalism where the ruling class exploits the working class. Social interactionism sees crime as learned through interactions in deprived social environments. Research also finds poverty increases the likelihood of youth violent crime due to family circumstances and developing identities in response to community deprivation.
Democracy Alliance Does America: The Soros-Founded Plutocrats’ Club Forms Sta...James Dellinger
The Democracy Alliance was formed in 2005 by wealthy liberal donors like George Soros who were frustrated by Democratic losses in recent elections. It aims to build a permanent liberal infrastructure of non-profit groups to compete with the conservative movement. The Alliance facilitates hundreds of millions of dollars in donations to approved groups and has helped Democrats win in recent elections. It is now organizing state-level chapters, with Colorado being its most successful, helping turn the state reliably Democratic. Critics worry this network could undermine electoral integrity, as the Alliance also funds groups that support electing Democratic secretaries of state who oversee elections.
This article series celebrates the 20th anniversary of the Carolina Panthers holding their NFL training camp at Wofford College in Spartanburg, South Carolina. It discusses how the relationship started in 1995 and has become an enduring partnership that has benefited both the team and the local community economically and emotionally. While the current contract expires after this summer, both parties hope to negotiate an extension to continue the popular tradition. Subsequent articles will look back at Panthers camp history and its impact on Spartanburg.
President Barack Obama visited Lehman College in the Bronx to promote the My Brother's Keeper Alliance nonprofit initiative. The initiative aims to help minority young men through mentoring and programs to promote high school graduation and reduce incarceration rates. Obama's visit highlighted issues like low graduation rates for black and Hispanic men in the Bronx. Local officials welcomed the initiative, which will use public and private funds. Some residents expressed that the initiative's goals of education and opportunity could help address problems like crime rates in their communities.
Ronald's Bridge Project was created to help homeless individuals in San Francisco and across the United States. The organization aims to house homeless people in shelters, equip them with job skills, and help them gain employment and independence. Ronald's Bridge Project will partner with local businesses to help shelter residents find work. The founders conducted research and determined that San Francisco has over 10,000 homeless people but shelter for only 1,000. They hope to expand shelters to other major cities to address the growing homeless crisis nationwide.
The document provides an overview of Black philanthropy in Boston based on a study conducted by New England Blacks in Philanthropy (NEBiP). It finds that Black donors in Boston are economically, ethnically, and educationally diverse. While some respondents held the view that most Black philanthropy is directed towards churches, the study found Black donors give to a wide range of causes. It also examines the historic roots of Boston's Black community and civic engagement, noting many pioneering Black leaders and activists have been connected to the city. The diversity and civic traditions of Boston's Black residents are seen as unique strengths that could be further built upon.
- Only 11.93% of eligible voters in Columbia, Missouri voted in the recent municipal election, one of the lowest turnouts in 15 years.
- Factors that contributed to the low turnout included a lack of high-profile issues or candidates on the ballot, voter fatigue from frequent elections, and the spring timing of municipal elections which are not unified with state or national elections.
- Political scientists suggest increasing voter engagement through unifying local election timing with other elections, raising awareness of local issues, and boosting competition between candidates.
The document discusses the rise in popularity of online dating. It notes that while initially taboo, over 1 million Canadians now admit to using online dating sites. A wide range of dating sites and apps now exist to help people find love online. Some sites use algorithms to match users, while others allow browsing profiles. Surveys show that online dating has led to both short and long-term relationships for many users, though experts warn people should use caution, as deception is common on such sites. The business of online dating has grown into a $1.65 billion industry in recent years.
While PAC spending has grown significantly in elections, the relationship between district income levels and PAC contributions is unclear. The authors analyzed this relationship through three linear regression models comparing mean household income to PAC spending at the congressional district level from 2006-2012. The first model found a weak positive correlation, but it was not statistically significant. The second model, adjusted for year-to-year differences, also produced a positive correlation that was not statistically significant. The third model, which further adjusted for district differences, showed the strongest positive correlation but with a large margin of error, preventing conclusions. Overall, the analysis did not find clear evidence that lower-income districts receive more PAC funds to compensate for smaller donor bases as hypothesized.
David Brown, executive editor of The Commercial Appeal newspaper, believes journalists should be actively involved in their community through organizations like the Chamber of Commerce and United Way. While some argue this compromises objectivity, Brown argues it's important for journalists to truly understand what's happening in the community. Brown takes steps to avoid conflicts of interest by not participating in political activities or sharing confidential board information. However, some of Brown's staff disagree with his level of involvement, believing journalists' role is to observe and report, not participate. The Commercial Appeal itself supports various community programs, raising questions about the appropriate level of involvement for media organizations.
This document summarizes Robert Bailey's book "Gay Politics, Urban Politics: Identity and Economics in the Urban Setting." Bailey argues that identity politics, not just economics, shape urban policymaking. He examines how the gay and lesbian identity and community have politically impacted cities in the US. The summary discusses how Bailey defines identity and its importance in politics. It also outlines the key demographic trends and voting patterns of gays and lesbians that determine where and how they influence urban policies. Case studies are used to show how identity politics have successfully changed policies at the local level over time.
This document announces award winners for several categories in an All Weekly Division competition. For the "Best Published Editorial/Op-Ed Column" category:
- Third place went to GSA Business and writer Scott Miller for an editorial arguing that expanding Medicaid in South Carolina would save the state money and provide healthcare to many residents.
- Second place went to the Murrells Inlet Messenger and writer Tim Callahan for a personal editorial about missing his alcoholic father at Christmas time.
- No first place winner is mentioned. The document provides context about the winners but does not analyze or summarize the content of the editorials.
Masculinity and Misogyny in the Digital AgeBrandwatch
Ditch the Label – one of the largest anti-bullying charities in the world – worked with Brandwatch to analyze 19 million public tweets over a four year period to explore the current climate of misogyny and constructs of masculinity as expressed across social media.
The project sheds light on discriminatory language, but should not be viewed as an argument for online censorship. Rather, the data points to the need for a nuanced approach, further open debate and awareness, and positive role models.
NATIONAL FORUM JOURNALS are a group of national and international refereed, blind-reviewed academic journals. NFJ publishes articles academic intellectual diversity, multicultural issues, management, business, administration, issues focusing on colleges, universities, and schools, all aspects of schooling, special education, counseling and addiction, international issues of education, organizational behavior, theory and development, and much more. DR. WILLIAM ALLAN KRITSONIS is Editor-in-Chief (Since 1982). See: www.nationalforum.com
THE WHEEL SPEAKS ON 2013 – Realistic Explicit Statistics?THE WHEEL
The document discusses racial disparities in the US criminal justice system. It notes that while people of color make up 30% of the population, they account for 60% of the prison population, which has grown 700% from 1970 to 2005. Black men are disproportionately affected, with 1 in 15 being incarcerated compared to 1 in 106 white men. The document cites statistics showing that 1 in 3 black men can expect to go to prison and that blacks and Hispanics are around 3 times more likely to be searched during traffic stops than white motorists.
This document summarizes discussions from a community meeting about traffic safety in Glenwood Springs, Colorado. It announces that the next "Imagine Glenwood" meeting will take place on September 30th at 5:30pm at the Glenwood Springs Library. The meeting will allow residents to work with the city to address traffic safety issues and propose solutions.
Crime is deviant behaviour which is against the criminal lawcapesociology
Crime is defined as deviant behavior against criminal law. However, there is no universal agreement on what constitutes a crime. Some argue crime is socially constructed and depends on how societies interpret actions. In the Caribbean, there is debate around whether the region needs its own crime theory. While some argue theories may not fully capture Caribbean contexts, others believe mainstream theories can still apply when considering cultural and economic factors influencing local crime patterns and rates. Overall, the document discusses debates around defining crime and the need for region-specific crime theories.
The Province of Modena has established several policies to promote renewable energy and reduce emissions. It began supporting local governments to join the Covenant of Mayors in 2010. The number of participating municipalities grew from 6 to 41 between 2010-2013. A club and website were created to share experiences and best practices. Study tours and other educational activities were held. Funding from the EU and Italy supported municipal sustainable energy projects and ISO 50001 certification in one town. The Province of Modena continues supporting local efforts to achieve Covenant of Mayors objectives.
Edward (Bill) Murphy is a highly experienced drilling supervisor with over 23 years of experience in offshore and onshore oil and gas projects around the world. He has extensive experience managing drilling operations and safety programs. His most recent roles were as a drilling supervisor for Santos Limited in Australia, overseeing coal seam gas drilling operations. He has worked on various types of rigs for many companies, including Santos, KNOC, Seadrill, and Origin Energy. Murphy has a strong safety focus and aims to develop accident-free work environments through rigorous safety programs. He is computer literate and experienced in rig-based reporting systems.
Haiku Deck is a presentation tool that allows users to create Haiku-style slideshows. The document encourages the reader to get started making their own Haiku Deck presentation by uploading it to SlideShare. It provides a brief call to action to inspire users to create presentations using Haiku Deck.
Spending so much time at work means office design is important for productivity and satisfaction. Simple tips include investing in ergonomic furniture to reduce discomfort and increase productivity, letting in natural light which improves mood and tasks, and creating open spaces that foster interaction and impromptu meetings rather than closed offices. Maintaining a clean and organized space with personal touches also contributes to an efficient work environment.
The document summarizes Dzierzoniow's implementation of an Energy Management System based on the PN-EN ISO 50001 standard. It discusses how Dzierzoniow has implemented various management systems over time, including a Quality Management System in 1999 and an Integrated Management System in 2006. In 2013, Dzierzoniow implemented an Energy Management System which was certified by an accredited institution. The benefits of the system include optimization of energy processes, increased employee awareness, and energy savings. The system is integrated with Dzierzoniow's other management systems and includes documentation like an energy policy and procedures for monitoring energy consumption. Maintaining the certification requires annual audits to ensure ongoing compliance.
Edward (Bill) Murphy is a highly experienced drilling supervisor with over 23 years of experience in offshore and onshore oil and gas projects around the world. He has extensive experience managing drilling operations and safety programs. His most recent roles were as a drilling supervisor for Santos Limited in Australia, overseeing coal seam gas drilling operations. He has worked on various types of rigs for many companies, including Santos, KNOC, Seadrill, and Origin Energy. Murphy has a strong safety focus and aims to develop accident-free work environments through rigorous safety programs. He is computer literate and experienced in rig-based reporting systems.
This document provides an overview of parenteral products including their definition, history, manufacturing process, quality control, packaging, types, and routes of administration. Parenterals are sterile preparations intended for injection through the skin rather than orally. Their manufacturing must ensure sterility, lack of pyrogens, and stability. Quality is tested through sterility, pyrogen, leakage, and particulate matter tests. Parenterals are packaged in containers like ampules, vials, prefilled syringes and infusion bags. They are classified as small or large volume and administered via intravenous, intramuscular or subcutaneous routes.
This document summarizes a town meeting held by Chicago Democratic Socialists of America on economic insecurity and employment. It discusses comments made by various panelists on issues like privatization, living wages, and the need for job creation programs and workforce development strategies. The document also endorses Danny Davis for Congress and discusses an upcoming anti-incinerator fight.
This document summarizes and analyzes acts of disrespect directed towards President Obama since he took office in 2009. It discusses how some politicians and media figures have openly hoped for Obama's failure and called him racist. Tea Party protests against Obama's policies have featured racially charged signs and rhetoric. The document argues this treatment resembles the resistance faced by Lincoln and aims to undermine Obama's legitimacy, with the ultimate goal of making him a one-term president. It draws parallels to the post-Civil War Reconstruction era and asserts some oppose Obama due to underlying fears of losing white privilege and power to the first black president.
The Tea Party movement arose in response to growing dissatisfaction with the federal government, large deficits, and the Obama administration. It is a loosely organized conservative movement that is populist in nature and against big government. While currently popular, especially among independents, analysts disagree on whether it represents the beginning of a new conservative era or is a reactionary movement defined by fear and anger that may not endure. The movement could potentially reshape American politics in the coming decade if it develops strong leadership and a clear vision and agenda.
SMO and SMM implementations of Obama's election Campaign on the Internet. This PPT shows the powerful usage of search media optimization and social media marketing to reach millions of people accross the globe.
1. The document discusses how race continues to permeate and divide American society despite progress made through civil rights movements and the election of Barack Obama as the first black president.
2. It argues that viewing Obama's election as signaling a "post-racial" America is premature and overlooks ongoing racial disparities in areas like healthcare, earnings, the criminal justice system, and education.
3. The changing demographics of the U.S., with minorities making up 30% of the population, have brought issues of race and immigration to the forefront of national debates.
Grassroots Efforts Key To Recruiting Latino Voters In California Namamartineznewmedia
Grassroots efforts will be key to recruiting Latino voters in California for Barack Obama. Latino voters strongly supported Hillary Clinton in the primary, but bilingual volunteers will work to introduce Obama to Latino communities and explain that his and Clinton's policies are similar. The Obama campaign plans to increase outreach to Latinos through Spanish-language media, endorsements from Latino leaders, and focusing resources on states with large Latino populations like New Mexico, Nevada, Florida and Colorado. Former Clinton supporters in California have begun organizing Latino Democrats through a group called OBAMANOS to promote unity behind Obama.
The document introduces SameSexSunday, a weekly political roundtable that will discuss LGBT issues. It will feature influential LGBT leaders and thinkers from across the political spectrum. Issues to be discussed include employment discrimination, relationship recognition, youth health, and creating a more inclusive society. The roundtable will include figures such as Phil Attey, Bruce Carroll, Michael Crawford, Chris Geidner, Cathy Renna, Andy Szekeres, Dr. Jillian Weiss, and others. In addition to the roundtable, the show will feature interviews, debates, and panels on current LGBT news. Listeners are encouraged to engage online and subscribe via Facebook and iTunes.
The document introduces SameSexSunday, a weekly political roundtable that will discuss LGBT issues. It will feature influential LGBT leaders and thinkers from across the political spectrum. Issues to be discussed include employment discrimination, relationship recognition, youth health, and creating a more inclusive society. The roundtable hopes to bring new perspectives to push these important issues forward.
expose of the Left groups pushing for an Article V Convention. Contrary to the propaganda, an article V Convention would open the Constitution to the many waiting malefactors in the wings.
This document summarizes the activities of the American Newspaper Publishers Association (ANPA), which it describes as the "House of Lords" of the American press. The ANPA holds secret annual meetings to discuss plans and policies without public scrutiny. While publicly advocating for freedom of the press, the meetings focus on anti-labor tactics and fighting measures that threaten newspaper profits and the interests of big business. The document provides historical examples of the ANPA lobbying to benefit newspaper owners' financial interests at the expense of balanced coverage. It argues the ANPA has become an advocate for the policies of big business rather than upholding journalistic ethics.
Model Student 952010 Prof. DeLise 11202015 .docxraju957290
Model Student
952/010
Prof. DeLise
11/20/2015
Mosaic II Media Short 2
Introductory Statement
On Thursday November 19
th
, 2015, Bernie Sanders delivered a speech at Georgetown
University entitled, “An Address on Democratic Socialism in America,” in order to clarify what
the concept of democratic socialism means to him in response to criticisms that he is a socialist.
In what follows, I argue that Sanders’ speech highlights contemporary examples in the United
States that parallel problems identified by Marx and Engels—problems which result from a very
small but powerful ruling class possessing disproportionate control over the economic and the
political system, resulting in negative consequences for the majority of people.
In The Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels explain their belief that all of civilized
human history has been defined by a history of class struggles between the exploiting class and
the exploited (6). Marx and Engels contend that the economic system—the method and means
of production and exchange—of a given nation defines or determines the social and political
systems of that nation, and this results in a system that provides great advantage to those who are
in control of the means of production (the economy) (Marx & Engels, 6). Marx and Engels
explain that the bourgeois, or ruling class of modern industrial society, has steadily increased its
political power throughout history in a direct relationship with advancements in the means of
production (i.e. as advancements in the means of production have progressed and grown, so, too,
has their political power); they have ultimately gained “exclusive political sway” with this
continuous growth in power and control (Marx & Engels 11). As a result of globalization and
continued modernization, the bourgeois have centralized the means of production and
concentrated wealth in the hands of just a few (Marx & Engels 13). Sanders’ speech describes
striking similarities between contemporary issues occurring in the United States today, and these
issues that Marx and Engels addressed in The Communist Manifesto.
Connection to the Media
Unlike Marx and Engels, Bernie Sanders does not believe in communism as the means to
a more equal and prosperous society in the United States. However, Sanders does recognize in
“An Address on Democratic Socialism in America” that the United States is currently facing an
economic and political crisis that will only be changed with a new political movement. Similarly,
Marx and Engels in The Communist Manifesto call for a similar movement, describing the need
for a “self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the in the interest of
the immense majority” (Marx & Engels, 20). Sanders begins by pointing out the fact that the
United States is currently the wealthiest nation in the history of the world. However, most
Americans are not aware of this because they ...
The document provides an overview of recent political events and issues affecting the American Jewish community. It discusses the midterm elections in the U.S., noting the Republican gains and impact on Jewish politicians and organizations. It also covers the annual General Assembly of Jewish Federations, speeches given there, and concerns about potential cuts to social services funding under the new Congress. Additionally, it summarizes an article suggesting American Muslims take lessons from the Jewish experience in gaining acceptance in U.S. society.
The newsletter provides information about various alumni of Boston Latin School who have achieved positions of leadership in government. It lists the names and positions of Ward Fellows and Miller Fellows for 2016. It also provides biographies and photos of some of the Miller Fellows and Babbitt Fellows, including what organizations they worked with and what they hope to gain from the experience. The document discusses the fellows' meetings with various political leaders in Massachusetts government.
Righteous politics: the role of the black church in contemporary politics.phobicmistake8593
1) The black church has historically played a central role in mobilizing African American voters through organizing networks, contact lists, and ideological framing that connects religious and political issues.
2) However, declining church attendance rates and the rise of large, non-denominational megachurches may impact the church's effectiveness in political mobilization. Some scholars argue this could increase the costs of political participation for less affluent black communities.
3) The black church's political influence also depends on its theological orientations. Traditions like black liberation theology that emphasize God's relationship to oppressed communities tend to promote greater political engagement, while the prosperity gospel's focus on individual wealth and fulfillment tends to reduce political participation.
1. The document provides a 5-step guide for using the HelpWriting.net service to get writing assistance.
2. Students create an account, submit a request with instructions and deadline, and choose a writer based on bids.
3. Writers bid on requests and students choose a writer, pay a deposit, and receive a paper they can request revisions on until satisfied.
For blacks in boston, a power outage Publication info Bo.docxAKHIL969626
For blacks in boston, a power outage
Publication info: Boston Globe ; Boston, Mass. [Boston, Mass]15 Dec 2017: A.1.
ProQuest document link
FULL TEXT
The series was reported by Adrian Walker, Andrew Ryan, Todd Wallack, Nicole Dungca, Akilah Johnson, Liz
Kowalczyk, and editor Patricia Wen. Today's story was written by Ryan, Walker, and Wallack.
Boston's power brokers met in secret for months, drafting an ambitious bid to host the 2024 Olympics. They
imagined the city on the world stage, showcasing a modernized transit system, a grand boulevard, and gleaming
new neighborhoods that would define Boston for the next millennium.
Legal documents made it clear who was in charge: five prominent executives from the region's dominant spheres
of influence, representing business, higher education, sports, and construction. All five were white, and their initial
Olympic plan envisioned new buildings and venues sprinkled across Greater Boston. But other than Franklin Park,
the Games would not include another venue in the city's predominantly black neighborhoods.
It was a stark example of how in Boston —from politics to boardrooms, law firms to the State House, and labor
halls to hospitals —blacks still find themselves shut out of the insular world of Massachusetts' powerbrokers.
“If you're not in the room, you have to get invited into the room," said William “Mo" Cowan, who served briefly as
interim US senator in 2013, and later as one of the most prominent blacks involved in the Olympic bid. “If we're
going to be serious about making everyone feel like they're part of the prosperity, then people have to invite [black]
people into the room."
The Globe's Spotlight Team examined whether Boston still deserves its longstanding reputation as an inhospitable
place for blacks. It found that in the corridors of power, blacks have failed to gain commensurate economic and
political clout in a city where they make up nearly one-quarter of the population.
In many other major American cities, from Philadelphia to Atlanta and Los Angeles, the black community has made
good on the promise of the civil rights movement by amassing economic and political power —the ability to wield
influence and exert control.
Seattle and Minneapolis have elected black mayors. Denver has had two. All three cities have smaller black
populations than Boston, which has never elected a black mayor.
Despite Boston's reputation as a liberal bastion, the region's power base remains largely white men. Blacks'
political achievements are more occasional than institutional. There are no black faces in Massachusetts'
congressional delegation, nor among statewide officeholders, and the only black to win election to statewide office
since 1972 is former governor Deval Patrick. Such infrequent electoral victories are different from an ongoing voice
in all the affairs of a city.
Among Massachusetts' publicly traded companies, just 1 percent of board m ...
For blacks in boston, a power outage Publication info Bo.docx
Community Organizer in Chief
1. 26 N a t i o n a l J o u r n a l 12/13/0 8
If you are young and hungry to change the world,
no place is better than Washington. Other capitals
were grafted onto rivers and ports, indebted to the
commerce, industry, and history that preceded
them. Washington was hacked out of swamps and
farms for the sole purpose of doing politics. n And
although politics tends to get a bad rap around
election time, even politics as usual is, at heart, an
Corine Hegland■■
Politics
awesome endeavor. It is the remarkable arena for reconciling the cacophonous voic-
es of “the people,” whoever they may be, without resorting to guns. “We dicker and
compromise, and everybody thinks he has received a raw deal, but somehow after a
tedious amount of talk, we come up with some jury-rigged way to do it without get-
ting anybody’s head bashed in. That’s politics,” Robert Heinlein, the great American
science fiction writer, once observed.
As Washington prepares for the arrival of President-elect Obama, many of its deni-
zens are speculating about what changes his mailing list of 13 million names will
make in the political arena. Obama has said little on the subject, although his cam-
paign’s post-election task force has called for his supporters to organize “House Par-
ties for Change” this weekend to talk about what they would like to do next.
Some of Washington’s interest is professional: Obama’s list reaches into every con-
gressional district in the land, and the Obama campaign has nearly $30 million left,
before paying taxes and outstanding expenses.
Other speculation is merely professional envy. Everybody here speaks for some
portion of the American people; the more people you have, the more doors open
as you go about trying to make change. Thousands of groups—including AARP; the
AIDS Research Alliance of America; the Alliance for Justice; the American Associa-
The success of the Obama
campaign is a sign that civic
participation is on the rise again
after decades of decline. And the
community-organizer-elect
understands how to tap into it.
BeyondHis
E-mailList
2. 12/13/0 8 N a t i o n a l J o u r n a l 27
tion of Airport Executives; the American Federation of Teachers;
the American Frozen Food Institute; the American Liver Founda-
tion; and the American Quarter Horse Association—are already
pursuing Washington agendas to fix America, and that’s barely a
portion of the first letter in the alphabet. What, those collections
of voices wonder, will the new guy do?
Most of the speculation, though, tends to ignore what Obama
did, and so misses what he is about to do. Obama did not build
a list of 13 million names—including 3 million donors, 2 million
volunteers, and 1 million get-out-the-vote troops—by asking peo-
ple to write letters or e-mails to Washington. Instead, he deployed
a small army of field, regional, and state organizers to meet with
local—and, in the case of environmental and other such affinity
groups, virtual—supporters. He asked them to talk to one another
and to their neighbors about why they supported him, and about
what they could do to help him get elected. His campaign deftly
wielded technology as an adjunct to these face-to-face meetings,
pushing information out and inviting recipients to connect not
with campaign headquarters, but with their neighbors.
Obama, in other words, built an old-fashioned movement in
an old-fashioned way. What he told his supporters, and what his
supporters told Chicago then, or Washington now, wasn’t nearly
as important as what they told one another. He provided a struc-
ture, set the tone, and validated their work. They formed their
own communities, and in post-election surveys and interviews,
they said they wanted those communities to continue.
And that is what Obama appears to be doing with his 13 mil-
lion names. Last weekend, his state organizers huddled in Chi-
cago for a meeting; earlier this week, his field organizers began
getting phone calls: Would you be interested in possibly coming
back to work? Not for Obama, exactly—the president-elect will
soon be responsible for the free world, two small children, and
one puppy; he won’t have time to lead a dedicated movement—
but for what you started, an association of communities that share
Obama’s vision?
OFA 2.0, which is the initiative’s working title (adapted from
Obama for America, the campaign committee), is still taking
form: Funding is undecided, specifics are scarce, and focus will
be shaped in part by this weekend’s house parties. “No struc-
tural decisions have been made,” said campaign spokesman Ben
LaBolt. “The campaign has assembled a team of organizers from
battleground states to work with our volunteers and allies on the
next steps for the organization.” But the idea, apparently, is to
provide paid staff support for communities organizing not just
around Obama’s legislative agenda but also around state and
local initiatives. Its vision is no less than a “national, grassroots-
driven renewal of civic engagement,” according to an account
that a California Obama organizer posted to his blog, which
sounds very audacious—until you realize that both grassroots
and national community organizing groups have spent the past
few years quietly building the infrastructure for renewal.
Community Values
Last week, several thousand joyful community leaders from 30
or so states piled into the ballroom of the Washington Hilton for
a boisterous conference titled “Realizing the Promise: A Forum
on Community, Faith, & Democracy.” Melody Barnes, who will
lead Obama’s Domestic Policy Council, and Valerie Jarrett, his
longtime friend and newly appointed White House senior advis-
er, both attended, a nod that conference organizers frankly admit
they would “never” have gotten in the past. The other attend-
n ELECTION NIGHT: Barack
Obama’s victory was not
just the end of a political
campaign; it was the
culmination of a two-year,
grassroots-community-
organizing effort.
getty images/Anthony Jacobs
3. 28 N a t i o n a l J o u r n a l 12/13/0 8
ees even had some debate about just what to do with the pair.
“Typically, when we have politicians up [to a meeting], it is ex-
tremely scripted, pressing for commitments on particular things,”
explained Deepak Bhargava, executive director of the Center for
Community Change, which co-sponsored the conference with the
Gamaliel Foundation, the group that many years ago hired the
young Obama as a community organizer. In this case, the groups
made a conscious decision to let Jarrett and Barnes simply speak.
It was, after all, only a month after the election, and the Obama
team still seems to “get it” on a host of issues.
More important, community organizers are working out what,
exactly, you do when you suddenly get your long-demanded seat
at the table. “Community organizing grew up in a period in which
poor people and people of color were disregarded by policy mak-
ers. As a result, it adopted a tone of confrontation,” Bhargava
said. If Obama isn’t going to ignore the poor, then the “tactics
and tone have to shift dramatically to engage in a constructive
back and forth about how to solve the country’s problems.”
The local groups that the CCC and the
Gamaliel Foundation work with were not
part of the Obama campaign; their non-
profit status precludes partisan politics.
Many of them, however, are eager to reach
the Obama volunteers and have developed
local networks that are likely to connect with
OFA 2.0 in one form or another.
For nearly 30 years, Republicans have kept
their multifaceted campaign networks alive
through churches, religious groups, the Na-
tional Rifle Association, and anti-abortion
groups. Democrats have had no comparable
infrastructure, except perhaps the shrink-
ing labor movement. The community-or-
ganizing model that Gamaliel and the CCC
teach was born amid the rough-and-tumble
machine politics of 1930s Chicago, where
getting involved in elections could only lead
to corruption, and so decades passed before
community organizers saw much point in pursuing elec-
toral politics. As a result of this divide, Democrats devel-
oped a curiously fractured body of supporters, with sparse
social ties among their constituent bases.
“Community organizing and electoral politics used
to have one-night stands, but they’d never talk about it
in the morning,” Bhargava said. “Today, they’re talking
they might get hitched. If we can [combine] the best of
community-organizing relationships and commitment
to issues with the scale and urgency of electoral politics,
there could be a resurgence of citizen engagement in a
transformative and sustained way.”
Consider, for example, the Rev. Milton Wells, who made
a 14-hour bus trip from Kalamazoo, Mich., to attend the
Promise gathering. In addition to pastoring Open Door
Ministries, an affiliate of the Church of God in Christ,
Wells coordinates Kalamazoo’s prisoner re-entry pro-
gram. He also helps to lead a youth-violence-prevention
program, the county’s poverty reduction initiative, a local
interfaith advocacy group, and a neighborhood associa-
tion. He is the type of man who attends city council meet-
ings and gets called upon to do most anything anyone
wants done, and he is so much larger than life that addressing
him as anything but “Reverend” or “Sir” seems unthinkable.
“We’re here,” he said, “just to ensure that our voices are heard
and some promises that were made are kept.” Wells expects Obama
to fix jobs, health care, and the rights of immigrants; he, himself,
will be returning to work in Kalamazoo. “I’m a firm believer that
we have to participate in our miracle,” he said. “What I have to
do with my communities is to continue to keep them engaged. It
wasn’t enough to get them to the polls to vote; now, we have to do
our part, and the elected officials have to do their part.”
If you are struck that a black pastor from Kalamazoo, where just
4 percent of the population is foreign-born, would include immi-
gration reform among his top three priorities, then you are sens-
ing the political change recognized and shaped by the Obama
campaign and by community organizers. Democratic supporters
are traditionally sorted into constituent groups, each of which
is presumed to have parochial interests—the black community,
the Hispanic community, labor, youth, urban college-educated
whites, and so on.
From the start of his campaign, however,
Obama clearly articulated a very different
framework, one that transcended and uni-
fied constituent interests. “Alongside our
famous individualism, there’s another ingre-
dient in the American saga, a belief that we
are all connected as one people,” he said in
his 2004 convention speech. “It’s what allows
us to pursue our individual dreams yet still
come together as a single American family:
‘E pluribus unum’—out of many, one.”
TheCCCtooktheepluribusunumframe-
work and turned it into the Campaign for
Community Values, which it launched with
the December 2007 Heartland Presidential
Forum attended by four Democratic presi-
dential candidates, including Obama. More
than 80 values forums have followed across
the country.
Community organizing and■■
electoral politics were always
separate endeavors, but
they may come together in the
Obama era.
Barn-raising cooperation■■
runs every bit as deep in the
American psyche as does
boot-strap individualism.
But keeping this■■ new
ground game active and
inspired is a difficult challenge.
Civic Renewal■■
Obama’s Ohio primary campaign featured One Million for Change,
a successful push to knock on 1 million doors before March 4.
Buckeye State Canvasser■■
gettyimages/EricThayer
4. 12/13/0 8 N a t i o n a l J o u r n a l 29
“The conservative movement was very good at talking about
individualism, and there are strains there that everybody can
respond to,” said Gabe Gonzalez, the campaign’s director. “But
community values has strains that everybody can respond to, too.
If you want to engage in deep structural change, it is no longer
possible to engage simply at the level of issues. You have to en-
gage in values.”
The community values campaign’s priorities are health care;
immigration; and worker justice, which encompasses job cre-
ation, fair wages, and worker rights. So, for example, the CCC
and Health Care for America Now, a large advocacy coalition of
grassroots and professional groups that some CCC affiliates are
involved in, talk about health care not in terms of individual
rights but in the context of community benefits. “All of us benefit
from healthy communities, where we all have access to afford-
able, quality health care from a provider of our choice, at the
time we need it, at a cost we can afford,” the coalition’s mission
statement declares.
Similarly, the group doesn’t talk about the legality or individual
rights of immigrants; it instead discusses the community-level im-
pact of a broken immigration system. Some time ago, Gonzalez
was speaking to white union members in southern Illinois, who
would not generally be considered sympathetic to immigrants.
“You have to understand,” Gonzalez told them, “these people live
in fear that men with guns are going to knock on their door one
night and take them away. Many years ago, it was union men who
lived in fear of that knock.”
One of the old-timers stirred. “It wasn’t,” the union veteran
said, “all that many years ago.”
A Community History
Obama’s appeal to community, in addition to individual, val-
ues, has a strong historical basis; the “socialist” charges lobbed at
him are remarkable from a long-term perspective. Barn-raising
cooperation runs every bit as deep in the American psyche as
does bootstrap individualism; more than 150 years ago, Alexis de
Tocqueville was astounded by Americans’ propensity to join to-
gether in common causes.
“Americans of all ages, all conditions, and all dispositions con-
stantly form associations,” he wrote in the 1830s, continuing to
detail his amazement at the anti-alcohol associations, for exam-
ple. “The first time I heard in the United States that a hundred
thousand men had bound themselves publicly to abstain from
spirituous liquors, it appeared to me more like a joke than a seri-
ous engagement, and I did not at once perceive why these tem-
perate citizens could not content themselves with drinking water
by their own firesides.”
The century-long temperance movement is usually offered as a
cautionary tale, its leaders having lost popular support after their
national victory and witnessed the amendment’s repeal just 13
years later. But prohibition was only one of many policies that
grew out of the membership-based associations of the 19th and
20th centuries. Theda Skocpol, a professor of government and
sociology at Harvard University, has traced the roots of much of
American social policy back to those federated social groups.
Before Social Security came pensions for Union Civil War veter-
ans, with generous definitions for “Union” and “veteran.” Before
welfare came mothers’ pensions for needy widows, settlement
houses, and a federal Children’s Bureau, called into existence by
women’s groups whose members couldn’t yet vote. Labor fought
for workplace safety, minimum wages, five-day workweeks, eight-
hour workdays, and unemployment insurance, and later put
its muscle toward getting the New Deal through Congress. The
American Legion drafted, lobbied for, and helped implement
the GI Bill.
Then, sometime around the mid-1960s, the associations
changed. Young Americans stopped joining the old groups, start-
ing a decline in civic engagement that Robert Putnam, another
Harvard professor, eventually described as the “bowling alone”
phenomenon—a reference to the rise in individual bowlers and
the decline in bowling leagues.
Young people of that era had reasons for avoiding their par-
ents’ associations, many of which were racist, sexist, or reliant
upon the volunteer time of women who didn’t work outside the
home, but the groups they created were markedly different from
their predecessors. The old stalwarts—the Elks, the American
Legion, the United Methodist Women, the Veterans of Foreign
Wars, the General Federation of Women’s Clubs, and the like—
were based on social memberships that tended to ignore class
divisions and to embrace broad agendas.
The new associations, on the other hand, tended to be issue-
specific and were usually aimed at Washington. The change be-
gan with the civil-rights movement, according to Skocpol, where
impatient, leadership-based groups such as the Southern Chris-
tian Leadership Conference and the Student Nonviolent Coordi-
nating Committee outpaced the more sedate membership-based
NAACP, and then spread into the women’s movement, the envi-
ronmental movement, the anti-war movement, and the citizens
movements. The result, Skocpol observed, is “a new civic America
largely run by advocates and managers without members, and
marked by yawning gaps between immediate involvements and
larger undertakings.”
A few years ago, though, the pendulum began to swing back,
as a new generation of young people was drawn into communi-
“Americans of all ages, all conditions, and all
dispositions constantly form associations.
”—Alexis de Tocqueville
newscom
5. 30 N a t i o n a l J o u r n a l 12/13/0 8
ty and political work. “Political participation patterns for youth
went down for 30 years and then suddenly, around 2001, it looks
like a reverse checkmark, which has gone constantly up for the
last several years,” said Tom Sander, Putnam’s research director
at the Saguaro Seminar: Civic Engagement in America, an initia-
tive aimed at increasing civic trust between groups. “Some people
think it’s Obama. We think Obama was an ideal candidate to seize
upon this, but the youth interest in politics was dry kindling wait-
ing to be lit.”
Skocpol agreed: “Young people had started to get more in-
volved, but this campaign was a real jump. The long-term tradi-
tion of American civic organization is based upon a federated
model with big national centers but also lots of local activity; I
think that with the new technology, the Obama campaign man-
aged to invent a new model of that.” Both research and experi-
ence shows that the key to getting people involved in politics and
community activism is to ask them, she said. Political leaders who
validate that asking, who say, “We need to take social responsibil-
ity,” take it to a new level.
The Michigan Experience
Andrew Virden, a field organizer for Obama, came into the
campaign in the usual way: Friends told him about the rising
politician; he took a look and was smitten. The Minnesota na-
tive had never done politics before, but he waited six hours in
line to see Obama speak and then signed up for e-mails from
the campaign. One of those e-mails invited supporters to apply
for an organizing fellowship; he did, and in June 2008, Virden
and another fellow were dropped into Marquette, Mich., a small
college town on the conservative Upper Peninsula of Michigan
that is not accustomed to having its own
presidential campaign staff—much less
two.
Previous campaigns deployed one field
organizer to cover the entire Upper Pen-
insula, said Jack LaSalle, the former chair
of the Marquette County Democrats; the Obama cam-
paign sent 10 in all, much to LaSalle’s delight. He man-
aged a successful statehouse campaign this year, and the
Obama staff and volunteers were generous with their
support for down-ticket candidates.
“Everybody thinks that by purchasing media, they can
overlook the field campaign,” LaSalle said. “It’s had the
long-term effect of cheapening the political process, be-
cause to the extent there’s no participation or activity in
the precinct, people participate less. And participation
matters because the tools we see used in the campaign
are not strictly campaign tools any more than they are la-
bor-organizing or community-organizing tools: They are
how human beings organize to work with each other.”
Virden wound up spending five months in the UP,
learning as he went along. “It was interesting,” he said. In
the beginning, “we weren’t given a list of people to talk to
or call. We were told our job was to meet with people and
sit down over coffee to talk about why you’re involved with
Barack Obama, why they are interested in Barack Obama,
and who they might know or who might help. The point
of the one-on-one was to get a house meeting,” he said,
“and the point of the house meeting was to get the host
to gather friends and family in their home and have an
audience where you say, ‘I’m with the Obama campaign and this is
what we’re doing. Are you interested in helping?’ ”
So, for example, after Judy Stock signed up to get an Obama
yard sign at the Dickinson County Fair, Virden called to ask if she
wanted to get involved in the campaign.
“No,” she said. “I just want a sign.”
“We’re having an organizational meeting,” Virden replied. “If
you came to that, I could give you the sign there.”
Stock didn’t much want to go. She believed in Obama, hav-
ing read both of his books and reviewed his website before ask-
ing for the sign, but she is not a joiner. She and her husband,
Doug, used to go to the Elks Lodge after work, where Doug was
the Exalted Ruler from 1990 to 1992, but now that they’re older,
they like coming home after work, and the lodge can get awfully
smoky. The Stocks own a balloon store in Iron Mountain, a town
of 8,000, and Judy is shy outside of work.
On the other hand, she knew the woman hosting the meeting,
and she figured that showing up might be the only way to get her
yard sign. She went, and was dismayed to hear Virden ask every-
body to give their name and reason for attending.
“It’s a good thing I was at the end of the line,” she said. “I had time
to get my thoughts together: I don’t like to draw attention to my-
self.” Afterward, Virden handed her the sign and a sheet of phone
numbers: Would she like to try making some calls for Obama?
She practiced the calls in her kitchen before dialing. “I made a
couple of calls, which wasn’t bad, so I made a couple more calls,”
she said. “It was interesting: I found a lot of people wanted to
talk to me. If they had questions, I answered if I could; and if I
couldn’t, we tried to find the answers.”
Then Virden asked Stock if she wanted to knock on doors.
She didn’t, but she agreed to walk with
him as he knocked on doors one Satur-
day morning. “He did most of the talk-
ing at first, then he said, ‘OK, you can
try this,’ ” she said. “Once you get past
the first one, it’s OK. I met a lot of dif-
The decades-long temperance movement is a classic
example of American grassroots organizing techniques
that led to a national legislative change.
Temperance Movement■■
gettyimages/TopicalPressAgency
n NationalJournal.com
Read more about the intersection of politics and
the Web at NationalJournal.com/webpolitics.
6. 12/13/0 8 N a t i o n a l J o u r n a l 31
ferent people, heard a lot of good stories, and bad stories too.
I lost a pants size. Andrew said that was cool—he was very cool.
He got me fired up. I don’t know if I could have done it without
his motivation.”
In October, with the Michigan vote secure, the campaign sent
Virden to Indiana. By that time, he had built a Michigan volunteer
base that didn’t need him anymore but misses him just the same.
“We are not in an area where we are really very organized,”
said Millie Hofer, a retired nurse in Menominee County who
joined the Obama campaign after a friend gave Virden her name.
“Andrew, when he came, he pulled us together. He was like a
leader for us, and I don’t think we have the leadership right now,
which is kind of sad.”
Like Stock, Hofer had never before knocked on doors to ask
people about candidates or issues. “I was never asked,” she said.
“The only small comparison: We have every year a festival, and the
Democratic Party had a booth there to sell ice cream and pop for
fundraising. I worked in that booth during the days when they had
the festival.”
Hofer’s top priority is universal health care. Having grown up
in Germany and worked as a nurse in Michigan, she has seen first-
hand the benefits of a universal system and the dangers of limited
access to care. It’s what she talked about when she knocked on
doors for Obama, and she would like to help him achieve it, but
she doesn’t know how. “I would not know which avenue to pursue
in the area where I live,” she said. “The only contact I always had
was with the local Democratic Party. They are very nice people,
but there was never a way to reach out any further.”
Both Hofer and Stock say they miss the people and the en-
ergy from the campaign and would like to stay involved some-
how. They get regular e-mails and updates from the Obama team,
which is nice, and they saw the invitation to hold a House Party
for Change this weekend, but neither county is organizing one:
December wasn’t a good month for the volunteers, but they have
all promised to stay in touch.
“All-volunteer organizations need to be nurtured by a staff per-
son,” LaSalle noted.
Virden is attending a house party in Minneapolis, where he
now resides; he thinks he would like to work for Obama, either in
or out of Washington.
Going Forward
Back in Washington, at the Renewing the Promise Forum, Na-
tional Public Radio analyst Juan Williams inadvertently outlined
the challenge that OFA 2.0 faces. He asked a panel discussing the
economic crisis for the “one thing” that community leaders in the
audience could do back home.
“We’re going to need massive doses of public works and infra-
structure, and we need to give money to people who are going
to spend it right now,” replied Lawrence Mishel, president of the
Economic Policy Institute,
Janice Johnson, chair of the Virginia Organizing Project, an-
swered, “We need to really get on the train and be sure that we
have a comprehensive health care plan that is set up according to
the guidelines in Health Care for America Now.”
“We need to stop prioritizing banks, bankers, and institutions
that believe in private profits but ask the public to pick up the bill
when things don’t go right,” responded the Rev. Kevin Turman,
president of the Gamaliel Foundation Council of Presidents.
“The second thing is, I think we need a Marshall Plan for our
people and for our neighborhoods.”
Arlene Holt Baker, executive vice president of the AFL-CIO,
declared, “We must ensure that we share in this prosperity, and
the way we could do that is workers in this country should have
the right to freely form and join unions.”
So, when asked what community leaders could do, Mishel,
Johnson, Turman, and Baker instead all immediately identified
things that Washington could do. Nobody suggested getting Mil-
lie Hofer out knocking on doors again to explain universal health
care. Nobody said it would be useful to invite Judy Stock to an
economic-revitalization meeting.
Granted, the presence of two Obama White House advisers
probably skewed the responses somewhat. All four of these activ-
ists are keenly aware of the power of the ground game, and they
have been working with Gamaliel; the CCC; funders; and local,
state, virtual, and national groups to build a new civic infrastruc-
ture that can carry them all forward.
But all of this is still new, and people are feeling their way for-
ward. “My personal opinion is that organizations may be overrely-
ing on the perceived change that comes from a leadership shift,”
said Bill Vandenberg, director of the Open Society Institute’s De-
mocracy and Power Fund. “But I increasingly see national organi-
zations realizing that they cannot be as useful advancing policy in
D.C. if they’ve got nothing on the ground, and I see local groups
realizing that it’s not enough to work locally, because their issues
intersect at the federal level as well.”
The future of Obama’s movement, in other words, doesn’t rely
on Obama, or even on whatever becomes of OFA 2.0. The future
of his movement will be determined by the many people who un-
derstand what it accomplished. If you want to change the world,
go to Washington; if you want to change Washington, you might
want to go next door and knock. n
chegland@nationaljournal.com
“Alongside our famous individualism,
there’s another ingredient in the American
saga, a belief that we are all
connected as one people.
”—Barack Obama, 2004 Democratic National Convention
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