Citizenship Status and Arrest Patterns for Violent
and Narcotic-Related Offenses in Federal Judicial
Districts along the U.S./Mexico Border
Deborah Sibila1 & Wendi Pollock2 & Scott Menard3
Received: 8 September 2016 /Accepted: 30 October 2016 /
Published online: 10 November 2016
# Southern Criminal Justice Association 2016
Abstract Media reports routinely reference the drug-related violence in Mexico,
linking crime in communities along the Southwest U.S. Border to illegal immigrants.
The primary purpose of the current research is to examine whether the media assertions
can be supported. Logistic regression models were run to determine the impact of
citizenship on the likelihood of disproportionate arrest for federal drug and violent
crimes, along the U.S./Mexico border. In arrests for homicide, assault, robbery, and
weapons offenses, U.S. citizens were disproportionately more likely than non-citizens
to be arrested. The only federal crime where non-citizens were disproportionately more
likely to be arrested than were U.S. citizens was for marijuana offenses. Results of the
current study challenge the myth of the criminal immigrant.
Keywords Citizenship . Arrest . Criminal immigrant . Gender
The myth of the criminal immigrant is perhaps one of the single most controversial
factors contributing to America’s present day anti-immigrant fervor. In their book, The
Am J Crim Just (2017) 42:469–488
DOI 10.1007/s12103-016-9375-1
* Wendi Pollock
[email protected]
Deborah Sibila
[email protected]
Scott Menard
[email protected]
1 Department of Government, Stephen F. Austin State University, Box 13045 SFA Station,
Nacogdoches, TX 75962, USA
2 Department of Social Sciences, Texas A&M University, 6300 Ocean Drive, Corpus Christi,
TX 78412, USA
3 Institute of Behavioral Science, University of Colorado, Boulder, USA
http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1007/s12103-016-9375-1&domain=pdf
Immigration Time Bomb, authors Richard D. Lamm and Gary Imhoff contend that the
issue of immigration and crime is a critically divisive topic easily subject to misinter-
pretation (1985, p. 21). The belief that immigrants are more crime-prone than native-
born is not a twentieth century development. Debates on this controversy date back
more than 100 years (Hagan & Palloni, 1998; Martinez & Lee, 2000). Hagan and
Pallon believed that the nexus between immigration and crime is so misleading that it
constitutes a mythology (1999, p. 630). In a special report for the Immigration Policy
Center, professors Ruben Rumbaut and Walter Ewing wrote B[The] misperception that
the foreign-born, especially illegal, immigrants are responsible for higher crime rates is
deeply rooted in American public opinion and sustained by media anecdote and
popular myth^ (2007, p. 3). Lee (2013) similarly argues that immigrants have a long
history of serving as scapegoats for a vast array of America’s societal problems
including crime.
Public opinion surveys suggest that a significant nu ...
28 contexts.orgrethinking crime and immigrationby robert.docxvickeryr87
28 contexts.org
rethinking crime and immigration
by robert j. sampson
The summer of 2007 witnessed a perfect storm of controversy
over immigration to the United States. After building for
months with angry debate, a widely touted immigration
reform bill supported by President George W. Bush and many
leaders in Congress failed decisively. Recriminations soon
followed across the political spectrum.
Just when it seemed media attention couldn’t be greater, a
human tragedy unfolded with the horrifying execution-style
murders of three teenagers in Newark, N.J., attributed by
authorities to illegal aliens.
Presidential candidate Rep. Tom Tancredo (R–Colorado)
descended on Newark to blame city leaders for encouraging
illegal immigration, while Newt Gingrich declared the “war at
home” against illegal immigrants was more deadly than the
battlefields of Iraq. National headlines and outrage reached a
feverish pitch, with Newark offering politicians a potent new
symbol and a brown face to replace the infamous Willie
Horton, who committed armed robbery and rape while on a
weekend furlough from his life sentence to a Massachusetts
prison. Another presidential candidate, former Tennessee sen-
ator Fred Thompson, seemed to capture the mood of the times
at the Prescott Bush Awards Dinner: “Twelve million illegal
immigrants later, we are now living in a nation that is beset by
people who are suicidal maniacs and want to kill countless
innocent men, women, and children around the world.”
Now imagine a nearly opposite, fact-based scenario.
Consider that immigration—even if illegal—is associated with
lower crime rates in most disadvantaged urban neighborhoods.
Or that increasing immigration tracks with the broad reduc-
tion in crime the United States has witnessed since the 1990s.
Well before the 2007 Summer of Discontent over immi-
gration, I proposed we take such ideas seriously. Based on hind-
sight I shouldn’t have been surprised by the intense reaction to
what I thought at the time was a rather logical reflection. From
the right came loud guffaws, expletive-filled insults, angry web
postings, and not-so-thinly veiled threats. But the left wasn’t
so happy either, because my argument assumes racial and eth-
nic differences in crime not tidily attributable to material dep-
rivation or discrimination—the canonical explanations.
Although Americans hold polarizing and conflicting views
about its value, immigration is a major social force that will
continue for some time. It thus pays to reconsider the role of
immigration in shaping crime, cities, culture, and societal
change writ large, especially in this era of social anxiety and
vitriolic claims about immigration’s reign of terror.
some facts
Consider first the “Latino Paradox.” Hispanic Americans
do better on a wide range of social indicators—including
propensity to violence—than one would expect given their
socioeconomic disadvantages. To assess this paradox in more
depth, my colleagues and .
The View of the Border News Framingof the Definition, Cause.docxpelise1
The View of the Border: News Framing
of the Definition, Causes, and
Solution
s
to Illegal Immigration
Sei-hill Kim
School of Journalism & Mass Communications
University of South Carolina
John P. Carvalho, Andrew G. Davis, and
Amanda M. Mullins
Department of Communication & Journalism
Auburn University
Analyzing newspaper articles and television news transcripts (N ¼ 484), this
study explores how American news media have framed the issue of illegal immi-
gration. More specifically, we analyze the way the media present the questions of
why illegal immigration is a problem, what the causes are, and how to fix the
problem. We also make a comparison across different media outlets (border-state
newspapers vs. papers elsewhere; newspapers vs. television news), looking at
whether news coverage of the issue has been consistent across the media.
Sei-Hill Kim (Ph.D., Cornell University, 2001) is an Associate Professor in the School of
Journalism & Mass Communications at University of South Carolina. His research interests
include political communication, public health, and public relations.
John P. Carvalho (Ph.D., University of North Carolina, 1999) is an Associate Professor in
the Department of Communication & Journalism at Auburn University. His research interests
include sports media history, particularly during the 1920s and 1930s.
Andrew G. Davis (M.A., Auburn University, 2008) is an instructor in the Department of
Communication & Journalism at Auburn University. His research interests include media
culture and history.
Amanda M. Mullins (M.A., Auburn University) is a graduate of the Department of
Communication & Journalism at Auburn University.
Correspondence should be addressed to Sei-hill Kim, School of Journalism & Mass Commu-
nications, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC 29208. E-mail: [email protected]
Mass Communication and Society, 14:292–314, 2011
Copyright # Mass Communication & Society Division
of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication
ISSN: 1520-5436 print=1532-7825 online
DOI: 10.1080/15205431003743679
292
Over the last two decades or so, illegal immigration to the United States has
almost tripled from an estimated 4 million undocumented residents in 1986
to about 11.2 million in 2008 (Camarota & Jensenius, 2008). With the
fast-growing number of illegal immigrants, the issue is now an increasingly
important topic in American politics, producing a substantial amount of
public debate (Dunaway, Abrajano, & Branton, 2007).
At the center of the debate are the questions of what causes the problem
and how to fix it. How to define causal and solution responsibility is parti-
cularly important because it shapes the overall policy direction and, more
important, the domain of society to which the effort to make changes should
be applied (Salmon, 1989). News media play a significant role in the process
of defining a social problem (Kim & Willis, 2007). The media can ‘‘frame’’
an issue.
Violence and Popular CultureViolence exists and has existed in a.docxdickonsondorris
Violence and Popular Culture
Violence exists and has existed in all societies. In contemporary North American society, we also see violence frequently in media--from news to films to video games. These representations have been blamed for creating a culture of fear and inspiring real violence, particularly among youth.
Media analysts argue that the question of media and violence must shift from a focus on violence in media to a focus on violence in our broader society. They argue that we need to make interconnections between class, gender, race and inequality in the debate on violence. This can be a difficult shift to make because contemporary media is rife with overt and subtle instances of violence. Violence is portrayed in the news, music videos, reality TV crime shows, films and video games.
In the wake of the tragic shooting in Newtown, Connecticut, media pundits discussed (Opens new window) whether video game consumption was producing violent people. While this is an interesting question, in this module we do not focus on whether violent images produce violent people. Nor do we examine whether media imagery has become increasingly violent. As one scholar (Opens new window)puts it,
Violence has always figured prominently in storytelling. Violent imagery has been around since hunters began scratching accounts of their exploits on the walls of caves. . . . Artifacts of Egyptian, Sumerian, Minoan, and Babylonian peoples all depict violent events, as do classical works of the ancient Greeks written 3,000 years ago. . . . The books of the Old Testament, written during the same period, are filled with accounts of genocide, war, human sacrifice, and, of course, various plagues. And as Mel Gibson so eloquently reminded moviegoers with his hugely successful film, The Passion of the Christ (2004), the biggest story of the New Testament culminates in rioting, ritual torture, and public execution. Perhaps more to the point, these grizzly stories have been repeated for centuries to children and adults alike as important works of history and religion. (Trend, The Myth of Media Violence 12-13)
This is not to deny that exposure to violent images may contribute toward violent behaviour.(Opens new window) But in a sociology course like this one, our job is to examine the role popular culture's representation of violence plays in the maintenance of cultural hegemony.
Video
Watch Mean World Syndrome (2010). (Opens new window)According to the documentary, what are some of the myths associated with media violence? What does George Gerbner say is the reason why violence pervades the media? How does popular culture use representations of violence to perpetuate racist myths? What is "mean world syndrome" anyway?
Law-and-order ideology
Law-and-order ideology has been chronically present in public, media, and political discourse, but it has assumed an even larger role in recent years. Particular media portrayals of criminal justice interact with ...
Running head: RACE AND CRIME
1
RACE AND CRIME
8
Race and Crime
Why Racialization of Crime in the United States News Media is Dangerous and should be stopped
Introduction and Current Failings
The United States news media plays a massive role in informing and educating the public not only on political issues but also on social issues like crime. Since the inauguration of President Donald Trump in 2016, he has succeeded in using fear as his political weapon (Evers, Fisher & Schaaf, 2019). One of the things that stand out in his presidency is the dishonest claim that the rates of crime have gone up, despite the national trends on violent crimes going down significantly. Trump’s fear-mongering, which seems to be working, has permitted the news media with the Center for American Progress and GBA Strategies reporting that 88 percent of Americans regard crime on the national level as a major issue and that of immediate crisis (Adamson, 2017).
Whether through well-intended intentions or not, the news media are amplifying the national-level fear through constant reporting on Donald Trump, crime and how it has been racialized. Since the perception of national crime is an abstract concept to the ordinary citizens, the news media has likely been playing an out sized role in shaping the imagination of the public (Douai & Perry, 2018). Needless to say, the news media not only contributes towards the overestimation of crime statistics by members of the public through its reporting on the president’s fear-mongering and controversies but it also over reports on violent crimes, which feed destructive ethnic and racial biases about the people responsible.
African American men are often over-represented as the major perpetrators of violent crimes in the United States media (Zack, 2015). For instance, one survey of late-night news outlets in the city of New York established in 2014 that the media reported on violent crimes like assault, theft and murder in which black men and women were suspects at a rate that was far higher than the actual arrest rates for the same mentioned crimes (Adamson, 2017). The study also found out that black people are vilified by the news media by presenting black crime suspects as more dangerous and threatening than those from other dominant races like the whites.
The vilification is done by displaying the mug shots of African American suspects more frequently than those from the white community; depicting African American suspects in police cells more frequently; and paying deeper attention to criminal cases where the victims are strangers (Zack, 2015). Further, the news media has also played a part in worsening the racial differences and tensions between the white people and the blacks by particularly perpetuating and spread ...
Running head Overpopulation and violence 1Overpopulation and v.docxjeanettehully
Running head: Overpopulation and violence 1
Overpopulation and violence 9Overpopulation and Violence: The poison of America
Roger F. Lewis
St. Thomas University
Table of Contents
Abstract 3
Overpopulation and Violence: The poison of America 4
Literature Review 6
Data 8
Data Analysis/Findings 8
References 10
Tables 12
Figures 13
Abstract
America has seen a lot of violence in the past two decades. We have experienced violence in many forms form terrorists’ attacks on September 11, 2001, mass shootings such as Las Vegas and Pulse Orlando shootings, mass school shootings, FedEx bombings, Walmart shootings, racial violence, and even bullying. Majority of our violence are by our own citizens and in order to determine why America is so violent, a research study will be conducted on what makes people commit violent acts? Why America is so intrigue with violence? Does it have to do with how America was founded?
The research is conducted in review of previous events in order to determine if the United States can be considered a violent community. When you look back at the previous events, most of the violence is linked with guns. The paper is also set up to investigate the impact of such violence on society, and the younger generation. The measure of violence is comprehensive with terrorist activities, mass shootings, cyber-bullying/bullying and poverty.
The study was conducted through questionnaires that were shared amongst a group of 30 random individuals who form the sample population. The individuals are composed of American citizens, visitor in the state and other persons who have taken up residence in the U.S. for a period of time. The study is also conducted using SPSS for the interpretation and gathering of the analysis. The questionnaire contains 20 identified possible causes of violence for the participants to pick out from.
Overpopulation and Violence: The poison of America
The United States is a ranked as the most violent country globally. The rates of murder in the country are extremely high compared to other nations such as Japan and Canada. There more cases of assault, rape and robbery in USA compared to most nations. Crime rates in the country have always been greater than in other rich nations. Violence entailing relationships accounts for 32% of the violent deaths. Knives and guns are the main weapons utilized in murders involving relationships. It is estimated that more than 70% of the privately-owned guns in the world are found in United States and majorly owned by men. Over the years, deaths that have been performed using guns have reached the 30,000 mark. Approximately more than 300 million guns are privately owned in United States (Stark, 2017).
I believe that overpopulation is the reason why America is a violent society. Basically, overpopulation leads to the depletion of resources and individuals begin fighting to acquire the scarce resources. Individuals are willing to use violence to acquire the scarce resources theref ...
28 contexts.orgrethinking crime and immigrationby robert.docxvickeryr87
28 contexts.org
rethinking crime and immigration
by robert j. sampson
The summer of 2007 witnessed a perfect storm of controversy
over immigration to the United States. After building for
months with angry debate, a widely touted immigration
reform bill supported by President George W. Bush and many
leaders in Congress failed decisively. Recriminations soon
followed across the political spectrum.
Just when it seemed media attention couldn’t be greater, a
human tragedy unfolded with the horrifying execution-style
murders of three teenagers in Newark, N.J., attributed by
authorities to illegal aliens.
Presidential candidate Rep. Tom Tancredo (R–Colorado)
descended on Newark to blame city leaders for encouraging
illegal immigration, while Newt Gingrich declared the “war at
home” against illegal immigrants was more deadly than the
battlefields of Iraq. National headlines and outrage reached a
feverish pitch, with Newark offering politicians a potent new
symbol and a brown face to replace the infamous Willie
Horton, who committed armed robbery and rape while on a
weekend furlough from his life sentence to a Massachusetts
prison. Another presidential candidate, former Tennessee sen-
ator Fred Thompson, seemed to capture the mood of the times
at the Prescott Bush Awards Dinner: “Twelve million illegal
immigrants later, we are now living in a nation that is beset by
people who are suicidal maniacs and want to kill countless
innocent men, women, and children around the world.”
Now imagine a nearly opposite, fact-based scenario.
Consider that immigration—even if illegal—is associated with
lower crime rates in most disadvantaged urban neighborhoods.
Or that increasing immigration tracks with the broad reduc-
tion in crime the United States has witnessed since the 1990s.
Well before the 2007 Summer of Discontent over immi-
gration, I proposed we take such ideas seriously. Based on hind-
sight I shouldn’t have been surprised by the intense reaction to
what I thought at the time was a rather logical reflection. From
the right came loud guffaws, expletive-filled insults, angry web
postings, and not-so-thinly veiled threats. But the left wasn’t
so happy either, because my argument assumes racial and eth-
nic differences in crime not tidily attributable to material dep-
rivation or discrimination—the canonical explanations.
Although Americans hold polarizing and conflicting views
about its value, immigration is a major social force that will
continue for some time. It thus pays to reconsider the role of
immigration in shaping crime, cities, culture, and societal
change writ large, especially in this era of social anxiety and
vitriolic claims about immigration’s reign of terror.
some facts
Consider first the “Latino Paradox.” Hispanic Americans
do better on a wide range of social indicators—including
propensity to violence—than one would expect given their
socioeconomic disadvantages. To assess this paradox in more
depth, my colleagues and .
The View of the Border News Framingof the Definition, Cause.docxpelise1
The View of the Border: News Framing
of the Definition, Causes, and
Solution
s
to Illegal Immigration
Sei-hill Kim
School of Journalism & Mass Communications
University of South Carolina
John P. Carvalho, Andrew G. Davis, and
Amanda M. Mullins
Department of Communication & Journalism
Auburn University
Analyzing newspaper articles and television news transcripts (N ¼ 484), this
study explores how American news media have framed the issue of illegal immi-
gration. More specifically, we analyze the way the media present the questions of
why illegal immigration is a problem, what the causes are, and how to fix the
problem. We also make a comparison across different media outlets (border-state
newspapers vs. papers elsewhere; newspapers vs. television news), looking at
whether news coverage of the issue has been consistent across the media.
Sei-Hill Kim (Ph.D., Cornell University, 2001) is an Associate Professor in the School of
Journalism & Mass Communications at University of South Carolina. His research interests
include political communication, public health, and public relations.
John P. Carvalho (Ph.D., University of North Carolina, 1999) is an Associate Professor in
the Department of Communication & Journalism at Auburn University. His research interests
include sports media history, particularly during the 1920s and 1930s.
Andrew G. Davis (M.A., Auburn University, 2008) is an instructor in the Department of
Communication & Journalism at Auburn University. His research interests include media
culture and history.
Amanda M. Mullins (M.A., Auburn University) is a graduate of the Department of
Communication & Journalism at Auburn University.
Correspondence should be addressed to Sei-hill Kim, School of Journalism & Mass Commu-
nications, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC 29208. E-mail: [email protected]
Mass Communication and Society, 14:292–314, 2011
Copyright # Mass Communication & Society Division
of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication
ISSN: 1520-5436 print=1532-7825 online
DOI: 10.1080/15205431003743679
292
Over the last two decades or so, illegal immigration to the United States has
almost tripled from an estimated 4 million undocumented residents in 1986
to about 11.2 million in 2008 (Camarota & Jensenius, 2008). With the
fast-growing number of illegal immigrants, the issue is now an increasingly
important topic in American politics, producing a substantial amount of
public debate (Dunaway, Abrajano, & Branton, 2007).
At the center of the debate are the questions of what causes the problem
and how to fix it. How to define causal and solution responsibility is parti-
cularly important because it shapes the overall policy direction and, more
important, the domain of society to which the effort to make changes should
be applied (Salmon, 1989). News media play a significant role in the process
of defining a social problem (Kim & Willis, 2007). The media can ‘‘frame’’
an issue.
Violence and Popular CultureViolence exists and has existed in a.docxdickonsondorris
Violence and Popular Culture
Violence exists and has existed in all societies. In contemporary North American society, we also see violence frequently in media--from news to films to video games. These representations have been blamed for creating a culture of fear and inspiring real violence, particularly among youth.
Media analysts argue that the question of media and violence must shift from a focus on violence in media to a focus on violence in our broader society. They argue that we need to make interconnections between class, gender, race and inequality in the debate on violence. This can be a difficult shift to make because contemporary media is rife with overt and subtle instances of violence. Violence is portrayed in the news, music videos, reality TV crime shows, films and video games.
In the wake of the tragic shooting in Newtown, Connecticut, media pundits discussed (Opens new window) whether video game consumption was producing violent people. While this is an interesting question, in this module we do not focus on whether violent images produce violent people. Nor do we examine whether media imagery has become increasingly violent. As one scholar (Opens new window)puts it,
Violence has always figured prominently in storytelling. Violent imagery has been around since hunters began scratching accounts of their exploits on the walls of caves. . . . Artifacts of Egyptian, Sumerian, Minoan, and Babylonian peoples all depict violent events, as do classical works of the ancient Greeks written 3,000 years ago. . . . The books of the Old Testament, written during the same period, are filled with accounts of genocide, war, human sacrifice, and, of course, various plagues. And as Mel Gibson so eloquently reminded moviegoers with his hugely successful film, The Passion of the Christ (2004), the biggest story of the New Testament culminates in rioting, ritual torture, and public execution. Perhaps more to the point, these grizzly stories have been repeated for centuries to children and adults alike as important works of history and religion. (Trend, The Myth of Media Violence 12-13)
This is not to deny that exposure to violent images may contribute toward violent behaviour.(Opens new window) But in a sociology course like this one, our job is to examine the role popular culture's representation of violence plays in the maintenance of cultural hegemony.
Video
Watch Mean World Syndrome (2010). (Opens new window)According to the documentary, what are some of the myths associated with media violence? What does George Gerbner say is the reason why violence pervades the media? How does popular culture use representations of violence to perpetuate racist myths? What is "mean world syndrome" anyway?
Law-and-order ideology
Law-and-order ideology has been chronically present in public, media, and political discourse, but it has assumed an even larger role in recent years. Particular media portrayals of criminal justice interact with ...
Running head: RACE AND CRIME
1
RACE AND CRIME
8
Race and Crime
Why Racialization of Crime in the United States News Media is Dangerous and should be stopped
Introduction and Current Failings
The United States news media plays a massive role in informing and educating the public not only on political issues but also on social issues like crime. Since the inauguration of President Donald Trump in 2016, he has succeeded in using fear as his political weapon (Evers, Fisher & Schaaf, 2019). One of the things that stand out in his presidency is the dishonest claim that the rates of crime have gone up, despite the national trends on violent crimes going down significantly. Trump’s fear-mongering, which seems to be working, has permitted the news media with the Center for American Progress and GBA Strategies reporting that 88 percent of Americans regard crime on the national level as a major issue and that of immediate crisis (Adamson, 2017).
Whether through well-intended intentions or not, the news media are amplifying the national-level fear through constant reporting on Donald Trump, crime and how it has been racialized. Since the perception of national crime is an abstract concept to the ordinary citizens, the news media has likely been playing an out sized role in shaping the imagination of the public (Douai & Perry, 2018). Needless to say, the news media not only contributes towards the overestimation of crime statistics by members of the public through its reporting on the president’s fear-mongering and controversies but it also over reports on violent crimes, which feed destructive ethnic and racial biases about the people responsible.
African American men are often over-represented as the major perpetrators of violent crimes in the United States media (Zack, 2015). For instance, one survey of late-night news outlets in the city of New York established in 2014 that the media reported on violent crimes like assault, theft and murder in which black men and women were suspects at a rate that was far higher than the actual arrest rates for the same mentioned crimes (Adamson, 2017). The study also found out that black people are vilified by the news media by presenting black crime suspects as more dangerous and threatening than those from other dominant races like the whites.
The vilification is done by displaying the mug shots of African American suspects more frequently than those from the white community; depicting African American suspects in police cells more frequently; and paying deeper attention to criminal cases where the victims are strangers (Zack, 2015). Further, the news media has also played a part in worsening the racial differences and tensions between the white people and the blacks by particularly perpetuating and spread ...
Running head Overpopulation and violence 1Overpopulation and v.docxjeanettehully
Running head: Overpopulation and violence 1
Overpopulation and violence 9Overpopulation and Violence: The poison of America
Roger F. Lewis
St. Thomas University
Table of Contents
Abstract 3
Overpopulation and Violence: The poison of America 4
Literature Review 6
Data 8
Data Analysis/Findings 8
References 10
Tables 12
Figures 13
Abstract
America has seen a lot of violence in the past two decades. We have experienced violence in many forms form terrorists’ attacks on September 11, 2001, mass shootings such as Las Vegas and Pulse Orlando shootings, mass school shootings, FedEx bombings, Walmart shootings, racial violence, and even bullying. Majority of our violence are by our own citizens and in order to determine why America is so violent, a research study will be conducted on what makes people commit violent acts? Why America is so intrigue with violence? Does it have to do with how America was founded?
The research is conducted in review of previous events in order to determine if the United States can be considered a violent community. When you look back at the previous events, most of the violence is linked with guns. The paper is also set up to investigate the impact of such violence on society, and the younger generation. The measure of violence is comprehensive with terrorist activities, mass shootings, cyber-bullying/bullying and poverty.
The study was conducted through questionnaires that were shared amongst a group of 30 random individuals who form the sample population. The individuals are composed of American citizens, visitor in the state and other persons who have taken up residence in the U.S. for a period of time. The study is also conducted using SPSS for the interpretation and gathering of the analysis. The questionnaire contains 20 identified possible causes of violence for the participants to pick out from.
Overpopulation and Violence: The poison of America
The United States is a ranked as the most violent country globally. The rates of murder in the country are extremely high compared to other nations such as Japan and Canada. There more cases of assault, rape and robbery in USA compared to most nations. Crime rates in the country have always been greater than in other rich nations. Violence entailing relationships accounts for 32% of the violent deaths. Knives and guns are the main weapons utilized in murders involving relationships. It is estimated that more than 70% of the privately-owned guns in the world are found in United States and majorly owned by men. Over the years, deaths that have been performed using guns have reached the 30,000 mark. Approximately more than 300 million guns are privately owned in United States (Stark, 2017).
I believe that overpopulation is the reason why America is a violent society. Basically, overpopulation leads to the depletion of resources and individuals begin fighting to acquire the scarce resources. Individuals are willing to use violence to acquire the scarce resources theref ...
Do you think that Canada’s perceived liberal approach to both immigr.pdfforladies
Do you think that Canada’s perceived liberal approach to both immigration and refugees poses a
security threat to the United States?
Solution
Ans;- Yes, Canada’s perceived liberal approach to both immigration and refugees poses a
security threat to the United States,
mmigration has been connected with terrorism, immigration has also been related to increased
criminality, resulting in the perception that immigration is a threat to public security. The issue
of whether or not immigration actually results in increased crime rates is, again, an issue of
perception versus reality. While the public has become increasingly concerned about high crime
rates intensified by immigration and the threat that immigrants pose to public order, these
concerns are empirically unsound (Wang 2012:743). Contrary to popular opinion, several studies
on a number of states have found no strong correlation between immigration and criminality.
It cannot be denied that in some states, there has been a connection between increased
immigration flows and increased crime rates. There is, indeed, a trend showing that cities and
countries that have high crime rates tend to have a higher immigrant population. For instance, a
study found that in 2001, “the proportion of the prison population born abroad in Spain was
twenty five times higher than the proportion of immigrants in the population” (Westbrook
2010:101). However, as Westbrook (2010) insightfully argues, this has much more to do with
demographic factors than it does with simply having an immigrant status (101). In the case of
Spain, the majority of immigrants are those who have the highest incidence of criminal
behaviour: single men aged 18 to 35 (Westbrook 2010:101). Thus, in examining the relationship
between immigration and criminality, demographic variables must be taken into account.
There is an abundance of evidence which demonstrates that the correlation between immigration
and criminality is very weak or non-existent. A study of three American neighbourhoods
concludes that in general, immigration does not lead to increased levels of homicide among
Latinos and African Americans (Lee et al. 2001:559). Similarly, in another study, Butcher and
Piehl (1998) conclude that the flow of migration has no effect on a city’s crime rate (457). Bell et
al. (2010) investigate the relationship between immigration and crime during two particular
periods of large migration flows in the United Kingdom: during the wave of asylum seekers in
the 1990s and early 2000s, and the inflow of economic migrants from EU accession countries
beginning in 2004 (1). The study reports that neither wave impacted rates of violent crime, and
that immigrant arrest rates were no higher than native arrest rates (Bell et al. 2010:17). Evidently,
while widespread public opinion holds that immigration is a threat to public security, it is a
constructed threat, not founded upon empirical facts.
The terrorist attacks of September 2001 (9/11) in the United St.
HUMAN TRAFFICKING IN UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 6
Jervaughn F. Reid
Helm School of Government, Liberty University
Human Trafficking in United states of America
Dr. Melvin Richards
July 1, 2021
Author Note
Jervaughn F. Reid
I do not have any conflict of interest to disclose.
Any communication about this article should be articulated to
Jervaughn F. Reid
Email: [email protected]
Human Trafficking in United States of America.
Human trafficking is among the Criminal activities that have been so common in most countries worldwide. Some of these countries suffer from the organized crimes by a group of gangsters. The fascinating thing is that majority of these criminal activities are observant with rational choicer theory and the conspiracy theory. By observing these theories imply that the organizers of the crime do it under their full conscience. Before they do the crime, they calculate the impacts of crime and find it more beneficial. They overlook the adverse effects to be outshined by the positive impact. Criminal cases take different nature; some may be due to robbery with violence. Some may be due to conning where the perpetrators of the criminal activity apply their witty character to get what they need from the victims. Human trafficking is one of the criminal activities that has since been ravaging the United States of America.
These criminal activities through human trafficking have impacted the concerned countries in several ways, for example, in the human rights aspect or financial aspect. Several countries, as a result, try as much as possible to combat such criminal cases. The concerned countries address these issues through the inaction of rules and laws that help tackle criminal cases. Others use religious intervention by preaching to people worldwide so that the criminals can change their minds and avoid involved in criminal activities.
This paper aims to address the crime topology of the human trafficking done by Ping in the United States of America. Under this, it will address the nature of people and the society in the country. In addition to that, it will address the structure of the government. The paper captures the scope of the organized crime of human trafficking, the impact of crime on the United States, policies that may help mitigate human trafficking crime, and finally, address the biblical allusion to the aspects of the organized crime above.
Country Analysis
The United States of America are history show that many criminal cases have primarily manifested in the past. The United States of America can get located in North America and borders countries like Mexico and Canada. It consists of 50 state and federal districts.
People and Society of the United States of America
It has various diversities ranging from Asian, African, Hispanic, European, and native American origin. In addition, the country also has a direct link to other countries outside, like the republic of China (Tushnet, 2016). All these pe ...
Perceived Racial and Ethnic Composition of Neighborhood and .docxdanhaley45372
Perceived Racial and Ethnic Composition of
Neighborhood and Perceived Risk of Crime
TED CHIRICOS, Florida State University
RANEE McENTIRE, Florida State University
MARC GERTZ, Florida State University
This paper examines the relationship between perceived racial and ethnic composition of neighborhood
and criminal threat, which is operationalized as the perceived risk of criminal victimization. To address this
question, we use interviews with a statewide random sample of 3,000 Florida residents conducted in the fall of
1996. This is the first assessment of this issue to include Hispanics-the largest and fastest growing minority in
the State-as both respondents and as ethnic "others" whose presence may be a source of perceived risk for some.
For the full sample, OLS regressions show that perceived risk of victimization is influenced by the perception that
either Hispanics or blacks live nearby. The effects of the perception that Hispanics live nearby are consistently
stronger than those associated with the perceived proximity of blacks. Analyses for subsamples show that whites
are threatened by Hispanics and blacks, but only in South Florida where they are slightly outnumbered by those
two groups. Hispanics are also threatened by the presence of blacks and other Hispanics, but only outside of
South Florida where they are greatly outnumbered by blacks and whites. The results support a core assumption
of the "social threat" perspective, which presumes the mobilization of social control is influenced by the percep-
tion of criminal threat associated with the perceived proximity of racial others. These results also suggest that
crime threat may be "ethnicity coded" as well as "race coded" and may, in certain contexts, have more effect on
those who are in a minority status than on the dominant majority.
The equation of criminal threat with the presence of blacks is nothing new in American
culture (Hawkins 1995). But in recent years, the typification of crime as a black male threat
has achieved iconic proportions. From Willie Horton to Charles Stuart to Susan Smith, the fac-
ile link of race and crime has been used to gain electoral advantage and to confound the
search for justice (Anderson 1995).' The same putative threat is routinely invoked to justify
things as profound as the shooting of unarmed black men by New York City police and as pro-
saic as the non-delivery of pizza and the "unavailability" of taxi cabs in predominantly black
neighborhoods (West 1994).
So pervasive is the presumption of criminal threat in relation to black men that observers
as disparate as James Q. Wilson and the reverend Jesse Jackson have expressed similar senti-
ments on the issue. In a speech decrying black on black crime, Jackson acknowledged feeling
"relief" when an approaching urban stranger was not a young black male (Cohen 1993:A23)
and Wilson argued that "it is not racism that makes whites uneasy about blacks . .. it is fear.
Crime Waves, Fears, and Social RealityThe American criminal just.docxwillcoxjanay
Crime Waves, Fears, and Social Reality
The American criminal justice system is a mirror that shows a distorted image of the dangers that threaten us—an image created more by the shape of the mirror than by the reality reflected.
—Jeffrey Reiman and Paul Leighton
For decades, polls have found that people in the United States are wor- ried about crime. A Gallup poll found that people worried their credit card information would be stolen by hackers (69%), their homes would be bur- glarized when they were not there (45%), their car would be stolen (42%), their child would be physically harmed while attending school (31%), they would be mugged on the streets (31%), their home would be burglarized when they were there (30%), they would be victims of terrorism (28%), they would be attacked while driving their car (20%), they would be murdered (18%), they would be the victim of a hate crime (18%), they would be sexu- ally assaulted (18%), or they would be assaulted/killed at work (7%) (Riffkin, 2014). The learning process for these fears is complex, but one contributing factor is the dissemination of crime statistics by the media and the govern- ment. (Recall our discussion of the crime clock in the first chapter.) How reli- able and valid are these statistics? Does the public’s perception of crime reflect the reality of crime?
The number of people who fear crime is substantial. Perceptions about individuals who engage in criminal behavior are even more revealing. Jef- frey Reiman and Paul Leighton (2017) describe the stereotyped image:
Think of a crime, any crime. . . . What do you see? The odds are you are not imagining an oil company executive sitting at his desk, calculating the costs of proper safety precautions and deciding not to invest in them. Prob
ably what you see with your mind’s eye is one person attacking another physically or robbing something from another via the threat of physical attack. Look more closely. What does the attacker look like? It’s a safe bet he (and it is a he, of course) is not wearing a suit and tie. In fact, you—like us, like almost anyone else in America—picture a young, tough, lower- class male when the thought of crime first pops into your head. (p. 74)
The “Typical Criminal” in the minds of most people who fear being vic- tims of crime is poor, young, urban, and black—“threatening the lives, limbs, and possessions of the law-abiding members of society, necessitating recourse to the ultimate weapons of force and detention in our common defense” (pp. 67–68).
The presidential campaign for George H. Bush in 1988 capitalized on this stereotypical image with its infamous “Willie Horton” commercials. The governor of Massachusetts, Michael Dukakis, was Bush’s opponent; his state had a highly successful prison furlough program. The Bush campaign seized on a single case where a participant in the program (Horton) committed a violent crime while on furlough. Willie Horton was an African American male whose predations were .
Crime Waves, Fears, and Social RealityThe American criminal just.docxfaithxdunce63732
Crime Waves, Fears, and Social Reality
The American criminal justice system is a mirror that shows a distorted image of the dangers that threaten us—an image created more by the shape of the mirror than by the reality reflected.
—Jeffrey Reiman and Paul Leighton
For decades, polls have found that people in the United States are wor- ried about crime. A Gallup poll found that people worried their credit card information would be stolen by hackers (69%), their homes would be bur- glarized when they were not there (45%), their car would be stolen (42%), their child would be physically harmed while attending school (31%), they would be mugged on the streets (31%), their home would be burglarized when they were there (30%), they would be victims of terrorism (28%), they would be attacked while driving their car (20%), they would be murdered (18%), they would be the victim of a hate crime (18%), they would be sexu- ally assaulted (18%), or they would be assaulted/killed at work (7%) (Riffkin, 2014). The learning process for these fears is complex, but one contributing factor is the dissemination of crime statistics by the media and the govern- ment. (Recall our discussion of the crime clock in the first chapter.) How reli- able and valid are these statistics? Does the public’s perception of crime reflect the reality of crime?
The number of people who fear crime is substantial. Perceptions about individuals who engage in criminal behavior are even more revealing. Jef- frey Reiman and Paul Leighton (2017) describe the stereotyped image:
Think of a crime, any crime. . . . What do you see? The odds are you are not imagining an oil company executive sitting at his desk, calculating the costs of proper safety precautions and deciding not to invest in them. Prob
ably what you see with your mind’s eye is one person attacking another physically or robbing something from another via the threat of physical attack. Look more closely. What does the attacker look like? It’s a safe bet he (and it is a he, of course) is not wearing a suit and tie. In fact, you—like us, like almost anyone else in America—picture a young, tough, lower- class male when the thought of crime first pops into your head. (p. 74)
The “Typical Criminal” in the minds of most people who fear being vic- tims of crime is poor, young, urban, and black—“threatening the lives, limbs, and possessions of the law-abiding members of society, necessitating recourse to the ultimate weapons of force and detention in our common defense” (pp. 67–68).
The presidential campaign for George H. Bush in 1988 capitalized on this stereotypical image with its infamous “Willie Horton” commercials. The governor of Massachusetts, Michael Dukakis, was Bush’s opponent; his state had a highly successful prison furlough program. The Bush campaign seized on a single case where a participant in the program (Horton) committed a violent crime while on furlough. Willie Horton was an African American male whose predations were .
Running head DRUG WAR 1AUTHORS PURPOSE.docxtodd271
Running head: DRUG WAR 1
AUTHORS PURPOSE 3
Drug War
Fernando Soto
RWS
9/29/18
The impact of violence on the communities affected is not well understood today and has become a major area of research. In this paper, Sukanya Basu and Sarah Pearlman study the impact of violence and migration on the drug war in Mexico which is one of the major drug zones in the US and other related countries around the globe. The authors clearly seek to explore the impact of drugs by studying the way in which violence on the private choices of people has become an issue that is debated in the context of conflict and crime. A further examination is done on the drug cases of the drug war zones that are affected by drugs due to the steep rise in the number of homicide cases since late 2016 in the Mexican population hence estimating the impact of violence on migration at both the state and municipal levels by using federal highways as cocaine supply from Columbia. The authors clearly address the issue of drugs and their influence in the society (Basu & Pearlman, 2017).
According to Basu & Pearlman, (2017) the rise in the number of debates related to the steep rise in the number of homicide cases and violence that is experienced in Mexico, a country that is a drug lord in the manufacture and distribution of the illegal drugs that have been globally banned is what prompted to this research study. The drugs and other illegal substances have been a major concern that has negatively led to the increased fear of violence among the residents while causing others to migrate to neighboring countries that have guaranteed security like Canada and the United States. The drug war essentially began after the elected president launched a state assault on all the drug trafficking organizations and cartels leading to a higher proportion of Mexican adult residents to feel their state of residence as unsafe and as a result the distorted belief on the true violence has played a fundamental role in determination of the relocation choices. The authors find on an aggregate level that one way for people to exit certain locations like Mexico is because they think that there is a threat of violent behavior from dissidents or the government towards their personal integrity. This is evident in the case where most households with greater exposure to violence in their neighborhoods relocate to Colombia a country which is similar to Mexico (Basu & Pearlman, 2017).
The authors clearly overcome obstacles by making good use of instrumental variables strategy. They instrument the rate of annual violence by use of kilometers of the interacted federal highways with seizures of cocaine in Colombia. They find out that highways show the distribution networks of pre-existing drugs where violence has been seen among different cartels in order to gain controls of the drug networks (Basu & Pearlman, 2017). The highways are used as a predictor tha.
Jones 1Jones 7Kyle JonesMatthew ZimmermanEnglish 10222 N.docxpriestmanmable
Jones 1
Jones 7
Kyle Jones
Matthew Zimmerman
English 102
22 November 2014[Title]: [Subtitle]
In 2014, we live in a world with a media saturated culture. This is the era of digital news services, of 24-hour news channels, free newspapers, and even media based applications. For the majority of us, the way in which we learn about the world outside our personal perception is through the consumption of news, mainly still through broadcast or print (OFCOM 2007). Various forms of media has fed the public statistics that created a sense of stereotyping for each particular race. For example, the media and those on film, such as politics and leaders of the government, link together race and crime, which conveys a criminal image of the public’s consumption (St. John & Heald-Moore, 1995). Since race and crime are tied together, when one thinks of a crime, hears about a crime, or when crime is being reported, race is usually associated with it. In the American society, a frequent representation of crime is that it is majorly committed by African- Americans. The view of African Americans has been distorted and twisted by the media. Without question, almost everything that is being covered by the media is believed by most of society and it becomes their actual perceptual reality. Broadcast media and other various forms of media has a history for portraying African Americans in a biased manner, as if they were mostly reported involved in crime, drugs, or acts of violence. This has led to many cases of stereotyping, racial profiling, police brutality, prejudice, inhumane acts and has brain washed most of our society into believing that almost every African American is mischievous or a threat to their well-being. African Americans are unjustly, as well as unrealistically depicted on broadcast news and various other types of mass media. These negative connotations affects more than just African- Americans but also every other culture that exists in America.
African Americans have been associated with crime for quite some time. It was not until some in the 1970’s and early 1980s that the popular stereotype of the young black man evolved in the eyes of many from a petty thief or rapist into the notorious , malicious criminal predators, or what Kathery Russel ( 2002) has argued, is the world recognized “ criminalblackman”. Within the last few decades there have been controversial law enforcement practices of racial profiling. Law enforcement officials pursue minorities in an attempt to increase the likely hood of catching illegal activity or the predetermined act of illegal activity, which is part of a consequence from the racial profiling that the media has inflicted upon society. The questionable practices has led to negative effects on blacks. To the African American culture law officials are deemed more criminal or more of a threat than what the media and statistics has condemned blacks to be. The after math, after the many years of harassment, African ...
The race industry and its elite enablers take it as self-evident tha.pdfaptcomputerzone
The race industry and its elite enablers take it as self-evident that high black incarceration rates
result from discrimination. At a presidential primary debate this Martin Luther King Day, for
instance, Senator Barack Obama charged that blacks and whites “are arrested at very different
rates, are convicted at very different rates, [and] receive very different sentences . . . for the same
crime.” Not to be outdone, Senator Hillary Clinton promptly denounced the “disgrace of a
criminal-justice system that incarcerates so many more African-Americans proportionately than
whites.”
Racial activists usually remain assiduously silent about that problem. But in 2005, the black
homicide rate was over seven times higher than that of whites and Hispanics combined,
according to the federal Bureau of Justice Statistics. From 1976 to 2005, blacks committed over
52 percent of all murders in America. In 2006, the black arrest rate for most crimes was two to
nearly three times blacks’ representation in the population. Blacks constituted 39.3 percent of all
violent-crime arrests, including 56.3 percent of all robbery and 34.5 percent of all aggravated-
assault arrests, and 29.4 percent of all property-crime arrests.
The advocates acknowledge such crime data only indirectly: by charging bias on the part of the
system’s decision makers. As Obama suggested in the Martin Luther King debate, police,
prosecutors, and judges treat blacks and whites differently “for the same crime.”
The media love to target the federal crack penalties because crack defendants are likely to be
black. In 2006, 81 percent of federal crack defendants were black, while only 27 percent of
federal powder-cocaine defendants were. Since federal crack rules are more severe than those for
powder, and crack offenders are disproportionately black, those rules must explain why so many
blacks are in prison, the conventional wisdom holds.
The press has covered this development voraciously, serving up a massive dose of crack
revisionism aimed at proving the racist origins of the war on crack. Crack was never a big deal,
the revisionist story line goes. But when Boston Celtics draft pick Len Bias died of a crack
overdose in 1986, the media went into overdrive covering the crack phenomenon. “Images—or
perhaps anecdotes—about the evils of crack, and the street crime it was presumed to stoke”
circulated, as the New York Times archly put it in a December 2007 article. A “moral panic”
(Michael Tonry’s term) ensued about an imaginary threat from a powerless minority group.
Whites feared that addicted blacks would invade their neighborhoods. Sensational stories about
“crack babies” surfaced. All this hysteria resulted in the unnecessary federal crack penalties.
Those who tar the criminal-justice system as racist often make a broader claim: incarceration
doesn’t even lower crime, making the nation’s skyrocketing prison rolls a particularly senseless
injustice.
Incarceration foes are right about one thing: the.
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Learning Objectives
• Understand the concepts of “race” and “ethnicity” as social constructs.
• Analyze evidence about racial inequality and social class in relation to crime.
• Analyze evidence about racial differences in rates of victimization.
• Analyze evidence regarding racial inequality and incarceration rates.
• Explore how the War on Drugs contributes to racial discrimination in the criminal justice system.
• Examine crack cocaine and marijuana law enforcement in context of racial discrimination.
• Critically analyze the connections between race and the death penalty.
• Examine empirical evidence on the issue of racial profiling.
• Examine empirical evidence on the issue of immigration and crime rates.
Crime, Race, and Ethnicity
4
coL82305_04_c04_091-122.indd 91 7/5/13 4:18 PM
Section 4.1 Race and the Criminal Justice System CHAPTER 4
In April of 2012, law enforcement in Oklahoma arrested one of the region’s foremost drug kingpins. In the home of the alleged drug kingpin, police seized four pounds of marijuana, $276,000 in cash, and two firearms: a revolver and a semiautomatic pistol.
Police believe that the defendant is the “mastermind” (Perez, 2012, p. 1) of a drug-dealing
organization that supplies approximately 40% of the marijuana markets in Oklahoma and
three nearby states: Missouri, Kansas, and Arkansas. The suspect, drug kingpin Darlene
Mayes, is a White grandmother with thinning silver hair who appears to be in her 60s or
70s. Thus she has been dubbed the “Granny Drug Kingpin” (Perez, 2012).
Studies suggest that when asked to picture a drug dealer, overwhelmingly the American
public visualizes a young man of color (Burston, Jones, & Roberson-Sanders, 1995). How-
ever, evidence from this chapter will demonstrate that drug use and drug crime spans
racial and ethnic groups and that all racial groups seem to commit drug crime in similar
rates. Whether broaching issues of drug crime, or any other type of crime, issues of per-
ception, race, and criminality are central in the study of criminology.
4.1 Race and the Criminal Justice System
The American criminal justice system disproportionately impacts people of color, and this disproportionate impact by race is often dramatic and consistent at nearly every level of the system. Research demonstrates that members of poor, disenfranchised
groups receive harsher treatment in all phases of the criminal justice system: They are
more likely to be stopped, investigated, arrested, charged, put on trial, found guilty, and
sent to prison (Tonry, 2011). The disproportionate involvement in the system is cumula-
tive. Police are more likely to arrest someone who has a prior record, prosecutors are more
likely to charge someone who has previously been arrested or spent time in jail. A judge
is more likely to convict and incarcerate a defendant rather than offer probation to some-
one who has .
Learning SimulationSpecific information to consider for your desig.docxVinaOconner450
Learning Simulation
Specific information to consider for your design blueprint (You may use this information as content for your Web site.)
Background Information
Canterbury Village University is a small liberal arts college in South West Ohio, accredited by the Mid-West Commission on Higher Education, and dedicated to the education of students to think and act critically, creatively, and ethically as professionals and scholars.
The Alumni Association furthers the principal objectives of the University by supporting the legacy of the founders and alumni, and fostering ongoing active relationships among graduates, current students, members of the faculty, and friends of the University.
The Alumni GOLD (Graduates Of the Last Decade) Leadership Congress is established to secure and increase the lifelong involvement of graduates of the past decade in the mission of the University through volunteer, philanthropic, social, and career networking activities.
As this group represents one-third of the alumni population, they are a unique and vital constituency of the University, and the Association.
Website Goal
This website will is designed to recruit recent graduates to become members of the Alumni Association. And become involved in alumni activities.
Website Objectives
After viewing this site, the graduates will be able to:
Decide whether to join the Alumni Association.
Pledge and donate financial support to the University.
Volunteer to serve on various alumni committees.
Register to attend events at the University, especially Alumni Weekend.
The Target Audience
Recent graduates (last 10 years) of the University who have not yet joined the Alumni Association
Approximately 21-32 years old
Male and female
Culturally and socio-economically diverse
Working primarily in professional, community service, business, and family related endeavors, or are in graduate school, the military, or volunteer service
Are relatively new to the workforce
Have a strong sense of loyalty to their alma mater and their communities because of the University mission and their education
The web site will comprise several pages to include but not be limited to:
A Home Page (Cover)
with some content, and the following menu with links: [a link to this page should be available on every page]
About the University
About the Office of Alumni Relations
About the Alumni Association
You will then create additional pages and links for Item 3, Alumni Relations to include but not be limited to:
Mission Statement of the Alumni Association
Goal and Objectives
Contact Information
Application Information
Profile Update
Donation Information
Mentor Program
Events Calendar
Flowchart – Site Map - Blueprint
Below is a very simple template. It serves as a Site Map, a visual representation of your blueprint to help you focus and form your website. (This is one possible solution, however, it is not complete, you have more to build with the information provided.)
Example of a Flowchart Diagram
Two exam.
Learning Activity 1Identify key external forces Then interview.docxVinaOconner450
Learning Activity 1:
Identify key external forces? Then interview--in person, by phone or whatever means practical--a former or current employer/boss about
one
(1) force that critically concerns the organization and explain it in a practical manner vis-a-vis opportunity and/or threats.
Note: Please ensure to properly cite your interview IAW APA guidance.
Learning Activity 2:
Explain the implications, effects or consequences of at least one of Porter's Five Forces on an organization?
.
Learning ReflectionHow would you apply the four p’s to a service .docxVinaOconner450
Learning Reflection
How would you apply the four p’s to a service? Choose a service you use. What is the service? What is the name of the business that delivers the service? Describe the role of the four P’s in the company’s marketing for that service.
APA Formatting Not Needed
.
More Related Content
Similar to Citizenship Status and Arrest Patterns for Violentand Narcot
Do you think that Canada’s perceived liberal approach to both immigr.pdfforladies
Do you think that Canada’s perceived liberal approach to both immigration and refugees poses a
security threat to the United States?
Solution
Ans;- Yes, Canada’s perceived liberal approach to both immigration and refugees poses a
security threat to the United States,
mmigration has been connected with terrorism, immigration has also been related to increased
criminality, resulting in the perception that immigration is a threat to public security. The issue
of whether or not immigration actually results in increased crime rates is, again, an issue of
perception versus reality. While the public has become increasingly concerned about high crime
rates intensified by immigration and the threat that immigrants pose to public order, these
concerns are empirically unsound (Wang 2012:743). Contrary to popular opinion, several studies
on a number of states have found no strong correlation between immigration and criminality.
It cannot be denied that in some states, there has been a connection between increased
immigration flows and increased crime rates. There is, indeed, a trend showing that cities and
countries that have high crime rates tend to have a higher immigrant population. For instance, a
study found that in 2001, “the proportion of the prison population born abroad in Spain was
twenty five times higher than the proportion of immigrants in the population” (Westbrook
2010:101). However, as Westbrook (2010) insightfully argues, this has much more to do with
demographic factors than it does with simply having an immigrant status (101). In the case of
Spain, the majority of immigrants are those who have the highest incidence of criminal
behaviour: single men aged 18 to 35 (Westbrook 2010:101). Thus, in examining the relationship
between immigration and criminality, demographic variables must be taken into account.
There is an abundance of evidence which demonstrates that the correlation between immigration
and criminality is very weak or non-existent. A study of three American neighbourhoods
concludes that in general, immigration does not lead to increased levels of homicide among
Latinos and African Americans (Lee et al. 2001:559). Similarly, in another study, Butcher and
Piehl (1998) conclude that the flow of migration has no effect on a city’s crime rate (457). Bell et
al. (2010) investigate the relationship between immigration and crime during two particular
periods of large migration flows in the United Kingdom: during the wave of asylum seekers in
the 1990s and early 2000s, and the inflow of economic migrants from EU accession countries
beginning in 2004 (1). The study reports that neither wave impacted rates of violent crime, and
that immigrant arrest rates were no higher than native arrest rates (Bell et al. 2010:17). Evidently,
while widespread public opinion holds that immigration is a threat to public security, it is a
constructed threat, not founded upon empirical facts.
The terrorist attacks of September 2001 (9/11) in the United St.
HUMAN TRAFFICKING IN UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 6
Jervaughn F. Reid
Helm School of Government, Liberty University
Human Trafficking in United states of America
Dr. Melvin Richards
July 1, 2021
Author Note
Jervaughn F. Reid
I do not have any conflict of interest to disclose.
Any communication about this article should be articulated to
Jervaughn F. Reid
Email: [email protected]
Human Trafficking in United States of America.
Human trafficking is among the Criminal activities that have been so common in most countries worldwide. Some of these countries suffer from the organized crimes by a group of gangsters. The fascinating thing is that majority of these criminal activities are observant with rational choicer theory and the conspiracy theory. By observing these theories imply that the organizers of the crime do it under their full conscience. Before they do the crime, they calculate the impacts of crime and find it more beneficial. They overlook the adverse effects to be outshined by the positive impact. Criminal cases take different nature; some may be due to robbery with violence. Some may be due to conning where the perpetrators of the criminal activity apply their witty character to get what they need from the victims. Human trafficking is one of the criminal activities that has since been ravaging the United States of America.
These criminal activities through human trafficking have impacted the concerned countries in several ways, for example, in the human rights aspect or financial aspect. Several countries, as a result, try as much as possible to combat such criminal cases. The concerned countries address these issues through the inaction of rules and laws that help tackle criminal cases. Others use religious intervention by preaching to people worldwide so that the criminals can change their minds and avoid involved in criminal activities.
This paper aims to address the crime topology of the human trafficking done by Ping in the United States of America. Under this, it will address the nature of people and the society in the country. In addition to that, it will address the structure of the government. The paper captures the scope of the organized crime of human trafficking, the impact of crime on the United States, policies that may help mitigate human trafficking crime, and finally, address the biblical allusion to the aspects of the organized crime above.
Country Analysis
The United States of America are history show that many criminal cases have primarily manifested in the past. The United States of America can get located in North America and borders countries like Mexico and Canada. It consists of 50 state and federal districts.
People and Society of the United States of America
It has various diversities ranging from Asian, African, Hispanic, European, and native American origin. In addition, the country also has a direct link to other countries outside, like the republic of China (Tushnet, 2016). All these pe ...
Perceived Racial and Ethnic Composition of Neighborhood and .docxdanhaley45372
Perceived Racial and Ethnic Composition of
Neighborhood and Perceived Risk of Crime
TED CHIRICOS, Florida State University
RANEE McENTIRE, Florida State University
MARC GERTZ, Florida State University
This paper examines the relationship between perceived racial and ethnic composition of neighborhood
and criminal threat, which is operationalized as the perceived risk of criminal victimization. To address this
question, we use interviews with a statewide random sample of 3,000 Florida residents conducted in the fall of
1996. This is the first assessment of this issue to include Hispanics-the largest and fastest growing minority in
the State-as both respondents and as ethnic "others" whose presence may be a source of perceived risk for some.
For the full sample, OLS regressions show that perceived risk of victimization is influenced by the perception that
either Hispanics or blacks live nearby. The effects of the perception that Hispanics live nearby are consistently
stronger than those associated with the perceived proximity of blacks. Analyses for subsamples show that whites
are threatened by Hispanics and blacks, but only in South Florida where they are slightly outnumbered by those
two groups. Hispanics are also threatened by the presence of blacks and other Hispanics, but only outside of
South Florida where they are greatly outnumbered by blacks and whites. The results support a core assumption
of the "social threat" perspective, which presumes the mobilization of social control is influenced by the percep-
tion of criminal threat associated with the perceived proximity of racial others. These results also suggest that
crime threat may be "ethnicity coded" as well as "race coded" and may, in certain contexts, have more effect on
those who are in a minority status than on the dominant majority.
The equation of criminal threat with the presence of blacks is nothing new in American
culture (Hawkins 1995). But in recent years, the typification of crime as a black male threat
has achieved iconic proportions. From Willie Horton to Charles Stuart to Susan Smith, the fac-
ile link of race and crime has been used to gain electoral advantage and to confound the
search for justice (Anderson 1995).' The same putative threat is routinely invoked to justify
things as profound as the shooting of unarmed black men by New York City police and as pro-
saic as the non-delivery of pizza and the "unavailability" of taxi cabs in predominantly black
neighborhoods (West 1994).
So pervasive is the presumption of criminal threat in relation to black men that observers
as disparate as James Q. Wilson and the reverend Jesse Jackson have expressed similar senti-
ments on the issue. In a speech decrying black on black crime, Jackson acknowledged feeling
"relief" when an approaching urban stranger was not a young black male (Cohen 1993:A23)
and Wilson argued that "it is not racism that makes whites uneasy about blacks . .. it is fear.
Crime Waves, Fears, and Social RealityThe American criminal just.docxwillcoxjanay
Crime Waves, Fears, and Social Reality
The American criminal justice system is a mirror that shows a distorted image of the dangers that threaten us—an image created more by the shape of the mirror than by the reality reflected.
—Jeffrey Reiman and Paul Leighton
For decades, polls have found that people in the United States are wor- ried about crime. A Gallup poll found that people worried their credit card information would be stolen by hackers (69%), their homes would be bur- glarized when they were not there (45%), their car would be stolen (42%), their child would be physically harmed while attending school (31%), they would be mugged on the streets (31%), their home would be burglarized when they were there (30%), they would be victims of terrorism (28%), they would be attacked while driving their car (20%), they would be murdered (18%), they would be the victim of a hate crime (18%), they would be sexu- ally assaulted (18%), or they would be assaulted/killed at work (7%) (Riffkin, 2014). The learning process for these fears is complex, but one contributing factor is the dissemination of crime statistics by the media and the govern- ment. (Recall our discussion of the crime clock in the first chapter.) How reli- able and valid are these statistics? Does the public’s perception of crime reflect the reality of crime?
The number of people who fear crime is substantial. Perceptions about individuals who engage in criminal behavior are even more revealing. Jef- frey Reiman and Paul Leighton (2017) describe the stereotyped image:
Think of a crime, any crime. . . . What do you see? The odds are you are not imagining an oil company executive sitting at his desk, calculating the costs of proper safety precautions and deciding not to invest in them. Prob
ably what you see with your mind’s eye is one person attacking another physically or robbing something from another via the threat of physical attack. Look more closely. What does the attacker look like? It’s a safe bet he (and it is a he, of course) is not wearing a suit and tie. In fact, you—like us, like almost anyone else in America—picture a young, tough, lower- class male when the thought of crime first pops into your head. (p. 74)
The “Typical Criminal” in the minds of most people who fear being vic- tims of crime is poor, young, urban, and black—“threatening the lives, limbs, and possessions of the law-abiding members of society, necessitating recourse to the ultimate weapons of force and detention in our common defense” (pp. 67–68).
The presidential campaign for George H. Bush in 1988 capitalized on this stereotypical image with its infamous “Willie Horton” commercials. The governor of Massachusetts, Michael Dukakis, was Bush’s opponent; his state had a highly successful prison furlough program. The Bush campaign seized on a single case where a participant in the program (Horton) committed a violent crime while on furlough. Willie Horton was an African American male whose predations were .
Crime Waves, Fears, and Social RealityThe American criminal just.docxfaithxdunce63732
Crime Waves, Fears, and Social Reality
The American criminal justice system is a mirror that shows a distorted image of the dangers that threaten us—an image created more by the shape of the mirror than by the reality reflected.
—Jeffrey Reiman and Paul Leighton
For decades, polls have found that people in the United States are wor- ried about crime. A Gallup poll found that people worried their credit card information would be stolen by hackers (69%), their homes would be bur- glarized when they were not there (45%), their car would be stolen (42%), their child would be physically harmed while attending school (31%), they would be mugged on the streets (31%), their home would be burglarized when they were there (30%), they would be victims of terrorism (28%), they would be attacked while driving their car (20%), they would be murdered (18%), they would be the victim of a hate crime (18%), they would be sexu- ally assaulted (18%), or they would be assaulted/killed at work (7%) (Riffkin, 2014). The learning process for these fears is complex, but one contributing factor is the dissemination of crime statistics by the media and the govern- ment. (Recall our discussion of the crime clock in the first chapter.) How reli- able and valid are these statistics? Does the public’s perception of crime reflect the reality of crime?
The number of people who fear crime is substantial. Perceptions about individuals who engage in criminal behavior are even more revealing. Jef- frey Reiman and Paul Leighton (2017) describe the stereotyped image:
Think of a crime, any crime. . . . What do you see? The odds are you are not imagining an oil company executive sitting at his desk, calculating the costs of proper safety precautions and deciding not to invest in them. Prob
ably what you see with your mind’s eye is one person attacking another physically or robbing something from another via the threat of physical attack. Look more closely. What does the attacker look like? It’s a safe bet he (and it is a he, of course) is not wearing a suit and tie. In fact, you—like us, like almost anyone else in America—picture a young, tough, lower- class male when the thought of crime first pops into your head. (p. 74)
The “Typical Criminal” in the minds of most people who fear being vic- tims of crime is poor, young, urban, and black—“threatening the lives, limbs, and possessions of the law-abiding members of society, necessitating recourse to the ultimate weapons of force and detention in our common defense” (pp. 67–68).
The presidential campaign for George H. Bush in 1988 capitalized on this stereotypical image with its infamous “Willie Horton” commercials. The governor of Massachusetts, Michael Dukakis, was Bush’s opponent; his state had a highly successful prison furlough program. The Bush campaign seized on a single case where a participant in the program (Horton) committed a violent crime while on furlough. Willie Horton was an African American male whose predations were .
Running head DRUG WAR 1AUTHORS PURPOSE.docxtodd271
Running head: DRUG WAR 1
AUTHORS PURPOSE 3
Drug War
Fernando Soto
RWS
9/29/18
The impact of violence on the communities affected is not well understood today and has become a major area of research. In this paper, Sukanya Basu and Sarah Pearlman study the impact of violence and migration on the drug war in Mexico which is one of the major drug zones in the US and other related countries around the globe. The authors clearly seek to explore the impact of drugs by studying the way in which violence on the private choices of people has become an issue that is debated in the context of conflict and crime. A further examination is done on the drug cases of the drug war zones that are affected by drugs due to the steep rise in the number of homicide cases since late 2016 in the Mexican population hence estimating the impact of violence on migration at both the state and municipal levels by using federal highways as cocaine supply from Columbia. The authors clearly address the issue of drugs and their influence in the society (Basu & Pearlman, 2017).
According to Basu & Pearlman, (2017) the rise in the number of debates related to the steep rise in the number of homicide cases and violence that is experienced in Mexico, a country that is a drug lord in the manufacture and distribution of the illegal drugs that have been globally banned is what prompted to this research study. The drugs and other illegal substances have been a major concern that has negatively led to the increased fear of violence among the residents while causing others to migrate to neighboring countries that have guaranteed security like Canada and the United States. The drug war essentially began after the elected president launched a state assault on all the drug trafficking organizations and cartels leading to a higher proportion of Mexican adult residents to feel their state of residence as unsafe and as a result the distorted belief on the true violence has played a fundamental role in determination of the relocation choices. The authors find on an aggregate level that one way for people to exit certain locations like Mexico is because they think that there is a threat of violent behavior from dissidents or the government towards their personal integrity. This is evident in the case where most households with greater exposure to violence in their neighborhoods relocate to Colombia a country which is similar to Mexico (Basu & Pearlman, 2017).
The authors clearly overcome obstacles by making good use of instrumental variables strategy. They instrument the rate of annual violence by use of kilometers of the interacted federal highways with seizures of cocaine in Colombia. They find out that highways show the distribution networks of pre-existing drugs where violence has been seen among different cartels in order to gain controls of the drug networks (Basu & Pearlman, 2017). The highways are used as a predictor tha.
Jones 1Jones 7Kyle JonesMatthew ZimmermanEnglish 10222 N.docxpriestmanmable
Jones 1
Jones 7
Kyle Jones
Matthew Zimmerman
English 102
22 November 2014[Title]: [Subtitle]
In 2014, we live in a world with a media saturated culture. This is the era of digital news services, of 24-hour news channels, free newspapers, and even media based applications. For the majority of us, the way in which we learn about the world outside our personal perception is through the consumption of news, mainly still through broadcast or print (OFCOM 2007). Various forms of media has fed the public statistics that created a sense of stereotyping for each particular race. For example, the media and those on film, such as politics and leaders of the government, link together race and crime, which conveys a criminal image of the public’s consumption (St. John & Heald-Moore, 1995). Since race and crime are tied together, when one thinks of a crime, hears about a crime, or when crime is being reported, race is usually associated with it. In the American society, a frequent representation of crime is that it is majorly committed by African- Americans. The view of African Americans has been distorted and twisted by the media. Without question, almost everything that is being covered by the media is believed by most of society and it becomes their actual perceptual reality. Broadcast media and other various forms of media has a history for portraying African Americans in a biased manner, as if they were mostly reported involved in crime, drugs, or acts of violence. This has led to many cases of stereotyping, racial profiling, police brutality, prejudice, inhumane acts and has brain washed most of our society into believing that almost every African American is mischievous or a threat to their well-being. African Americans are unjustly, as well as unrealistically depicted on broadcast news and various other types of mass media. These negative connotations affects more than just African- Americans but also every other culture that exists in America.
African Americans have been associated with crime for quite some time. It was not until some in the 1970’s and early 1980s that the popular stereotype of the young black man evolved in the eyes of many from a petty thief or rapist into the notorious , malicious criminal predators, or what Kathery Russel ( 2002) has argued, is the world recognized “ criminalblackman”. Within the last few decades there have been controversial law enforcement practices of racial profiling. Law enforcement officials pursue minorities in an attempt to increase the likely hood of catching illegal activity or the predetermined act of illegal activity, which is part of a consequence from the racial profiling that the media has inflicted upon society. The questionable practices has led to negative effects on blacks. To the African American culture law officials are deemed more criminal or more of a threat than what the media and statistics has condemned blacks to be. The after math, after the many years of harassment, African ...
The race industry and its elite enablers take it as self-evident tha.pdfaptcomputerzone
The race industry and its elite enablers take it as self-evident that high black incarceration rates
result from discrimination. At a presidential primary debate this Martin Luther King Day, for
instance, Senator Barack Obama charged that blacks and whites “are arrested at very different
rates, are convicted at very different rates, [and] receive very different sentences . . . for the same
crime.” Not to be outdone, Senator Hillary Clinton promptly denounced the “disgrace of a
criminal-justice system that incarcerates so many more African-Americans proportionately than
whites.”
Racial activists usually remain assiduously silent about that problem. But in 2005, the black
homicide rate was over seven times higher than that of whites and Hispanics combined,
according to the federal Bureau of Justice Statistics. From 1976 to 2005, blacks committed over
52 percent of all murders in America. In 2006, the black arrest rate for most crimes was two to
nearly three times blacks’ representation in the population. Blacks constituted 39.3 percent of all
violent-crime arrests, including 56.3 percent of all robbery and 34.5 percent of all aggravated-
assault arrests, and 29.4 percent of all property-crime arrests.
The advocates acknowledge such crime data only indirectly: by charging bias on the part of the
system’s decision makers. As Obama suggested in the Martin Luther King debate, police,
prosecutors, and judges treat blacks and whites differently “for the same crime.”
The media love to target the federal crack penalties because crack defendants are likely to be
black. In 2006, 81 percent of federal crack defendants were black, while only 27 percent of
federal powder-cocaine defendants were. Since federal crack rules are more severe than those for
powder, and crack offenders are disproportionately black, those rules must explain why so many
blacks are in prison, the conventional wisdom holds.
The press has covered this development voraciously, serving up a massive dose of crack
revisionism aimed at proving the racist origins of the war on crack. Crack was never a big deal,
the revisionist story line goes. But when Boston Celtics draft pick Len Bias died of a crack
overdose in 1986, the media went into overdrive covering the crack phenomenon. “Images—or
perhaps anecdotes—about the evils of crack, and the street crime it was presumed to stoke”
circulated, as the New York Times archly put it in a December 2007 article. A “moral panic”
(Michael Tonry’s term) ensued about an imaginary threat from a powerless minority group.
Whites feared that addicted blacks would invade their neighborhoods. Sensational stories about
“crack babies” surfaced. All this hysteria resulted in the unnecessary federal crack penalties.
Those who tar the criminal-justice system as racist often make a broader claim: incarceration
doesn’t even lower crime, making the nation’s skyrocketing prison rolls a particularly senseless
injustice.
Incarceration foes are right about one thing: the.
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Learning Objectives
• Understand the concepts of “race” and “ethnicity” as social constructs.
• Analyze evidence about racial inequality and social class in relation to crime.
• Analyze evidence about racial differences in rates of victimization.
• Analyze evidence regarding racial inequality and incarceration rates.
• Explore how the War on Drugs contributes to racial discrimination in the criminal justice system.
• Examine crack cocaine and marijuana law enforcement in context of racial discrimination.
• Critically analyze the connections between race and the death penalty.
• Examine empirical evidence on the issue of racial profiling.
• Examine empirical evidence on the issue of immigration and crime rates.
Crime, Race, and Ethnicity
4
coL82305_04_c04_091-122.indd 91 7/5/13 4:18 PM
Section 4.1 Race and the Criminal Justice System CHAPTER 4
In April of 2012, law enforcement in Oklahoma arrested one of the region’s foremost drug kingpins. In the home of the alleged drug kingpin, police seized four pounds of marijuana, $276,000 in cash, and two firearms: a revolver and a semiautomatic pistol.
Police believe that the defendant is the “mastermind” (Perez, 2012, p. 1) of a drug-dealing
organization that supplies approximately 40% of the marijuana markets in Oklahoma and
three nearby states: Missouri, Kansas, and Arkansas. The suspect, drug kingpin Darlene
Mayes, is a White grandmother with thinning silver hair who appears to be in her 60s or
70s. Thus she has been dubbed the “Granny Drug Kingpin” (Perez, 2012).
Studies suggest that when asked to picture a drug dealer, overwhelmingly the American
public visualizes a young man of color (Burston, Jones, & Roberson-Sanders, 1995). How-
ever, evidence from this chapter will demonstrate that drug use and drug crime spans
racial and ethnic groups and that all racial groups seem to commit drug crime in similar
rates. Whether broaching issues of drug crime, or any other type of crime, issues of per-
ception, race, and criminality are central in the study of criminology.
4.1 Race and the Criminal Justice System
The American criminal justice system disproportionately impacts people of color, and this disproportionate impact by race is often dramatic and consistent at nearly every level of the system. Research demonstrates that members of poor, disenfranchised
groups receive harsher treatment in all phases of the criminal justice system: They are
more likely to be stopped, investigated, arrested, charged, put on trial, found guilty, and
sent to prison (Tonry, 2011). The disproportionate involvement in the system is cumula-
tive. Police are more likely to arrest someone who has a prior record, prosecutors are more
likely to charge someone who has previously been arrested or spent time in jail. A judge
is more likely to convict and incarcerate a defendant rather than offer probation to some-
one who has .
Similar to Citizenship Status and Arrest Patterns for Violentand Narcot (19)
Learning SimulationSpecific information to consider for your desig.docxVinaOconner450
Learning Simulation
Specific information to consider for your design blueprint (You may use this information as content for your Web site.)
Background Information
Canterbury Village University is a small liberal arts college in South West Ohio, accredited by the Mid-West Commission on Higher Education, and dedicated to the education of students to think and act critically, creatively, and ethically as professionals and scholars.
The Alumni Association furthers the principal objectives of the University by supporting the legacy of the founders and alumni, and fostering ongoing active relationships among graduates, current students, members of the faculty, and friends of the University.
The Alumni GOLD (Graduates Of the Last Decade) Leadership Congress is established to secure and increase the lifelong involvement of graduates of the past decade in the mission of the University through volunteer, philanthropic, social, and career networking activities.
As this group represents one-third of the alumni population, they are a unique and vital constituency of the University, and the Association.
Website Goal
This website will is designed to recruit recent graduates to become members of the Alumni Association. And become involved in alumni activities.
Website Objectives
After viewing this site, the graduates will be able to:
Decide whether to join the Alumni Association.
Pledge and donate financial support to the University.
Volunteer to serve on various alumni committees.
Register to attend events at the University, especially Alumni Weekend.
The Target Audience
Recent graduates (last 10 years) of the University who have not yet joined the Alumni Association
Approximately 21-32 years old
Male and female
Culturally and socio-economically diverse
Working primarily in professional, community service, business, and family related endeavors, or are in graduate school, the military, or volunteer service
Are relatively new to the workforce
Have a strong sense of loyalty to their alma mater and their communities because of the University mission and their education
The web site will comprise several pages to include but not be limited to:
A Home Page (Cover)
with some content, and the following menu with links: [a link to this page should be available on every page]
About the University
About the Office of Alumni Relations
About the Alumni Association
You will then create additional pages and links for Item 3, Alumni Relations to include but not be limited to:
Mission Statement of the Alumni Association
Goal and Objectives
Contact Information
Application Information
Profile Update
Donation Information
Mentor Program
Events Calendar
Flowchart – Site Map - Blueprint
Below is a very simple template. It serves as a Site Map, a visual representation of your blueprint to help you focus and form your website. (This is one possible solution, however, it is not complete, you have more to build with the information provided.)
Example of a Flowchart Diagram
Two exam.
Learning Activity 1Identify key external forces Then interview.docxVinaOconner450
Learning Activity 1:
Identify key external forces? Then interview--in person, by phone or whatever means practical--a former or current employer/boss about
one
(1) force that critically concerns the organization and explain it in a practical manner vis-a-vis opportunity and/or threats.
Note: Please ensure to properly cite your interview IAW APA guidance.
Learning Activity 2:
Explain the implications, effects or consequences of at least one of Porter's Five Forces on an organization?
.
Learning ReflectionHow would you apply the four p’s to a service .docxVinaOconner450
Learning Reflection
How would you apply the four p’s to a service? Choose a service you use. What is the service? What is the name of the business that delivers the service? Describe the role of the four P’s in the company’s marketing for that service.
APA Formatting Not Needed
.
Learning Activity #1Please discuss the ethical lessons that you le.docxVinaOconner450
Learning Activity #1
Please discuss the ethical lessons that you learned in this class that will help you in the future?
Discuss ethics in the workplace.
Learning Activity #2
Research a company that demonstrates strong corporate ethics and discuss why the company is a good example of corporate ethics, leadership and application of ethical theories.
.
Learning Activity Data on Child AbuseChildren are suffering from .docxVinaOconner450
Learning Activity: Data on Child Abuse
Children are suffering from a hidden epidemic of child abuse and neglect.
Create a 5–10 slide presentation in PowerPoint® that provides at least three statistical data points that you consider critical to increase society’s awareness about the serious issues related to child abuse. One of the data points should be from your residential state. The others can be national statistics. Include why knowing this information is important.
The statistical data should come from at least three (3) different, credible sources, and cannot be more than 3-years-old.
The presentation should include a title slide and reference slide (in addition to the 5–10 slides of content). The data source, including date must be clearly identified with each statistical data point.
Your slides should have large legible font size and appropriate color use. Consider including other enhancements such as photos, charts, graphs, etc.
Automatic or timed transitions of slides are not required.
.
Learning Activity #1Joe Jackson owned a sawmill in Stuttgart, Arka.docxVinaOconner450
Learning Activity #1
Joe Jackson owned a sawmill in Stuttgart, Arkansas. It was a family business that had not changed in 50 years. Having grown up in the business, Joe had never really investigated the strengths and weaknesses of his position as Vice President. His father was always the President and he and his older brother Jacob were the heirs. The business was in turmoil because his father’s health was precarious and he was forced to step down. Joe’s brother was expecting to step up to the role of Vice President but Joe knew that was a mistake. The business itself was being quickly eroded because of the sustainability issues facing the world. Joe could see this but not Jacob. Joe needed to have a long talk with Jacob to make him see reason. Either they worked together for the future or Joe would have to take the lead role.
TASK:
Prepare an outline of points for Joe to make in his discussion with his brother. Explain the role of the 21
st
century leader and why it differs from that of the 20
th
century leader. Make sure to reference your reading material to validate the points you make.
L
earning Activity 2:
John Kotter in his article “
What
Leaders Really D
o
" makes the following statement: Managers promote stability while Leaders press for change, and only organizations that embrace both sides of the contradiction can thrive in turbulent times."
TASK:
After reading the background information below, explain what you think Dean Adams’ role should be in light of this quote; the leaders or the manager’s? Identify the two roles leader and manager. Be sure to include in your comments the different solutions that may result from a leader's perspective and that of the manager's perspective as well as where they overlap. Finally, suggest which role’s perspective is best for Adam and the organization and why.
Background: Studer International
At 7:30
a.m.,
Dean Adams hit the snooze alarm for the third time, but he knew he could never go back to sleep. Rubbing his eyes and shaking off a headache, Adams first checked his BlackBerry and read an urgent message from his boss, explaining that Sue Chan, chief security analyst, had resigned this morning and needed to be replaced immediately. Frustrated, Adams lumbered toward the shower, hoping it would energize him to face another day. After last night’s management meeting, which had ended after midnight, he was reeling from the news that his Wall Street employer, Studer International, was spiraling toward a financial meltdown.
Adams scratched his head and wondered, “How could one of the world’s largest insurance companies plummet from being the gold standard in the industry to one struggling for survival?” At the end of 2007, Studer had $100 billion in annual revenues, 65 million customers, and 96,000 employees in 130 countries. One year later and staggered by losses stemming from the credit crisis, Studer teetered on the brink of failure and was in need of emergency government assistance. .
Learning ModulesCh. 11 Corrections History and Institutions His.docxVinaOconner450
Learning Modules
Ch. 11: Corrections History and Institutions > History of Prisons
Ch. 11: Corrections History and Institutions > Correctional System
Myths & Issues Videos
Ch. 11: Corrections History and Institutions > Myth v. Reality: The Correctional System Rehabilitates Offenders
Write
a 750 words paper using the information found in the CJi Interactive Multimedia and this week’s readings. Include the following in your paper:
An explanation of factors influencing growth in jails, state prisons, and federal prisons
Conclusion
Format
your paper consistent with APA guidelines.
** No Plagiarism ** also most of the info is on chapter 11
.
Learning goal To develop your ability to systematically analyze and.docxVinaOconner450
Learning goal: To develop your ability to systematically analyze and plan for a dynamic, fast-growing organization. You will prepare a strategic analysis of/plan for Uber. Your “client” is that organization’s top management team. Your paper will be graded on the basis of its insight, logic, and scope.
Your paper should be three pages, double-spaced, using 12-point type, not including appendixes, exhibits, and/or references. Please follow this format:
Page 1:
• Current capabilities—as a mix of differentiation (D), economy (E), and interaction (I)*
• Current customers, competitors, and complementors (C3)
Page 2:
• Your time frame (planning horizon), and rationale for that date
• Your proposed capabilities
• Your expected/proposed C3
Page 3:
• Rationale for your proposed capabilities
• Rationale for your expected/proposed C3
• Major implementation issue(s)
.
Learning Activity #1 What are the theoretical differences betw.docxVinaOconner450
Learning Activity #1
:
What are the theoretical differences between a Small Business and a Global Business. Include a brief discussion and examples of them both. Also state how they contribute or detract from their individual communities in details.
Learning Activity #2
: In detail define what is a business plan and the objectives of developing an effective one. Also share in detail two reasons why a business plan is viewed as a foundational tool in developing a successful business and/or firm.
.
LEADERSHIPImagine you are the HR, describe the role of a leade.docxVinaOconner450
LEADERSHIP
Imagine you are the HR, describe the role of a leader in your business.
Is Everybody’s Business
Write (4) pages paper in which you:
Typed, double spaced, using Times New Roman font (size 12), with one-inch margins on all sides.
Include a cover page containing the title of the assignment, your name, your professor’s name, the course title, and the date. The cover page is not included in the required page length.
use the attachment
.
Lead_Professor,Look forward to your quality work!Looking for.docxVinaOconner450
Lead_Professor,
Look forward to your quality work!
Looking for help analyzing the results of a staff survey / questionnaire. I need to get the frequencies and percentages...a pivot table...I need to complile a visual result for a project.
I have keyed in all the questions and codes for the responses. (Attached)
Need to analyze and report findings. (250 words APA)
.
Leadership via vision is necessary for success. Discuss in detail .docxVinaOconner450
Leadership via "vision" is necessary for success. Discuss in detail the qualities that a leader must exhibit in order to be considered visionary and how these qualities may be learned and developed. Provide research and share insight on the determination of a specific leadership theory associated with leadership via vision. Cite your posting in proper APA format and ensure that your posting provides a minimum of
five paragraphs
.
.
Learning Activity 1Impart your understanding and the organizati.docxVinaOconner450
Learning Activity 1:
Impart your understanding and the organizational implications of the Internal and External Analyses!
Learning Activity 2:
Provide a
numerical
example of a basic/key financial ratio and explain its organizational implications!
Look at attached for help on this and sites below:
http://www.strategicmanagementinsight.com/tools/vrio.html
https://chris264.wordpress.com/2012/09/23/vriovaluerarityimitabilityorganization/
.
Leadership versus Management Rost (1991) reinterpreted Burns mode.docxVinaOconner450
Leadership versus Management : Rost (1991) reinterpreted Burn's model of leadership to mean that transactional leadership describes management and transformational leadership relates to leadership and the difference between the two is the distinction between leadership and management. Do you agree or disagree? Support with research-based studies. 250 words please.
.
Laura Jackson discusses three spatial scales on the aspects of phy.docxVinaOconner450
Laura Jackson discusses three spatial scales on the aspects of physical and mental health, and social and cultural vibrancy. What are the three spatial hierarchies of human settlements?
Robert Putnam presents 14 indicators of social capital into five categories. Describe each category, including the indicators that comprise it, and explain the role that each plays.
Spirn in the article
Urban Nature and Human Design
poses the following questions:
·
Does nature influence human development, or is man the sole architect of the environment in which he lives?
·
Should man seek to coexist with nature or to dominate nature?
·
Does man exist within nature or apart from it?
Based on the readings, how would you go about answering these questions. Do
you think human purpose has come at the expense of environmental degradation?
What do we mean by “garden cities?” How does this approach differ from the traditional form of cities?
In
Urban Nature and Human Design,
Lynch argues for a “good city” form. What does he mean by this, and what are the characteristics of a “good city”?
Discuss the various factors of city design, one factor being socio-economic environments. What does the author mean by this? Explain.
Wachs argues that preferences for low-density living and a comprehensive highway program lead to urban sprawl. But he argues that regional rapid transit plans failed to gain acceptance. Why do you think this is the case?
After reading Wachs’s article, what
factors
and
values
do you think have played a role in the adaption of single-vehicle use rather than public transportation? How can we change the behavior of citizens to become more willing to use mass transit?
Community Development covers range of goals and activities. Name each one and explain in details.
What are the origins of the urban renewal? What were some of the challenges and realities?
What are the differences between community development vs. urban renewal approach?
What role does housing play in relation to community development?
What are Collateralized Debt Obligations (CDOs)? What are the implications for the municipalities?
What factors have played a role in the federal, state, and local governments’ involvement in local economic development efforts?
What strategies do communities/community economic development agencies rely on to promote their economic growth? What are some of the pitfalls of these reliances?
What are the systematic approaches to economic development planning?
What are some of the reasons for growth management? Describe and explain each.
What are some of the challenges with local growth management programs?
What are different ways that one can define “smart-growth?”
What are some of the issues and concerns that proponents of smart growth advocate for?
Discuss three pillars of sustainability and its impact and challenges on building a sustainable communities.
Fordism and Post Fordism and its impact on cities. What were characteri.
Leadership Development and Succession PlanningAn effective success.docxVinaOconner450
Leadership Development and Succession Planning
An effective succession plan is essential to ensure the continuity of a company’s business objectives across multiple leaders. For this assignment, you will research and discuss the very public leadership changes that occurred in Apple Inc. and Yahoo! Inc.
.
Leadership FactorsWrite a four page paper (not including the tit.docxVinaOconner450
Leadership Factors
Write a four page paper (not including the title and reference pages) about your leadership factors according to the Authentic Leadership Self-Assessment Questionnaire. Your paper needs to:
Explain the scores you received on the Authentic Leadership Self-Assessment Questionnaire.Describe your perception of the accuracy of these measures. Discuss the implications of the scores for your effectiveness as a leader. Give specific examples to support your ideas of effective leadership.
.
Leaders face many hurdles when leading in multiple countries. .docxVinaOconner450
Leaders face many hurdles when leading in multiple countries. There are several examples of disastrous public relations fallout that have occurred when companies have outsourced work to other nations. When determining where to move offshore as a company, the leaders of the organization must make several decisions.
Using course theories and current multinational organizations that have locations in several countries, convey your own thoughts on the subject and address the following:
What leadership considerations must an organization weigh in selecting another country to open a location such as a manufacturing plant?
How might leaders need to change leadership styles to manage multinational locations?
What public relations issues might arise from such a decision?
How would you recommend such a company to demonstrate their social responsibility to their headquarters country as well as any offshore locations?
Please submit your assignment.
I need this in apa style with speaker notes. This assignment is to include 4 to 6 slides that does not include the title and reference page
.
Laws Enforcement TechnologiesIn this week’s assignment, you will e.docxVinaOconner450
Laws Enforcement Technologies
In this week’s assignment, you will examine the different types of law enforcement technologies, particularly predictive software, and how they present officials with unique combinations of benefits and potential problems. Complete both parts of this assignment.
Make a chart comparing the emerging technology types. Include what they can do and the challenges they pose, and rank them in terms of usefulness.
Write a brief
2-3 paragraph
report in response to the data you developed in your chart.
Include both parts in a Word or PowerPoint file. Be sure to address all prompts and cite your sources in APA format.
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Law Enforcement Please respond to the followingIdentify the ke.docxVinaOconner450
"Law Enforcement" Please respond to the following:
Identify the key factors that make policing and adjudicating transnational crime so difficult. Suggest one (1) strategy that a policing organization could utilize to address at least one (1) of these factors. Provide a rationale for your response.
From the e-Activity, imagine you are the police chief being questioned in the video. Determine the degree to which the traffic stops initiated would constitute police corruption. Give an example of a policy that you would implement as chief in order to combat corruption. Provide support for your rationale.
.
Biological screening of herbal drugs: Introduction and Need for
Phyto-Pharmacological Screening, New Strategies for evaluating
Natural Products, In vitro evaluation techniques for Antioxidants, Antimicrobial and Anticancer drugs. In vivo evaluation techniques
for Anti-inflammatory, Antiulcer, Anticancer, Wound healing, Antidiabetic, Hepatoprotective, Cardio protective, Diuretics and
Antifertility, Toxicity studies as per OECD guidelines
Safalta Digital marketing institute in Noida, provide complete applications that encompass a huge range of virtual advertising and marketing additives, which includes search engine optimization, virtual communication advertising, pay-per-click on marketing, content material advertising, internet analytics, and greater. These university courses are designed for students who possess a comprehensive understanding of virtual marketing strategies and attributes.Safalta Digital Marketing Institute in Noida is a first choice for young individuals or students who are looking to start their careers in the field of digital advertising. The institute gives specialized courses designed and certification.
for beginners, providing thorough training in areas such as SEO, digital communication marketing, and PPC training in Noida. After finishing the program, students receive the certifications recognised by top different universitie, setting a strong foundation for a successful career in digital marketing.
2024.06.01 Introducing a competency framework for languag learning materials ...Sandy Millin
http://sandymillin.wordpress.com/iateflwebinar2024
Published classroom materials form the basis of syllabuses, drive teacher professional development, and have a potentially huge influence on learners, teachers and education systems. All teachers also create their own materials, whether a few sentences on a blackboard, a highly-structured fully-realised online course, or anything in between. Despite this, the knowledge and skills needed to create effective language learning materials are rarely part of teacher training, and are mostly learnt by trial and error.
Knowledge and skills frameworks, generally called competency frameworks, for ELT teachers, trainers and managers have existed for a few years now. However, until I created one for my MA dissertation, there wasn’t one drawing together what we need to know and do to be able to effectively produce language learning materials.
This webinar will introduce you to my framework, highlighting the key competencies I identified from my research. It will also show how anybody involved in language teaching (any language, not just English!), teacher training, managing schools or developing language learning materials can benefit from using the framework.
Unit 8 - Information and Communication Technology (Paper I).pdfThiyagu K
This slides describes the basic concepts of ICT, basics of Email, Emerging Technology and Digital Initiatives in Education. This presentations aligns with the UGC Paper I syllabus.
Embracing GenAI - A Strategic ImperativePeter Windle
Artificial Intelligence (AI) technologies such as Generative AI, Image Generators and Large Language Models have had a dramatic impact on teaching, learning and assessment over the past 18 months. The most immediate threat AI posed was to Academic Integrity with Higher Education Institutes (HEIs) focusing their efforts on combating the use of GenAI in assessment. Guidelines were developed for staff and students, policies put in place too. Innovative educators have forged paths in the use of Generative AI for teaching, learning and assessments leading to pockets of transformation springing up across HEIs, often with little or no top-down guidance, support or direction.
This Gasta posits a strategic approach to integrating AI into HEIs to prepare staff, students and the curriculum for an evolving world and workplace. We will highlight the advantages of working with these technologies beyond the realm of teaching, learning and assessment by considering prompt engineering skills, industry impact, curriculum changes, and the need for staff upskilling. In contrast, not engaging strategically with Generative AI poses risks, including falling behind peers, missed opportunities and failing to ensure our graduates remain employable. The rapid evolution of AI technologies necessitates a proactive and strategic approach if we are to remain relevant.
A Strategic Approach: GenAI in EducationPeter Windle
Artificial Intelligence (AI) technologies such as Generative AI, Image Generators and Large Language Models have had a dramatic impact on teaching, learning and assessment over the past 18 months. The most immediate threat AI posed was to Academic Integrity with Higher Education Institutes (HEIs) focusing their efforts on combating the use of GenAI in assessment. Guidelines were developed for staff and students, policies put in place too. Innovative educators have forged paths in the use of Generative AI for teaching, learning and assessments leading to pockets of transformation springing up across HEIs, often with little or no top-down guidance, support or direction.
This Gasta posits a strategic approach to integrating AI into HEIs to prepare staff, students and the curriculum for an evolving world and workplace. We will highlight the advantages of working with these technologies beyond the realm of teaching, learning and assessment by considering prompt engineering skills, industry impact, curriculum changes, and the need for staff upskilling. In contrast, not engaging strategically with Generative AI poses risks, including falling behind peers, missed opportunities and failing to ensure our graduates remain employable. The rapid evolution of AI technologies necessitates a proactive and strategic approach if we are to remain relevant.
How to Make a Field invisible in Odoo 17Celine George
It is possible to hide or invisible some fields in odoo. Commonly using “invisible” attribute in the field definition to invisible the fields. This slide will show how to make a field invisible in odoo 17.
Acetabularia Information For Class 9 .docxvaibhavrinwa19
Acetabularia acetabulum is a single-celled green alga that in its vegetative state is morphologically differentiated into a basal rhizoid and an axially elongated stalk, which bears whorls of branching hairs. The single diploid nucleus resides in the rhizoid.
June 3, 2024 Anti-Semitism Letter Sent to MIT President Kornbluth and MIT Cor...Levi Shapiro
Letter from the Congress of the United States regarding Anti-Semitism sent June 3rd to MIT President Sally Kornbluth, MIT Corp Chair, Mark Gorenberg
Dear Dr. Kornbluth and Mr. Gorenberg,
The US House of Representatives is deeply concerned by ongoing and pervasive acts of antisemitic
harassment and intimidation at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Failing to act decisively to ensure a safe learning environment for all students would be a grave dereliction of your responsibilities as President of MIT and Chair of the MIT Corporation.
This Congress will not stand idly by and allow an environment hostile to Jewish students to persist. The House believes that your institution is in violation of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, and the inability or
unwillingness to rectify this violation through action requires accountability.
Postsecondary education is a unique opportunity for students to learn and have their ideas and beliefs challenged. However, universities receiving hundreds of millions of federal funds annually have denied
students that opportunity and have been hijacked to become venues for the promotion of terrorism, antisemitic harassment and intimidation, unlawful encampments, and in some cases, assaults and riots.
The House of Representatives will not countenance the use of federal funds to indoctrinate students into hateful, antisemitic, anti-American supporters of terrorism. Investigations into campus antisemitism by the Committee on Education and the Workforce and the Committee on Ways and Means have been expanded into a Congress-wide probe across all relevant jurisdictions to address this national crisis. The undersigned Committees will conduct oversight into the use of federal funds at MIT and its learning environment under authorities granted to each Committee.
• The Committee on Education and the Workforce has been investigating your institution since December 7, 2023. The Committee has broad jurisdiction over postsecondary education, including its compliance with Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, campus safety concerns over disruptions to the learning environment, and the awarding of federal student aid under the Higher Education Act.
• The Committee on Oversight and Accountability is investigating the sources of funding and other support flowing to groups espousing pro-Hamas propaganda and engaged in antisemitic harassment and intimidation of students. The Committee on Oversight and Accountability is the principal oversight committee of the US House of Representatives and has broad authority to investigate “any matter” at “any time” under House Rule X.
• The Committee on Ways and Means has been investigating several universities since November 15, 2023, when the Committee held a hearing entitled From Ivory Towers to Dark Corners: Investigating the Nexus Between Antisemitism, Tax-Exempt Universities, and Terror Financing. The Committee followed the hearing with letters to those institutions on January 10, 202
Citizenship Status and Arrest Patterns for Violentand Narcot
1. Citizenship Status and Arrest Patterns for Violent
and Narcotic-Related Offenses in Federal Judicial
Districts along the U.S./Mexico Border
Deborah Sibila1 & Wendi Pollock2 & Scott Menard3
Received: 8 September 2016 /Accepted: 30 October 2016 /
Published online: 10 November 2016
# Southern Criminal Justice Association 2016
Abstract Media reports routinely reference the drug-related
violence in Mexico,
linking crime in communities along the Southwest U.S. Border
to illegal immigrants.
The primary purpose of the current research is to examine
whether the media assertions
can be supported. Logistic regression models were run to
determine the impact of
citizenship on the likelihood of disproportionate arrest for
federal drug and violent
crimes, along the U.S./Mexico border. In arrests for homicide,
assault, robbery, and
weapons offenses, U.S. citizens were disproportionately more
likely than non-citizens
to be arrested. The only federal crime where non-citizens were
disproportionately more
likely to be arrested than were U.S. citizens was for marijuana
offenses. Results of the
current study challenge the myth of the criminal immigrant.
Keywords Citizenship . Arrest . Criminal immigrant . Gender
2. The myth of the criminal immigrant is perhaps one of the single
most controversial
factors contributing to America’s present day anti-immigrant
fervor. In their book, The
Am J Crim Just (2017) 42:469–488
DOI 10.1007/s12103-016-9375-1
* Wendi Pollock
[email protected]
Deborah Sibila
[email protected]
Scott Menard
[email protected]
1 Department of Government, Stephen F. Austin State
University, Box 13045 SFA Station,
Nacogdoches, TX 75962, USA
2 Department of Social Sciences, Texas A&M University, 6300
Ocean Drive, Corpus Christi,
TX 78412, USA
3 Institute of Behavioral Science, University of Colorado,
Boulder, USA
http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1007/s12103-016-
9375-1&domain=pdf
Immigration Time Bomb, authors Richard D. Lamm and Gary
Imhoff contend that the
issue of immigration and crime is a critically divisive topic
easily subject to misinter-
pretation (1985, p. 21). The belief that immigrants are more
crime-prone than native-
born is not a twentieth century development. Debates on this
3. controversy date back
more than 100 years (Hagan & Palloni, 1998; Martinez & Lee,
2000). Hagan and
Pallon believed that the nexus between immigration and crime
is so misleading that it
constitutes a mythology (1999, p. 630). In a special report for
the Immigration Policy
Center, professors Ruben Rumbaut and Walter Ewing wrote
B[The] misperception that
the foreign-born, especially illegal, immigrants are responsible
for higher crime rates is
deeply rooted in American public opinion and sustained by
media anecdote and
popular myth^ (2007, p. 3). Lee (2013) similarly argues that
immigrants have a long
history of serving as scapegoats for a vast array of America’s
societal problems
including crime.
Public opinion surveys suggest that a significant number of
Americans believe that
immigrants, particularly illegal immigrants, are associated with
higher crime rates
(Kohut et al., 2006; Muste, 2013; Sohoni & Sohoni, 2014).
Media sources routinely
associate immigration, especially Hispanic immigrants, with
crime (Bender, 2003;
Martinez, 2002). Politicians also play a key role in perpetuating
the belief that
immigrants and crime are interrelated. Arizona Governor Jan.
Brewer, Senator John
McCain and former presidential hopeful Patrick Buchanan are
just a few political
figures that have gone on record linking immigration directly
with high crime rates
(Butcher & Piehl, 1998; USA Today, 2011). On May 15, 2006,
4. during a presidential
address to the nation on immigration reform, former President
George W. Bush
asserted that BIllegal immigration puts pressure on public
schools and hospitals, it
strains state and local budgets and brings crime to our
communities.^ According to
Rumbaut and Ewing (2007), regardless of the much-publicized
media stereotyping
and harsh political rhetoric, empirical evidence simply does not
support the popular
misperception that immigration is the cause of higher crime
rates in America.
History of Immigration and Crime Theory and Research
Explanations of the link between immigration and crime have
been offered from the
perspectives of culture conflict, acculturation, social
disorganization and the
immigration revitalization perspective. From the culture conflict
perspective, Sellin
(1938) suggested that the conflict between the norms of
behavior for divergent
cultures, as represented by native born Americans versus
immigrants, was one source
of crime. Sutherland (1924, 1934) posited that it was not
immigration itself, but rather
acculturation, that led to the association between immigration
and crime, and noted
that second-generation immigrants had higher crime rates than
first-generation immi-
grants. From the social disorganization perspective, researchers
from the Chicago
School linked immigration to a number of social issues,
including not only crime but
5. also poverty, unemployment, poor housing, and substandard
schools (Park et al.,
1925; Shaw, 1929; Shaw & McKay, 1931, 1942; Thomas &
Znaniecki, 1920,
1958). Shaw and McKay, in particular, suggested that it was not
the characteristics
of the immigrants themselves, but the characteristics of the
urban neighborhoods in
which they resided, that led to the apparent link between
immigration and crime (see
470 Am J Crim Just (2017) 42:469–488
also Taylor, 1931). In contrast to the culture conflict,
acculturation, and social
disorganization perspectives, the immigration revitalization
perspective (Lee, 2013;
Martinez, 2006) suggests that immigrants tend to be less
criminal than native-born
Americans, and that the informal social controls that are an
integral part of the culture
in predominantly immigrant neighborhoods result in higher
levels of social organiza-
tion and lower rates of crime. The present paper is informed by,
but not a direct test
of, these theories, which disagree about whether immigrants
should have dispropor-
tionately higher (culture conflict, social disorganization;
acculturation for the second
generation), or lower (immigrant revitalization; acculturation
for the first generation)
involvement in illegal behavior.
Early empirical investigations into the link between
6. immigration and crime were
limited and were focused at the individual level (Abbott, 1915;
Hourwich, 1912; Lind,
1930; Taft, 1933, 1936; Van Vechten, 1941). These studies
found little evidence of a
causal relationship between immigration and crime. Three major
government commis-
sions (the Industrial Commission of 1901, the [Dillingham]
Immigration Commission
of 1911, and the [Wickersham] National Commission on Law
Observance and
Enforcement of 1931) similarly explored the issue of whether
immigration increases
crime. Each of the commissions found that immigrants were less
likely to commit
crime than were their native-born counterparts.
More recent studies investigating the association between
immigration and crime
tend to agree with earlier research, specifically that immigrants
are not disproportion-
ately involved in crime and are oftentimes significantly less
involved than native-born
Americans (Hagan & Palloni, 1998; Martinez & Lee, 2000;
Mears, 2002; Rumbaut &
Ewing, 2007). Contemporary researchers examining the
immigrant-violent crime
nexus have concentrated their efforts on macro-level studies,
conducting both neigh-
borhood and city-level studies. Findings from macro-level
research surrounding the
immigration-violent crime question have been more inconsistent
than the individual-
level studies. There are a handful recent studies that find some
positive relationships
when examining the impact of immigration and certain crime
7. variables under specific
conditions (Lee, et al., 2000; Martinez, 2000, 2003; Sampson &
Raudenbush, 1999).
A significant portion of contemporary research examining the
relationship between
immigration and crime has focused on ethnic gangs and violent
crime, especially
homicide. More recently, researchers have explored the idea
that immigration has
actually contributed to the decline in U.S. crime rates since the
1990s (Sampson,
2006, 2008). In addition to recent academic studies, at least one
government com-
mission was tasked with examining the issue of immigration and
crime during the last
20 years. The U.S. Commission on Immigration Reform (1994)
examined the impact
of Mexican immigration on crime rates in metropolitan areas
along the Southwest
border as compared to those in non-border cities. The
commission found that crimes
rates were typically lower in cities with large Mexican
populations along the border
than for non-border cities.
The Southwest Border
Because of the current study’s focus on the impact of immigrant
status on violent
crime and narcotic-related offenses in federal jurisdictions
along the United States-
Am J Crim Just (2017) 42:469–488 471
8. Mexico border during a time of unprecedented drug violence in
Mexico, it is
important to provide some background information regarding
the location and
timeframe for the research. The U.S.-Mexico border commonly
referred to, as the
Southwest border is an international boundary separating the
United States and
Mexico. The border was created in 1848 after the end of the
Mexican-American
War under the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo. The Southwest
border is one of the
longest borders in the world (1954 miles) and runs along the
U.S. states of
California, Arizona, New Mexico and Texas on the northern
side and the Mexican
states of Baja California, Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo
Leon and Tamaulipas
on the southern side. It is also considered to be the busiest
international boundary in
the world (Andreas, 2000). The La Paz Agreement signed by the
United States and
Mexico in 1983 specifies that the Bborder region^ between the
U.S.-Mexico en-
compass the band of land that stretches 100 km (approximately
62.5 miles) on either
side of the boundary line. There were approximately 70.9
million residents living in
the four border states in 2010, with approximately 7.5 million
people residing in 37
counties that comprise the border region (Rex, 2014). According
to the U.S. Census
Bureau, the border region contains the largest concentration of
Hispanic population
in the country — from 25 % to more than 50 % of the
population (Ennis et al.,
9. 2011). The Pew Research Center estimates that in 2010
approximately 4.7 million
illegal immigrants lived in the four states along the Southwest
border (Passel &
Cohn, 2011).
The movement of illegal drugs and movement of unauthorized
immigrants from
Mexico into the United States via Southwest border have long
been areas of
contention in U.S.-Mexico relations (Andrews, 2012;
Domínguez & De Castro,
2009; Payan, 2006; Seelke, 2010). For decades, marijuana and
heroin (primarily
Mexican brown and black tar heroin) were smuggled across the
border without
significant interference by law enforcement in either country
(Andreas, 2000).
During the 1980s, Mexico became an important transshipment
center for drugs
entering the United States following the crackdown on the
importation of
Colombian cocaine and marijuana through South Florida. The
crackdown led to
the redirection of federal drug interdiction efforts from South
Florida to the
Southwest border. The passage of the Immigration Reform and
Control Act of
1986, or IRCA, which granted amnesty to millions of
undocumented immigrants
living in the United States, further contributed to public
scrutiny of Southwest
border issues and the problem of undocumented immigration
(Immigration Reform
and Control Act of 1986, n.d.). Efforts by law enforcement
agencies to curb further
10. illegal immigration across the Southwest border following the
passage of the IRCA
legislation proved essentially futile (Payan, 2006). During the
1990s, the U.S.
federal government increased the number and scope of
interdiction operations
targeting both drugs and illegal immigrants attempting to cross
the United States-
Mexico border (e.g., Operations Gate Keeper, Hold the Line,
Safeguard, and Rio
Grande). These operations made little inroad into the drug and
immigration prob-
lems plaguing the border region (Andrews, 2012; Domínguez &
De Castro, 2009;
Payan, 2006). Meanwhile, Mexico’s efforts to curb the
expansion of drug cartel
influence during the 1990s were largely ineffective. The cartels
expanded their
influence throughout Mexico, and drug-related corruption was
rampant throughout
the country’s government, police organizations and military
(Andreas, 2000;
472 Am J Crim Just (2017) 42:469–488
Carpenter, 2009). The U.S. federal government dramatically
escalated border polic-
ing following the 9/11 terrorist attacks in New York and
Washington. Perhaps the
most affected area in the U.S. after the attacks was the
Southwest border (Payan,
2006, p. 13; see also Domínguez & De Castro, 2009). National
security concerns
following 9/11 led to the tightening of border security checks,
11. hardening of land and
sea points of entry, crackdowns on unauthorized immigration
and increased
militarization of the border. Despite all these safeguards, public
perception that
government and law enforcement efforts to secure the
Southwest border are
substantially ineffectual persists. Cornelius (2005) suggests that
the government’s
efforts to secure the border are not only inadequate, but have
been more effective
keeping illegal immigrants inside the U.S. than acting as an
deterrent to others
attempting to enter the country (p. 12). Americans remain
divided over how to stem
the flow of illegal immigrants across the Southwest border.
The current image of the Southwest border as a region plagued
by violence and
crime is intrinsically linked to the rising tide of drug-related
violence in Mexico
during the last ten years (Beittel, 2009, 2011; Carpenter, 2012;
Payan, 2006).
Violence in Mexico significantly worsened following Mexico’s
President Felipe
Calderon’s declaration of war against his country’s drug cartels
shortly after his
inauguration in December 2006. The level of drug-related
crimes (i.e., homicides,
kidnappings, home invasions, drive-by shootings) increased
throughout Mexico,
particularly in the northern territories along the United States
border (Beittel, 2009,
2011; Domínguez & De Castro, 2009). According to Human
Rights Watch (2013),
approximately 60,000 Mexicans lost their lives as a result of
12. drug-related violence
during President Calderon’s tenure as president (2006–2012).
Since 2007, the media in United States, especially those along
the Southwest
border have been preoccupied with the drug violence and
bloodshed in Mexico
(Andrews, 2012; del Bosque, 2009). Media sources routinely
sensationalize re-
ports of U.S. citizens dying and being kidnapped in suspected
drug-related
incidents in cities along the Southwest border. The media
coverage has persuaded
Americans that the turmoil in Mexico is no longer confined to
that country
(Correa-Cabrera, 2012). Many are convinced that Mexico’s
drug-related violence
has Bspilled over^ into communities along the Southwest
border. ‘Spillover’ has
become a new media buzzword (del Bosque, 2009). While there
is no firm
definition for the term spillover violence it is generally
understood to be violence
that occurs as a result of drug trafficking. Civilians, law
enforcement officers and
other criminals or criminal organizations can all be the targets
of spillover
violence (Lee & Olson, 2013, p. 100). There is some debate as
to whether
spillover violence is an actual phenomenon (Correa-Cabrera,
2012; Lee &
Olson, 2013). Without a concise definition, the ability of law
enforcement to
identify and measure spillover violence is problematic. In a
report to Congress
regarding the issue of Southwest border violence, Finklea and
13. colleagues note that
Bno comprehensive, publicly available data exists that can
definitively answer the
question of whether there has been a significant spillover of
drug trafficking-
related violence into the United States^ (2010, p. 19). Further
complicating the
issue of spillover violence has been the media linkage of the
problem to the
Bflood^ of unauthorized immigrants moving across the
Southwest border (del
Bosque, 2009). Proponents of stricter immigration controls
argue that increased
Am J Crim Just (2017) 42:469–488 473
border security will significantly impede the flow of
undocumented immigrants
thereby reducing rates of violent and property crimes in border
communities
(Nevins, 2002; Payan, 2006).
The Federal Criminal Justice System and the Southwest Border
Criminal offenses occurring along the Southwest border can be
prosecuted in
either state or federal court. The primary trial court in the
federal judiciary is
the U.S. district court. There are currently 94 federal judicial
districts in the United
States, each with its own district court. Each district has
different judges, court-
house cultures and specialized local needs (Abrams et al.,
2010). There are five
14. federal districts along the Southwest border: The District of
Arizona, the District
of New Mexico, the Southern District of California, the
Southern District of
Texas, and the Western District of Texas (Fig. 1).
Each district has its own U.S. Attorney. The U.S. Attorneys’
Office (USAO)
represents the federal government in all cases where the United
States is a party. It
has the discretion to decide whether federal charges will be
filed in a case or if the
case should be referred to the state system. Some factors that
may affect the
USAO’s choice between federal or state prosecution include: (1)
primary investi-
gative jurisdiction; (2) custody of the suspect; (3) possibility of
a duplicative
prosecution; (4) caseload and resources; (5) legal advantage;
and (6) inter-
agency relationships and relations among agents (Abrams et al.,
2010). Federal
crimes prosecuted by the USAO are listed under various titles
of the United States
Code (USC) including Title 18 (the primary criminal and penal
code of the U.S.
federal government) and Title 26 (the Internal Revenue Code).
Fig. 1 Counties in southwestern judicial districts
474 Am J Crim Just (2017) 42:469–488
Current Study
15. The following research questions will be addressed:
Research question 1. What are the characteristics (age, gender,
ethnicity, marital
status and citizenship) of individuals arrested for the following
federal offenses along
the U.S.-Mexico border?
& 1a.Homicide
& 1b. Assault
& 1c. Robbery
& 1d. Marijuana
& 1e. Hard Drugs
& 1f. Weapons
Research question 2. Are non-citizen arrestees
disproportionately more likely to be
arrested for any of the following offenses, when compared to
U.S. citizen arrestees?
& 1a.Homicide
& 1b. Assault
& 1c. Robbery
& 1d. Marijuana
& 1e. Hard Drugs
& 1f. Weapons
Data
Data for the current study comes from the Federal Justice
Statistics Program (FJSP):
Arrests and Bookings for Federal Offenses (2007–2010)
research series. The datasets
contain comprehensive information about suspects and
defendants processed in the
federal criminal justice system during fiscal years 2007 to 2010.
16. Offenders arrested for
federal offenses are transferred to the custody of the United
States Marshals Service
(USMS) for processing, transportation, and detention. The
current dataset was con-
structed from the USMS Prisoner Tracking System (PTS)
database. Records include
arrests made by federal law enforcement agencies (including the
USMS), state and
local agencies, and self-surrenders. The USMS uses the PTS
application to maintain
tracking information for all federal prisoners in USMS custody.
The PTS was imple-
mented by the USMS in March 1993 to maintain tracking
information for federal
prisoners and to monitor federal prisoners in state and local
detention facilities under
contract to the USMS. The PTS replaced the Prisoner
Population Management System.
The PTS contains information that is specific to each individual
prisoner, including the
prisoner’s personal data (e.g., gender, ethnicity, age, marital
status and citizenship
status), property, medical information, criminal information,
and location. Prisoners’
records are created using information derived from key source
documents (e.g., USMS
and other agency arrest sheets), and this information is entered
into the PTS.
The rationale for the location and time setting of this research
warrants some
discussion. While USMS arrest statistics are collected in all
federal judicial districts
Am J Crim Just (2017) 42:469–488 475
17. nationwide, the current research will only utilize data from the
five federal districts on
the U.S.-Mexico border (Arizona, New Mexico, California
Southern, the Texas
Western and Southern Texas). The five Southwest border
districts accounted for
56 % of all federal suspects arrested and booked in the U.S. and
90 % of all
immigration arrests in 2010 (Motivans, 2012). This study
departs from most existing
research on immigration and crime, in that the focus is on a
variety of federal offenses
committed in five federal judicial districts whose jurisdiction
extends to multiple states
along the Southwest border. Previous research has almost been
exclusively limited to
examining a limited number of offenses (i.e. homicide) at either
the city or neigh-
borhood level (Martinez, 2006). The time period covered by this
research (2007–
2010) is significant because it covers a period of unprecedented
drug violence in
Mexico that was thought to contribute to crime levels in states
along the Southwest
border. Media reports routinely referenced the drug-related
violence in Mexico,
linking crime in communities along the Southwest border to
drug cartel members
and illegal immigrants.
Variables
The dependent variables in this study are six different
18. measurements of arrests. In each
case the prevalence of arrest was used, where 1 = arrested and 0
= not arrested in the
respective year (2007–2010). The six forms of arrest include
marijuana, hard drugs
(heroin, cocaine, hallucinogens, other opiates, amphetamines,
barbiturates, and syn-
thetic drugs), homicide, robbery, assault, and weapon offenses.
Prevalence was used
instead of frequency of arrest due to the fact that it is extremely
rare that an individual
would be arrested twice in the same fiscal year for a federal
offense.
Independent variables in the current study include age, sex,
race, citizenship status,
and marital status.
The arrestee’s sex is measured with a dichotomous variable that
is coded B1^ if the
offender is male and B0^ if the offender is female. Ethnicity of
the arrestee is broken
down into three categories: White/White Hispanic, Black/Black
Hispanic, and Other.
Ethnicity is broken into three dummy coded variables where 1 =
being a member of
that ethnic category and 0 = non-membership in that category.
In each model White/
White Hispanic was used as the reference category because it is
the largest category.
This predictor variable was coded using the same ethnicity
categories provided in FJSP
datasets, the source of information used in this analysis. As is
common in many
datasets, Hispanic defendants in the FJSP research series are
categorized as either
19. white or black. The lack of ethnicity and citizenship
information in criminal justice
datasets is a significant handicap to researchers examining the
interaction between
citizenship status and race/ethnicity.
Citizenship status is broken into three dummy coded variables:
(1) U.S. citizen, (2)
Non-citizen, and (3) Unknown status. For each citizenship
status variable, 1 = being a
member of that citizenship category and 0 = non-membership in
that category. For the
purpose of this study, U.S. citizens include individuals born in
the U.S.; individuals
who were born outside the U.S., but who have at least one
parent who is a U.S. citizen;
and individuals who were born alien but who have lawfully
become citizens of the
United States (i.e., Bnaturalized citizens^). Non-citizens are
individuals who are legal
(resident) aliens, unauthorized immigrants or individuals
without U.S. citizenship
476 Am J Crim Just (2017) 42:469–488
whose immigration status is unknown. An unauthorized
immigrant is a person who
resides in the United States but who is not a U.S. citizen, has
not been admitted for
permanent residence, and is not in a set of specific authorized
temporary statuses
permitting longer-term residence and work (see Passel et al.,
2004).
20. In each model U.S. citizenshi p was used as the reference
category because it is
the largest category. Descriptive analysis revealed that
approximately 3178 cases
(9.1 %) of total cases were missing citizenship status. Rather
than excluding those
cases it was decided to recode them as unknown in order to
identify possible
patterns in the missing values and to determine if those patterns
were consistent
with or different from other categories. One author of this study
has 22 years of
personal experience as a federal criminal investigator and
supervisory special
agent. Based on that experience, the following are possible
explanations for
missing demographic information in the PTS database (source
of information for
FJSP datasets used in this analysis). Reasons include the
inaccurate completion of
investigative reports due to human error and a lack of quality
review of those
reports by supervisory personnel. Additionally, the U.S.
Department of Justice
Office of the Inspector General (2004) determined that the
USMS (proprietor of
the PTS database) lacked proper internal controls to identify
and correct erroneous
or missing information contained within the computer database.
Marital status is also broken into three dummy variables, (1)
married, (2)
Unmarried (including divorced, single, and widowed
individuals), and (3) un-
known marital status. Like other dummy coded variables in this
study, 1 = being a
21. member of that marital category and 0 = non-membership in that
category. In each
model Unmarried was used as the reference category because i t
is the largest
category. Descriptive analysis revealed that approximately
15,166 cases (43.5 %)
of total cases were missing marital status. Rather than excluding
those cases it was
decided to recode them as unknown in order to identify possible
patterns in the
missing values and to determine if those patterns were
consistent with or different
from other categories. Possible explanations for the missing
values are discussed
above. Age, the final independent variable, was measured as age
in years, at the
time that the individual was arrested. Prior to any analysis
being run, these
variables were checked for collinearity, and none was found.
VIF scores ranged
from 1.023 (Tolerance = .977) to 1.415 (Tolerance = .707).
Analytic Strategy
Logistic regression was chosen to analyze the preceding
research questions, because it
is appropriate for use when the dependent variable or variables
(in this case the
prevalence of arrest for each type of offense) are dichotomous,
and it is appropriate
with all types of independent variables (Menard, 2010). Model
statistical significance
will be determined using the p-value associated with the model
chi-squared statistic,
and the model substantive significance will be determined using
the likelihood ratio R2,
22. also known as McFadden R2 or R2L. This measure of model
substantive significance
was chosen because it is conceptually the closest to R2 in OLS
regression, in that it
reflects the proportional reduction in the quantity actually being
minimized (Menard,
2010). Predictor statistical significance will be determined
using p-values computed
Am J Crim Just (2017) 42:469–488 477
from the Wald statistic, while predictor substantive significance
will be determined
using fully standardized regression coefficients. These
coefficients have the same
interpretation in logistic regression as in ordinary least squares
regression: A one
standard deviation change in the predictor is associated with a
b* standard deviation
change in the outcome, where b* is the fully standardized
regression coefficient. For a
full description of how these coefficients are calculated, see
Menard, 2010. While it is
the fully standardized regression coefficients that will be
interpreted by the authors,
odds ratios have also been inserted into the tables, for r eaders
who prefer that measure
of predictor substantive significance. Table 1 illustrates the
descriptive statistics for the
variables in the current study.
Results
Table 2 illustrates the results of the logistic regression arrest
23. models, for each offense
type. On this table we can see that the federal homicide arrest
model is statistically
(p = .000) and substantively (R2L=.276) significant.
Accordingly, the model explains
27.6 % of the variation between federal homicide arrests and
federal arrests for other
offenses. According to Wald statistics, individuals who are
disproportionately arrested
for a federal homicide offense are more likely to be male (p =
.002), White/White
Hispanic versus Black or Black/Hispanic (p = .016), a member
of an Bother^ racial
Table 1 Descriptive statistics
N Mean Standard deviation
Dependent variables
Homicide Arrests 34829 .0088 .09362
Assault Arrests 34829 .0313 .17412
Robbery Arrests 34829 .0146 .11989
Marijuana Arrests 34829 .5671 .49548
Hard Drug Arrests 34829 .2804 .44919
Weapons Arrests 34829 .0978 .29704
Independent variables
Age 34099 31.36 10.412
24. Sex 34828 .8410 .36566
White/White Hispanic 34828 .8984 .30207
Black/ Black Hispanic 34828 .0596 .23671
Other Race 34828 .0420 .20054
Married 34829 .2545 .43557
Unmarried 34829 .3101 .46254
Unknown Marriage 34829 .4354 .49582
US Citizen 34829 .5472 .49778
Non-Citizen 34829 .3616 .48046
Unknown Citizen Status 34829 .0912 .28796
478 Am J Crim Just (2017) 42:469–488
category (p = .000), a U.S. citizen versus a non-citizen (p =
.000), and/or a U.S. citizen
versus a member of an unknown citizen classification (p =
.000). Examination of the
standardized coefficients reveals that being a member of an
Bother^ or unknown race is
the strongest predictor of federal homicide arrests (b*M = .198)
followed by non-citizen
status (b*M = −.175), unknown citizenship status (b*M =
−.139), race (White/White
Hispanic versus Black or Black/Hispanic; b*M = −.111), and
finally by gender
25. (b*M = .058). Note that the typical cutoff for substantive
significance is a standardized
regression coefficient of .100 or higher. Using that standard,
gender (being male) is not
substantively significant, while all other statistically significant
predictors are.
Table 2 also shows that the model for federal assault arrests is
statistically (p = .000)
and substantively (R2L= .221) significant. Accordingly, it
explains 22.1 % of the
variation between federal arrests for assault and federal arrests
for other offenses. The
statistical significance of the predictors indicates that
individuals who were dispropor-
tionately arrested for federal assault, were more likely to be
male (p = .010), Black or
Black/Hispanic (p = .001), a member of an Bother^ racial
category (p = .000), a
member of an unknown marriage status category (p = .000), a
U.S. citizen versus a
non-citizen (p = .000), and/or a U.S. citizen versus a member of
an unknown citizen
classification (p = .000). Examination of the standardized
coefficients reveals that being
a member of an Bother^ or unknown race is the strongest
predictor of federal assault
arrests (b*M = .305) followed by citizenship status (non-citizen,
b*M = −.210 and
unknown citizenship, b*M = −.138), having an unknown marital
status (b*M = .070),
being Black/Black Hispanic (b*M = .049), and finally by gender
(b*M = .043). As
previously noted, the typical cutoff for substantive significance
is a standardized
regression coefficient of .100 or higher. Accordingly, the
26. predictors of gender (being
male), being Black or Black/Hispanic and having an unknown
marriage status while
statistically significant are not substantively significant.
The federal robbery arrest model is also statistically significant
(p = .000), but not
substantively significant (R2L= .008). The model only explains
.8 % of the variation in
the dependent variable. Federal robbery arrests have a
statistically significant relation-
ship with age (being older; p = .008), being male (p = .000),
being Black or Black/
Hispanic (p = .000), being a member of an Bother^ racial
category (p = .000), being
unmarried (versus being married or having an unknown marital
status (p = .000 for
both comparisons), and/or with being a U.S. citizen versus a
non-citizen (p = .000) or
being in an unknown citizen classification (p = .000).
Examination of the standardized
coefficients reveals that citizenship status is the strongest
predictor of federal robbery
arrests (non-citizen, b*M = −.103 and unknown citizenship
status, b*M = -.054),
followed by gender (b*M = .036), being unmarried versus
married (b*M = −.028),
being Black/Black Hispanic (b*M = .027), being a member of
an Bother^ or unknown
race (b*M = .019), being unmarried versus having an unknown
marital status
(b*M = −.016), and finally age (b*M = .013). Being a U.S.
citizen (versus being a
non-citizen) is the only predictor that is both statistically and
substantively significant.
27. Table 2 illustrates that the model for federal marijuana arrests is
statistically
(p = .000) significant and explains 7.8 % of variation in the
dependent variable
(R2L=.078). Federal marijuana arrests have a statistically
significant relationship with
age (being younger; p = .000), being female (p = .000), being
White/White Hispanic
versus Black or Black/Hispanic (p = .000) or being a member of
an Bother^ racial
Am J Crim Just (2017) 42:469–488 479
Table 2 Logistic regression arrest models
Dependent
Variable
Model
Statistics
Independent
Variables
Unstandardized
Coefficients (b)
Standardized
Coefficients (b*)
Significance
(Wald Statistic)
Federal Homicide
28. Arrests
R2L=.276 Age .010 .028 .087
p = .000 Male .584 .058 .002
Black/Black Hispanic -1.728 -.111 .016
Other Race 3.615 .198 .000
Unknown Marriage -.205 -.028 .142
Married .156 .019 .396
Non-Citizen -1.334 -.175 .000
Unknown Citizenship -1.770 -.139 .000
Federal Assault
Arrests
R2L= .221 Age -.004 -.020 .266
p = .000 Male .245 .043 .010
Black/Black Hispanic .443 .049 .001
Other Race 3.190 .305 .000
Unknown Marriage .297 .070 .000
Married -.121 -.025 .257
Non-Citizen -.915 -.210 .000
Unknown Citizenship -1.002 -.138 .000
29. Federal Robbery
Arrests
R2L= .008 Age .011 .013 .008
p = .000 Male .890 .036 .000
Black/Black Hispanic 1.006 .027 .000
Other Race .829 .019 .000
Unknown Marriage -.282 -.016 .000
Married -.583 -.028 .000
Non-Citizen -1.910 -.103 .000
Unknown Citizenship -1.664 -.054 .000
Federal Marijuana
Arrests
R2L= .078 Age -.020 -.094 .000
p = .000 Male -.188 -.031 .000
Black/Black Hispanic -1.460 -.156 .000
Other Race -1.382 -.125 .000
Unknown Marriage .531 .119 .000
Married .157 .031 .000
Non-Citizen .686 .149 .000
30. Unknown Citizenship .630 .082 .000
Federal Hard
Drug Arrests
R2L= .037 Age .021 .093 .000
p = .000 Male -.380 -.059 .000
Black/Black Hispanic .742 .075 .000
Other Race -.933 -.080 .000
Unknown Marriage -.465 -.098 .000
480 Am J Crim Just (2017) 42:469–488
category (p = .000), having an unknown marriage status (p =
.000), being married
(p = .000), being a non-citizen versus a U.S. citizen (p = .000),
and being an unknown
citizen classification versus a U.S. citizen (p = .000).
Examination of the standardized
coefficients reveals that being White/White Hispanic versus
Black/Black Hispanic is
the strongest predictor of federal marijuana arrests (b*M =
−.156), followed by being a
non-citizen (b*M = .149), being White/White Hispanic versus a
member of an Bother^
or unknown race (b*M = −.125), having an unknown marital
status (b*M = .119), being
younger (b*M = −.094), having an unknown citizenship status
(b*M = .082), and finally
31. gender (being female, b*M = −.031) and being married (b*M =
.031). Age, gender
(being female), being married and having an unknown
citizenship status are not
substantively significant, while all other statistically significant
predictors are.
As with other models, the model for federal hard drug arrests is
statistically (p = .000)
and substantively (R2L=.037) significant. Accordingly, the
model explains 3.7 % of the
variation between federal hard drug arrests and federal arrests
for other offenses. Federal
hard drug arrests have a statistically significant relationship
with age (being older;
p = .000), being female (p = .000), being Black or
Black/Hispanic (p = .000), being
White/White Hispanic versus being a member of an Bother^
racial category (p = .000),
being unmarried versus having an unknown marriage status (p =
.000), and being a U.S.
citizen versus being a non-citizen (p = .000). Examination of
the standardized coeffi-
cients reveals that being unmarried versus having an unknown
marital status is the
strongest predictor of federal hard drug arrests (b*M = −.098),
followed by age
(b*M = −.093), not being a member of an Bother^ or unknown
race (b*M = −.080),
being Black/Black Hispanic (b*M = .075), being female (b*M =
−.059) and finally being
a U.S. Citizen versus a non-citizen (b*M = −.044), however,
none of the predictors
reached the standard cutoff for substantive significance (b*M ≥
.100).
32. According to Table 2, the federal weapons arrest model is
statistically significant
(p = .000) and substantively significant (R2L = .075). The
model explains 7.5 % of the
variation in the dependent variable. Federal weapons arrests
have a statistically
Table 2 (continued)
Dependent
Variable
Model
Statistics
Independent
Variables
Unstandardized
Coefficients (b)
Standardized
Coefficients (b*)
Significance
(Wald Statistic)
Married .022 .004 .482
Non-Citizen -.214 -.044 .000
Unknown Citizenship .046 .006 .352
Federal Weapons
Arrests
33. R2L= .075 Age .001 .003 .450
p = .000 Male 1.709 .162 .000
Black/Black Hispanic .705 .043 .000
Other Race -.270 -.014 .000
Unknown Marriage -.339 -.043 .000
Married -.306 -.034 .000
Non-Citizen -.964 -.120 .000
Unknown Citizenship -1.537 -.114 .000
Am J Crim Just (2017) 42:469–488 481
significant relationship with being male (p = .000), being Black
or Black/Hispanic
(p = .000), being White/White Hispanic versus being a member
of an Bother^ racial
category (p = .000), being unmarried versus being married (p =
.000) or having an
unknown marriage status (p = .000), and with being a U.S.
citizen versus being a non-
citizen (p = .000) or being an unknown citizen classification (p
= .000). Examination of
the standardized coefficients reveals that gender (being male) is
the strongest predictor
of federal weapon offenses (b*M = .162), followed by being a
U.S. citizen (versus being
a non-citizen, b*M = −.120, and being of an unknown
citizenship status, b*M = −.114),
34. being Black/Black Hispanic (b*M = .043) being married (versus
being in an unknown
marital category, b*M = −.043, or being married, b*M = −.034),
and finally, being
White/White Hispanic as opposed to being a member of an
Bother^ or unknown race
(b*M = −.014). Only the predictors of gender (being male),
being a U.S. citizen are both
statistically and substantively significant.
Discussion
This study analyzed the impact of citizenship status on
disproportionate federal arrests
for six violent and narcotic-related offenses (homicide, assault,
robbery, marijuana, hard
drug and weapons) along the U.S./Mexico border, in the interest
of answering two
specific research questions. The answers to those questions
require some attention here.
Recall that the first research question asked about the
characteristics of individuals who
were disproportionately arrested for each of the federal
offenses. Table 3 contains a
summary of the multivariate findings that are both statistically
and substantively
significant. From this table, we can see that individuals arrested
for a federal homicide
offense are disproportionately individuals whose ethnicity is
either White/White
Hispanic or Bother^, and who are U.S. citizens. Individuals
arrested for a federal assault
Table 3 Summary of multivariate results
Homicide
36. Unknown
Citizenship
− − −
A positive sign (+) indicates a statistically and substantively
significant positive relationship, while a negative
sign (−) indicates a significant negative relationship
482 Am J Crim Just (2017) 42:469–488
are disproportionately U.S. citizens and individuals whose
ethnicity is of an unknown
classification. Individuals who are arrested for a federal level
robbery offense, as
opposed to some other federal offense, are disproportionately
U.S. citizens.
Individuals arrested on federal marijuana charges are
disproportionately White/White
Hispanic, have an unknown marital status, and are non-citizens.
None of the examined
independent variables had a statistically and substantively
significant impact on dis-
proportionate federal arrests for hard drug use and therefore,
our research does not lend
any insight into the characteristics of these offenders. Finally,
individuals arrested on
federal weapons charges are disproportionately male and are
U.S. citizens.
Though not substantively significant, one interesting findings
from our multivariate
analyses is that females were statistically significantly,
37. disproportionately, more likely
than males to be arrested for marijuana and hard drug offenses.
This is consistent with
previous research that shows that women are more likely to be
arrested for drug and
property related offenses rather than violent crime (Chesney-
Lind, 1997; Bloom et al.,
2004). According to the Bureau of Justice statistics, females
accounted for 15 % of all
DEA drug arrests and 20 % of all methamphetamine arrests in
2010 (Motivans, 2010).
Therefore, the results from this study add further support to the
differences in arrest by
type of crime and gender.
The second research question specifically asked if noncitizens
were disproportion-
ately more likely than U.S. citizens to be arrested for each of
the six federal offenses.
With only one exception, the answer to these research questions
was no – noncitizens
were not disproportionately more likely to be arrested than U.S.
citizens in the federal
districts that line the U.S./Mexico border. Recall that this
region contains the largest
concentration of Hispanic citizens in the United States (Ennis et
al., 2011), and an
estimated 4.7 million illegal immigrants (Passel & Cohn, 2011).
The only federal
crime where noncitizens were disproportionately more likely to
be arrested than were
U.S. citizens was for marijuana offenses. Overall, these findings
are consistent with
recent research that shows that noncitizens are less likely to be
arrested than U.S.
citizens for violent and drug-related offenses. The only
38. exception, marijuana contra-
dicts recent studies that suggest that U.S. citizens are more
likely to be arrested for
drug related offenses than are noncitizens (Becker et al., 2013;
Hagan & Palloni,
1999; Kposowa et al., 2009). Marcelli (2004) did find that
noncitizens who were
arrested were more likely to be apprehended for a drug-related
offense than any other
type of crime.
Cultural, opportunity structure and social disorganization are
three traditional theo-
retical frameworks that are used to explain immigrant
criminality. These theories all
generally postulate that immigration promotes criminal activity.
More recently, the
immigration revitalization perspective argues that protective
factors of immigrant
communities actually decrease (rather than increase) the
likelihood of criminal activity.
While this research did not directly test any of the theories, they
did offer a perspective
for why one might expect to see differences in arrest rates
relative to citizenship status.
Overall, this research showed that with the exception of federal
marijuana arrests, that
noncitizens were disproportionately less likely to be arrested for
violent and narcotic-
related federal offenses than were U.S. citizens. Results of this
study tend to support the
immigration revitalization perspective rather than traditional
criminological theories
(i.e., cultural, opportunity structure and social disorganization)
that suggest that non-
citizens are more likely than U.S. citizens to be arrested.
39. Am J Crim Just (2017) 42:469–488 483
Limitations
It is important to acknowledge some limitations to the present
study. One limitation of
this research is that the utilization of citizenship status in the
assessment of immigrant
criminality has some important drawbacks. The primary issue is
that citizenship data
cannot distinguish between noncitizens who are in the U.S.
legally (resident aliens) and
those who are unauthorized. It is, of course, the unauthorized
noncitizens that are the
focus of media attention and who members of the general public
appear to be
concerned with in terms of criminality, among other things.
This limitation is not
unique to this research (Heckathorn, 2006). Despite the inability
to distinguish between
authorized and unauthorized noncitizens, researchers often use
citizenship information
when examining immigrant criminality. This is due to the
inherent difficulty in gaining
information from individuals who are in the United States
illegally. Still, the lack of
information regarding immigrant status continues to be a
significant impediment to
researchers studying immigrant criminality.
A second limitation of the current study was that the dataset
used in this research
(the FJSP research series) like many formal crime data sources
40. (e.g., Uniform Crime
Report) failed to provide an ethnic breakdown of defendants. As
is common in many
datasets, Hispanic defendants were categorized as either white
or black. The lack of
ethnicity in criminal justice datasets continues to impede
research efforts examining the
link between ethnicity, race and crime. Another limitation of
this data set is the use of
arrests as an indication of criminal behavior. As has been amply
documented elsewhere
(for example, O’Brien, 1985; Pollock et al., 2015), arrest data
reflect not only illegal
behavior but also policies with regard to enforcement and the
recording of police
actions, and are less consistent and reliable indicators of illegal
behavior and victim-
ization data. While the use of arrestees does allow us to
examine whether arrests for
different types of crime are disproportionately concentrated
within immigrant or non-
immigrant populations, it is not possible from these data to
compute rates of illegal
behavior relative to the general population of immigrants and
non-immigrants, partic-
ularly because estimates of the numbers of the immigrant
(including but not limited to
illegal immigrant) vary widely, by as much as 10 %, or between
10.7 and 11.7 million
in 2010 (Passel & Cohn, 2011; Warren & Warren, 2013).
Stated differently, it is virtually impossible to get information
on actual criminal
behavior from immigrants in general and even more so from
illegal immigrants. This is
because illegal immigrants are, understandably, difficult to
41. locate and interview regard-
ing their criminal behavior or their victimization. Arrest records
are admittedly flawed
indicators of criminal behavior, for the above stated reasons,
but they are the best
measure presently available for examining the current issue on a
large scale. In
addition, we know from previous research (see Pollock, 2014),
that there is a statisti-
cally significant, positive, correlation between criminal
behavior and arrest. Therefore,
some knowledge can be gained regarding criminal behavior
through arrest records,
though again, self-report or victimization data would be
preferable.
Despite the above limitations, the current study has some
important implications for
policy, as well as future research. The goal of the current study
was to contribute to the
body of research providing a non-discriminative understanding
of both crime and
immigration. Overall, the results of the current research
challenge the stereotypical
linkage of non-citizens to crime. This research like other recent
studies investigating the
484 Am J Crim Just (2017) 42:469–488
association between immigration and crime found that
noncitizens were not dispropor-
tionately arrested for federal crime on the U.S. / Mexico border.
This is important
because it challenges the claims of politicians and media
42. sources that promote the fear
of immigrants in order to further their own agendas. The myth
of the criminal
immigrant is perhaps one of the single most controversial
factors contributing to
America’s present day anti-immigrant fervor. Results of the
current study and other
research provide hard evidence challenging the mythology of
the criminal immigrant
and will hopefully contribute to a more coherent and meaningful
national dialogue on
immigration policy.
Additional research is necessary to explore the intricacies of the
relationship be-
tween citizenship and crime in the United States. Investigation
into the consistency of
the impact of citizenship on federal arrests over time (i.e.,
before and after President
Calderon’s presidency) was not addressed in the current study.
Second, the findings of
this study were confined to the federal arrest process. Future
studies are needed to
determine whether similar results hold true for state agencies.
Third, inter-district
variation was not explored in the current study. Investigating
differences in arrest
predictors between federal districts has not been done
previously and would certainly
contribute to the body of research exploring the role of
citizenship and arrest. Finally,
examination of the role of citizenship status as a predictor of
federal arrests for other
types of offenses (e.g., property) is also essential to gain a more
complete picture of the
interaction between citizenship and crime.
43. Acknowledgments The authors would like to thank the Inter-
university Consortium for Political and Social
Research (ICPSR) for allowing the use of the data in this study.
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Deborah A. Sibila is an Assistant Professor of Criminal Justice
53. at Stephen F. Austin State University in
Nacogdoches, Texas. She received her B.A. in Law
Enforcement/Police Science from Sam Houston State
University (SHSU), her MPA from Jacksonville State University
and her Ph.D. from SHSU. Her current
research focus includes female and elderly offending, immigrant
criminality and drug policy.
Wendi Pollock is an assistant professor of Criminal Justice at
Texas A&M University – Corpus Christi. She
received her B.S. and M.S. in criminal justice from Sul Ross
State University, and her Ph.D. in criminal justice
from Sam Houston State University. Her current research focus
includes the correlates of disproportionate
police contact both longitudinally and across generations,
perceptions of police fairness, the impact of criminal
justice system policies that center on arrest, quantitative
methods, and methodological concerns in self-
reported data.
Scott Menard is a retired Professor of Criminal Justice (Sam
Houston State University) and a Research
Associate in the Institute of Behavioral Science at the
University of Colorado, Boulder. He received his Ph.D.
in Sociology from the University of Colorado, Boulder. His
publications include work in statistics, particularly
logistic regression analysis and longitudinal research, plus
criminological theory testing and research on crime,
delinquency, and victimization intergenerationally and over the
life course.
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United States-Mexico: The Convergence of Public Policy Views
in the Post-9/11 World
Valeriano, Brandon;Powers, Matthew
Policy Studies Journal; Nov 2010; 38, 4; ProQuest
pg. 745
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6/5/2021 Illicit Drug Trade
https://myclassroom.apus.edu/d2l/le/enhancedSequenceViewer/3
4763?url=https%3A%2F%2Ff54cbe36-23a9-4505-85fe-
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Since the early 2000s, Mexico has been “in the midst of a ba�le
between warring organized crime fac�ons”
62. (Simser, 2011, p. 267) commonly referred to as cartels that
exploit corrup�on, subversion, penetra�on, extreme
violence, assassina�ons, kidnappings, and other violent
methods intended to promote their interests.
Moreover, cartels have been warring not only with the
government but also among themselves, striving to
establish dominance and control over key plazas that are portals
for the smuggling of illicit drugs into the
United States (Simser, 2011). Some researchers and
policymakers even claim that Mexican cartels should be
defined as insurgent groups that have a real chance of seizing
power in the country should their further
evolu�onary pace remain on the exis�ng track (Blaine, 2012).
This opinion complies with a similar viewpoint
accredited to the Drug Enforcement Administra�on that there
has occurred “a transi�on from the gangsterism
of tradi�onal narco hitmen to paramilitary terrorism with
guerilla tac�cs” (Turbiville, 2010, p. 123). Therefore,
this evolu�on of cartels calls for the development and
implementa�on of new an�-drug measures and combat
strategies.
Although the Mexican government, especially under the rule of
President Calderon, has a�empted to
implement new amendments since 2006, they have proved to be
only par�ally successful (Turbiville, 2010).
Understandably, violence is an integral part of the illicit drug
trade irrespec�ve of the par�cular drug and
country, yet the level of violence in Mexico is truly alarming
(Bei�el, 2012). As of 2006, there were four main
cartels: (a) the Tijuana/Arellano Felix organiza�on, (b) the
Gulf cartel, (c) the Sinaloa cartel, and (d) the
Juarez/Vicente Carillo Fuentes organiza�on (Bei�el, 2012).
The government’s steps, in par�cular, the
involvement of the military in the fight with cartels, enhanced
intelligence gathering, coopera�on with the
63. United States, and other measures, have resulted in extreme
fragmenta�on of the organiza�ons (Bei�el, 2012).
Hence, as of 2015, there are now nine cartels along with the
four previously men�oned; the five new cartels
are (a) Los Zetas, (b) Beltran Leyva Organiza�on, (c) La
Familia Michoacana, (d) Knights Templar, and (e) Cartel
Jalisco-New Genera�on (Bei�el, 2015). These cartels have
managed to func�on with li�le problems despite the
fact the government has either captured or killed the kingpins of
all of these cartels, for instance, the capture of
Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman from the Sinaloa in 2014 and the
arrest of Hector Beltran Leyva from the Beltran
Leyva Organiza�on in 2014 (Bei�el, 2015). Furthermore, the
violence remains an actual problem, irrespec�ve
of some successes in bringing down the homicide rate as cartels
have intensified ac�vi�es related to
kidnappings, extor�ons, and threats (Bei�el, 2015).
6/5/2021 How Mexican Government Handle Situation
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4763?url=https%3A%2F%2Ff54cbe36-23a9-4505-85fe-
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How Mexican Government Handle
Situation
The success of the government has been undermined by a failure
to disrupt opera�ons of cartels through
captures of the kingpins and the recent escape of Guzman on
July 11, 2015 (Bei�el, 2015). There are
supposi�ons that the Sinaloa cartel is vying to seize dominance
in Mexico and unite other cartels. On the one
64. hand, it will reduce the level of inter-cartel violence, but on the
other hand, such development of the situa�on
would pose a serious challenge to the government that already
struggles to devise a solu�on under the rule of
recently elected President Enrique Pena Nieto (Bei�el, 2015).
Hence, it is to be seen whether the Mexican
government can handle the increased power of cartels and
effec�vely prevent their further spread.
All in all, the U.S. government is extremely worried about the
Mexican situa�on because of the increasing
violence that can spill over into the United States, which
happens to be the target des�na�on of illicit drug
shipments. Therefore, it is frequently recommended for the U.S.
government to cooperate with the Mexican
government with access to efficiently figh�ng powerful drug
cartels that pose a significant threat to the United
States’ na�onal security and overall well-being of society.
6/5/2021 References
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4763?url=https%3A%2F%2Ff54cbe36-23a9-4505-85fe-
e251f80ec34d.sequences.a… 1/1
References
Beittel, J. S. (2012, August 3). Mexico’s drug trafficking
organizations: Source and scope of the rising violence.
Congressional Research Service.
Beittel, J. S. (2015, July 22). Mexico: Organized crime and drug
trafficking organizations. Congressional Research
65. Service.
Blaine, B. B. (2012, January). Mexican drug cartels. Marine
Corps Gazette, 96(1), 40-42. https://www.mca-
marines.org/gazette
Simser, J. (2011). Plata o plomo: Penetration, the purchase of
power and the Mexican drug cartels. Journal of
Money Laundering Control, 14(3), 266–278.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13685201111147568
Turbiville, G. H. (2010). Firefights, raids, and assassinations:
Tactical forms of cartel violence and their
underpinnings. Small Wars & Insurgencies, 21(1), 123-
144. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592310903561577