This document summarizes the historical context and principles of early vocational education in the United States between 1900-1916. It discusses how schools primarily served the small minority preparing for college, while the majority left by age 14 with little preparation for work. Vocational education advocates believed it could make schools more democratic by providing useful preparation for non-college bound students. It also describes the lives of women during this period, most of whom worked outside the home after leaving school around age 14, then married in their early 20s after years of employment with limited opportunities. Schools failed to prepare youth, especially girls, for their roles as wage-earners or homemakers.

1. CHAPTER 2
THE HISTORICAL SETTING AND PRINCIPLESOF
VOCATIONAL EDUCATION
A number of issues and concerns surrounded the early development andexpansion of vocational
education. Some of themthose that seemed to: dominate the literature of the dayare
developed here. These descriptionsare not complete as either history or evidence. However, they
are an accu-:rate portrayal of issues and concerns that were central to establishing voca-tional
education in the public schools during the critical groundwork periodbetween 1900 and 1916. The
historical background is intended to provide:the reader with a better understanding of the dynamics
that were workingat that time, in order to set the stage for an appreciation of events related tothe
individual principles developed in chapters 3, 4, and 5.
HISTORICAL CONTEXTDEMOCRACY AND THE SCHOOLS:Schools in the first
decade of the twentieth century largely held to tf.., de-ments of a so-calledliberal education.
Preparationfor college', v:
intended outcomeanoutcomeservingfewer than 10 percent of tiI:,
:lation. Liberal educationwas not concernedwith making efficient pro-z ducers, although it
didindirectly,pontribute to that end; rather, it concerned
itself with consuming (Snedden 1910c).
1/441.000At the same 'time, opportunities to workwere very attractive to those
:youth who saw little value in further schooling. For those who chose to: leave school to
enter the work forceand the numbers were largethere: had been little or no preparation for
work. Fewer than 10 percent of the Fey-,enteen-year-olds received a high school diploma (U.S.
Department of Labor 1968). By modern standards, 90 percent of the, population were high
schooldropouts or had never attended high school. Typically, youth left the publicschools by the
age e fourteen, and less than half of these completedthe sixthgrade. School attendance laws
for persons older thanfourteenwerejust beginning to emerge.Schools did not adequately serve the
needs of youth. The'Commission onNational Aid to 'Vocational Education (1914) stressed how
public educationwas falling short. The equality of opportunityin the system of educationwas
not afforded to the mass of children. Although the schools were freelyopen to every child, the aims
and purposes of the schools were such that amajority of the children were unable to take advantage of
schooling beyonda certain grade, and hence did not secure, at public expense, a preparationfor their
work in life. The Commissionheldthat the schools rere plannedfor only the few who were
preparing for college rather than the large num-ber who would go into industry.Advocates of
vocational educationin the public schools believedthatvocational education would make the
schools more democratic. "The Ameri-can school will become truly democratic," said Prosser, "when
we learn totrain all kinds of men, in all kinds of ways, for all kinds of things" (1913,p. 406).
Establishing vocational training as an alternative for those whowere leaving schools at
fourteenyears of age would, it was hoped, vastlyextend general education, provide a reason for
the continued school attendance of more persons fourteen years of age and older, and democratize
edu-cation.Several additional benefits were expected as vocational education becamea part of the
system of public education. Not only would schools be mean-ingful for more students, but education
for employinent would help extendthe years of education, thus increasing the level of citizenship of
those per-sons. Vocational education would also make for greater efficiency in produc-tion and

2. increase the wage-earning ability of youthboth boys andgirlsbyhelping them move
from noneducative occupations as unskilledlaborers to positions as skilled workers sought after
by industry. Similarly,training in the scientific principles of farmingand the householdoccupa-
tions would contribute to greater efficiency in farming and wouldstrengthenthe
American home (Marshall 1907). It was also believedthatvocational training was needed for
its indirect but positive effect ontheaims and methods of general education (Commission on
National Aid 1914).Accordingly, vocational education would develop better teaching
processesthrough which children who did not respond to book instruction might bereached and
educated through learning by doing. It would also introduce tothe educational system the aim of
utility, which would take a place in dig-nity at the side of,culture, an art would connect education
with life by makingit purposeful and useful.Dewey (1916) saw occupations as central to educational
activity. He did,however, express concern about any form of vocational education that
would tend to continue the present forms of education for those whose eco-nomical status would
allow such education, while giving the masses a nar-row education for specialized occupations under
the control of industry.Dewey believed that educationneededchange. Vocational
educationcould, according to him, be the means to induce changes that would improveeducation.
According to Dewey, a right educational use of vocational educa-tion:
...would react upon intelligence and interest so as to mod-ify, in connection with legislation and
administration, thesociallyobnoxious features of the present industrial andcommercial order.
It would turn the increasing fund ofsocial sympathy to constructive account, instead of leavingit
a somewhat blind philanthropic sentiment. It would givethose who engage in industrial callings
desire and ability toshare in social control, and ability to become masters oftheir industrial fate.
It would enable them to saturate withmeaning the technical and mechanical features which areso
marked a feature of our machine system of productionand distribution (1916, p. 320).,
Considerable argument, frequently public, existed between Dewey, Sned-den, and Prosser. Wirth
(1972) treats this controversyindetail and labelsProsser's and Snedden's economic philosophy as
Social Darwinism; whereasothers have felt that Dewey allowed his socialistic tendenciesto
obscure.-Eme of his preferences (later more evident) regarding. schooling.. However,_the
controversy seemed aimed more st why and how vocational educationshould be developed rather
than at the questionof whether or not it wasneeded. The why and how questions are just as
important today as theywere then, but as a matter of historical record, the evidence shows
thatvocational education emerged as a result of a real concern for youth and ofthe failure of the
schools to provide an educational program that was bothattractive to them and fittedto their
needs.
LIFE PATTERNS FOR WOMEN
Several important events stand out in examining the life patterns ofwomen. These include
schooling, work, and marriage. Schoolingheldagreater attractionfor females thanmales. In
1910, 60 percent of all highschool graduates were women (U.S. Department of Labor 1968).
At thesame time, nearly one-third (30.6 percent) of all women between the ages offifteen and
twenty-four were gainfully employed (National Society for the Promotion of Industrial Education
1907). At the first annual meeting of UleNational Society for the Promotion of Industrial Edw.! ion
(NSPIE), Mar-shall (1908) pointed to.the work patterns of women in discussing Taylor's(1908)
report, "The Effect of Trade Schools on the Social Interest of People."Marshall pointed out that laws
in most of the states permitted girls to leaveschool and enter the industries at the age of fourteen.

3. Further, the nationalcensus indicated that all industries except .itwo admitted women as workers,and
data indicate that in a large majorityof the cities from fiftyto eightypercent of the girls
between fourteen and twenty worked. for wages outsideof the home.Such evidence made it plain
to policymakers that the nation couldnotafford to consider the question of vocational education
merely on sentimen-tal grounds (Marshall 1908). Massachusetts census data for 1910 indicatedthat
60 percent of the sixteen- to twenty-year-oldwomenwere gainfullyemployed, and the same
census data showed the national average for thatgroup to be 40 accent (Federal Board for Vocational
Education 1920b). Cer-tainly, employment inthe workplace was of profoundimportance in
thelives of women.Marriage for women who entered the work forceusually occurred after
anextended period of employment. It was a will-known fact that, among fac-tory workers, the great
majority of girls began as wage earners when theywere fourteen to sixteen years of age; that they
continued as such for five toeight years, after which they married; and, if conditions were at all
prosper-ous, they devoted themselves henceforth to homemaking (Snedden 1916).Schools, however,
were failing to prepare women for either roleas home-maker or wage earner.The nature of women's
involvement with industry had itself undergonechange. Indiritiy tadaliViyi bei3namportin
the life' ofmoatof the products of such industry had been produced at home. At the turn ofthe
century, work opportunities for womenoutside of the home becamegreater each year. The
changing nature of industry also affected whatwomen uid and learned. The processes of
industry tended to divide and sub-divide every operation and simplify the work performed. This in
turn lim-ited what was learned in the factory, as well as its appliCation to the needs ofthe home.Jobs
for women, in spite of their high levels of employment, were limitedin variety and scope. Most were
low-level factory and manufacturing posi-tions with limited opportunity for advancement. Many
were based on piece-work rather than an hOurly rate, and working conditions were
generallypoor at best, if not deplorable. Service occupations and some officeworkprovided
relatively better circumstances. All in all, women were not usually encouraged nor prepared to
advance into more challenging and rewardingpositions.These events led early leaders to see the need
for education of a twofoldnatureeducation for wage earning and education for the work of
thehome. The early departure from high school for most women, coupled withthe lack of
opportunity to prepare for a wage-earning role, left womeninadequately prepared to cope
with the roles theywould fill. As Snedden(1910c) commented, "Society will undoubtedly require
that the two func-tions become harmonized, to the end that the welfare of the individual andthe
soundness of society may at the same time be conserved" (p. 54). Voca-tional education was seen as
an appropriate means of meeting these goalsgoals that would themselves shape the future of
vocational education.
APPRENTICESHIP. PROGRAMS
Traditional apprenticeship programs were affected by theemergingindustrial society.
Snedden (ibid.) emphasized that it was a matter of com-mon observationthat the apprenticeship
system in many trades had beenrendered ineffective by the disappearance of the old form of
industry in itscomplicated form. The new factory system of production had replaced thetotal product
approach that had beencommonto many of the apprentice-able trades.The American Federation
of Labor (AFL) recognized the need for indus-trial education and did not see it as a competitor.
Samual Gompers (1914),then president of the AFL, spoke to the eighth annual convention of NSPIE-
and-outlined the unionVsupport for-PublicvocationtIeducation In-address-ing the issue of industrial
education in the schools, Gompers declared, "I canassure you that no disposition will be found
anywhere among working mento oppose this effortto make our schools more democraticin

4. serving thereal bread-and-butter needs of the community" (1914, p. 7). Gompers, inreferring
to the committee on education appointed at the 1903 annual AFLconvention, went on to say:
What sort of educationdo you think most interestedthedelegates to that. convention?It was
not that educationwhich deals with the syntax of dead languages; it was noteven that education
which deals with the development ofthe fine arts, or with the systematic teachingof the sci-
ences . . ..The sort of education which was under consider-ation... wasindustrial education (ibid., p.
8).
Trade union women were also adamant supporters of vocational educa-tion. Leonara O'Reilly,
representing the Woman's Trade-Union League ofNew York City, spoke to the Coinmkgion on
National Aid to Vocational Edu-cation at one of thei- hearings, O'Reilly said, "I feel that_this
piece_of workbefore your committeeis the most vital thing in educationthat has beendone in
this whole land" (Commission on National Aid 1914, Vol. II, p. 186).Her further comments represent
a vivid commentary on education and hr.perceptions as to changes that needed to take place in the
educational sys-tems of the nation.Organized labor had a vital concernfor expanding public
educationtoinclude industrial education. Such an addition was expectedto advanceorganized
labor by increasing wage-earning power and making the schoolsmore democratic.
A WIDESPREAD CONCERN
.The movement to see vocational education become a part of the publicschools was one that attracted
many proponents. On an individual basis, thesenator from Vermont, Carroll S. Page, has to be
consideredamongthestrongest advocates. Senator Page's contributions are reportedby
Barlow(1976b) in The Unconquerable Senator Page: "Because history sometimesplays queer tricks,
as it did in this case, the man who should have receivedmuch credit for the vocational education
legislation was upstaged by otherswho received, in a historical sense, a lion's share of the credit" (p.
134).Senator Page (1912) recognized the public's interest in vocational educa-tion. He expressed the
widespread nature of that interest to his fellow sena-tors in a speechregarding his vocational
educationbill, which sought toprovide for cooperation in promoting instruction in agriculture, the
tradesand industries, and home economics in Secondary schools. Page warned thesenators that
when they returnedhome they would find the. questionofvocational education the subject of
sermons in churches; of earnest discus-sions in granges and other farmers' associations;as a
burning and vitalquestion among labor organizations and manufacturing trades associations;and as
the subject of special consideration among those connected with ourinstitutions of learning
everywhere, from the elementary schools up to theuniversities, from one end r the country to the
other. Backing up his state-ment were quotations and Latements of support from educators;
newspa-per editors; labor, business, and farm leaders; and governors representingevery state in the
union.
Support for congressional action to stimulate the states to provide voca-tional education through the
public schools was in evidence in many organi-Zations. The Commission on National Aid to
Vocational Education (1914) noted this support in their report. Resolutions favoring the idea of
stimulat-ir4; the states to deliver vocational educationhad been passedby a greatmany national
organizations during the past few years. The Commission'sreport also cited the Cominisai alter of
Education's (1912) report concerningpublic opinion favoring vocational education, which stated, "the
press fairlyteems with editorial and sign.:' articles, which indicate an overwhelmingsentiment
in favor of enlarging and extending the scope of education in thiscountry to include the training of
the great mass of our workers for wage-earning occupations of every, kind" (p, 287). The
Commission's report thenlisted twenty-three major organizations representing a cross section of soci-

5. etal interest. The high level of public support forecast the establishment ofa national program to
promote vocational education Societal interests die-'tated suchan outcome.
PRINCIPLES
Principles of vocational education emerged as vocational education wasbeginning in this country.
The first principles, advanced as theorems, were areflection of circumstances, thinking, and needs
specific to a time in history.The fundamental concepts behind these theorems were influential in
shap-ing the early development of vocational education. In many instances, theseconcepts are still
evident in contemporary principles of vocational educe-
tion. In other cases, old concepts have been 'modified or dropped and newgeneralizations have
emerged.Historical traces and recent preferences are both influential in establish-ing a list of
contemporary principles of vocational education. Whether byaccident or design, history has shaped
vocational education. An awarenessof the early-leaders! intentions eanbe useful inteeing.directions,-
identifyingchanges in direction, and synthesizing the impact of those events. By con-trast, recent
preferences should be the ultimate basis for inductively devel-oping a contemporary philosophic
postin for vocational education. 'Afterall, recent preferences are primary indicators of where
vocational educationis today.Evidence supporting individual principles is drawn from two
periodstheearly 1900s and the second half of the present century. Since the principlesare
contemporary principles of vocational education, the supporting ration-ales are largelybased on
the literature of the 1970s. In some instances,sources go back into the 1960s. Although early
roots, primarily prior to thepassage of the Smith-Hughes Act, are developed (not all of the
principleshave such identifiable beginnings), the preponderance of evidence is fromthe more recent
period. The jump from the early part of the century to the sixth and seventh decades is intentional;
the intervening time is left to thechroniclers of history.Two additional comments are important in
reading the rationale for thecontemporary principles. The literature cited has been generally
limited towhat can be described as the hardback literature. By way of contrast, littlehas been taken
from the periodical literature. In an equally exclusive man-ner, citations represent what has been
written or edited by vocational educa-tors. Largely, it is what we have to say about ourselves
and what we sayabout vocational education.It is appropriate for the reader to ask, "Are these all
of the principles ofvocational education? The answer would have to bee qualified no, in termsof
the finalityof the list over time. And there are other possibilities. Theclassification may limit
the individual's vision regarding, applications andalternative views of the role for a given principle.
Therefore, it is importantto recognize that the individual principles frequently have multiple applica-
tions and varying influences onvocational education. It may be equallyimportant to
acknowledge that the principles do notneedto be classified orgrouped.Purely as a matter of
convenience and structure, the principles aregrouped under three headingsPeople,
Programs, and Processes. Theseheadings are arbitrary, although reasoned. Some will see
parallels betweenthese groupings and the philosophical questions dealt with latter. Such rela-
tionships are not fully intended. To use that as a scheme for organizationposes an
unwarranted and unnecessarylimitation. Similarly, a few selectprinciples maynot have
earned full status as contemporaryprinciples ofvocational educationand consequentlymay
better be labeledas tentativeprinciplesanother unwarrantedand unnecessarylimitation.
Regardless ofthese possibilities, each principle is based on-evidencee that it is a-preferredpniztice
in vocational educationand is treatedas a discrete subsectionofthe chapter in which it
appears. Hence another caveat. Each principle,although treated as a unit by itself, represents
only a partial view of voca-tional education. Hopefully, the design used in presenting the principles

6. willnot limit the individual's gestalt of vocational education.Principles have served vocational
education in a variety of ways. Zb namea few, principles have been useful in guiding program
development, in plan-ning instructional strategies, inevaluating programs, and in
formulatingpolicy. It is expectedthat principles will continue to fill similar rolesforvocational
education.In the present instance, principles are being used to arrive at a philosophyfor vocational
education. The development of a philosophic positionforvocational education from the
principles of the field is not unlike other usesfor principles. lbgether, such purposes draw on what
vocational educators have e7 Teased as preferredpractice invocational education. These pur-
poses reflect where vocational education has been and suggest future direc-iitons. They also
require interpretation to the communityeducators,
vocational educators, and students alike. Furthermore, theyare subject tothe possibility of
change. Finally, they have the potential of being used tobring about imwovement in the vocational
education enterprise. The largerdifferences grow out of the more global nature of philosophic activity
andthe fundamental nature of questions about the human conditionthat areaddressed in the
philosophic quest. Yet, the principles of vocational educa-
tion are central to the process and purpose of inductively developing a phi-losophy for vocational
education. To understand the principles is essentialin accomplishing that goal.
REFERENCES
Barlow, Melvin L. The Unconquerable Senator Page. Washington, DC:
American Vocational Association, 1976b.Commission on National Aid to Vocational Education.
Vocational Educa-
tion. "Vols.1 & II. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office,1914.Commissioner of
Education. Report for 1912 Washington, DC: U.S. Gov-
ernment PrintingOffice, 1912.Dewey,John. Democracy and Education. New York: MacMillan,
1916.Federal Board for Vocational Education. "Trade and Industrial Education
for Girls and Women." BulletinNo. ba. Trade and Industrial SeriesNo. IA Waahington, DC:
U.S. Government Printing Officer, October1920b.Gompers,', Samuel. `The Attitude of the American
Federal of Labor toward
Inchistrial Education." Address given to the Eighth Annual Conven-tion 'of the National Society
for the Promotionof Industrial Educa-tion,IRiclunond, VA, 10 December 1914.:Marshall,
Florence M. "Discussion." In Proceedings of the First Annual
Meeting, National Societyfor the Promotionof Industrial Educa-tion. Bulletin No. 6, Part II.
Chicago,11: The National Society for thePromotion of Industrial Education, April 1908..Industrial
Training for Women. BulletinNo. 4. New York: TheNational Society for the Promotion of
Industrial Education, October1907.National Society for the Promotion of Industrial Education.
Bulletin No. 4.
New York: NSPIE, October 1907.Page, Carroll S.1(Vocational Education." Speech delivered in the
Senate of
the UnitedStates, Washington, DC, 5 June 1912.Prosser, Charles A. "The Meaning of
Industrial Education." Vocational
Education (May 1913): 406.Snedden, David. The Problemof Vocational Lducation. Boston:
Houghton
Mifflin, 1910c.Taylor, Graham, "The Effects of Trade Schools on Social Interest of the Peo-
ple." In Proceedings of the First Annual Meeting, National Societyfor the Promotionof
Industrial Education. BulletinNo. 6, Part II.Chicago, IL: The National Societyfor the

7. Promotionof IndustrialEducation, April 1908.U.S. Department of Labor. Trends in Educational
Attainment of Women.
Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1968.Wirth, Arthur G. Educational in the
Technological Society: The 'Voca-
tional Liberal Studies Controversyinthe Early Twentieth Century.New York: Crowell, 1972.
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