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The Impact of Cell Phones and Government Regulations on Entrepreneurship in Africa
Benjamin Christensen and Adriel Johnson
Abstract
The rapid spread of mobile phones across Africa has significant economic implications. Many
scholars mention that cell phones increase efficiency in developing economies. Several scholars
claim that cell phones help entrepreneurs overcome restrictive government regulations. But what
is more important to the development of entrepreneurship in Africa: mobile phone use or more
favorable government regulations? Furthermore, how effective is cell phone technology at
allowing entrepreneurs to circumvent government regulation? We conduct a qualitative analysis
based on interviews of experts and natives of different countries in Africa such as Mozambique,
Ghana, and Nigeria. We argue that mobile phones empower entrepreneurs to succeed despite
poor government regulatory environments, and we find four major ways in which they do so:
access to mobile money, access to better pricing information, expanded customer networks, and
new platforms for innovation. We further argue that because of these pathways, in the short run
mobile phone use is a greater facilitator to starting a business than the government regulatory
environment. In the long run, however, improved government regulations with less corruption
will be key to promoting entrepreneurial activity in Africa.
Introduction
Mobile phone use across the African continent is exploding. Whereas in 2002 only about
one tenth of Africans owned a mobile phone, today two-thirds or more in most African countries
have their own cell phones (Pew Research Center 2015). Seventeen years ago, “fewer than 10
percent of Africans lived in areas with mobile phone coverage. In 2012, that number was more
than 60 percent” (Olopade 2014, 92). The effects of this widespread and rapid penetration have
been significant in terms of health services, election monitoring, and economic opportunities,
among many other things (Aker and Mbiti 2010). Paul Kagame, the president of Rwanda, said,
“In 10 short years what was once an object of luxury and privilege, the mobile phone, has
become a basic necessity in Africa.”
Africa is also a hotbed for entrepreneurship. Economic hardship and poor governance in
many countries in Africa have, in a way, set the groundwork for frugal innovation, as Africans
find creative ways to get ahead in life despite the challenges. Olopade refers to this creativity as
“kanju,” a Yoruba term for “to make haste” or “to make do” (20-21), and provides many
examples to illustrate the swelling wave of African entrepreneurs. In this rising swell of
entrepreneurs, mobile phones have played a decisive part by improving efficiency and opening
doors for business opportunities.
Onerous government regulatory environments and poor governance also affect businesses
in Africa. Many African states rank low on the Forbes list of The Worst Countries For Business
2015. For example, Chad was ranked at 144th: reflecting poor scores in the area of taxes,
freedom, technological readiness, and red tape (Badenhausen 2015). Several of our interviewees
attested that corruption in many African governments is pervasive. As a result of corruption,
entrepreneurs that want to register their business with the government often face inconsistent
standards and bribes.
In order for African countries to grow their economies and encourage entrepreneurship,
political leaders must smartly allocate funds towards solutions that will produce the best results.
As countries engage in triage on this matter, leaders will naturally question whether it is wiser to
improve government regulation of businesses or whether the implementation of policies that
encourage cell phone use will be more effective.
Research Questions and Arguments
What is more important to the development of entrepreneurship in Africa: mobile phone
use or more favorable government regulations?
How do mobile phones allow entrepreneurs to circumvent government regulations and
corruption?
In order to answer these questions, we conduct interviews with a variety of Africans and
professors who study African politics and economics. We evaluate case studies of successful
African entrepreneurs and search for patterns in their stories. We also use quantitative data on
entrepreneurship, cell phone use, and the business regulatory environment in countries across
Africa. We compare countries that vary across levels of cell phone use and ease of doing
business to evaluate the correlations between each of these independent variables and the level of
entrepreneurship.
We find that there are four important ways in which mobile phones affect
entrepreneurship: mobile money, expanded and improved customer bases, easier access to
pricing information, and new platforms for innovation.
These pathways explain the three main arguments of this paper:
1. Mobile phone use is a greater facilitator to starting a business than government
regulatory environments in the short run.
2. Mobile technology helps entrepreneurs succeed despite government regulations.
Small enterprises benefit more than medium sized ones due to the limitations in
government capacity.
3. Countries with higher levels of cell phone use will have higher levels of
entrepreneurship.
Literature Review
In recent years scholars have noted the effect that cell phones have on entrepreneurship
and the economy in general. For examples, some scholars have concluded that cell phones
greatly lower the costs of communication, make information access much easier, and facilitate
access to funds (Aker and Mbiti 2010). In particular, the effects that mobile technology have on
rural areas have been particularly dramatic. For example, mobile technology greatly reduces
communication costs and, as a result, allows individuals to obtain information regarding prices
and market conditions more quickly (Aker and Mbiti 2010). This results in a more efficient
inventory stock in stores, and overall greater match of supply to demand. Abraham (2007) found
that cell phones helped fishermen in India work more efficiently by improving their access to
pricing information and helping them coordinate supply and demand, reduce uncertainty,
decrease price dispersion, and even improve their quality of life.
Not only have mobile phones greatly reduced communication costs but they have evolved
into service delivery platforms that have created new jobs and provided income-generating
opportunities in both rural and urban areas. In Uganda, for instance, mobile phone coverage is
associated with a 10 percent increase in a banana farmer's probability of market participation.
Furthermore, this same data suggests that mobile coverage helps improve the market efficiency
for perishable crops much more than for storable ones. As a result of this improvement in
efficiency, farmers experience reduced marketing costs and increased profits by offering more
geographically consistent prices (Aker and Mbiti 2010).
Along with reducing costs, mobile phones have created entirely new markets that
services and companies can exploit. A prime example is the concept of mobile banking, which
increases cheap access to finances. Fifty-eight percent of mobile users in the Sub-Saharan
African region have shown an interest in mobile banking (Ericsson 2014). This technology has
led to increased business opportunities in the form of new business models, apps, and mobile
services. One such service is M-Pesa, a Kenyan mobile payment service that gives people
without bank accounts easy access to cheap money transfers. Since its launch in 2007, the
company has served more than five million customers; more subscribers, in fact, than the number
of Kenyans with bank accounts (Etzo and Collender 2010).
The restrictions imposed by government regulations and corrupt officials affect all
entrepreneurs, both small and medium. It may initially seem unimportant to consider the impact
of small entrepreneurs, especially unregistered ones; however, previous studies show that even
small firms collectively have a significant impact on national wealth and economic growth
(Dickson 1997).
The literature shows that cell phones are an economic benefit. It also chronicles that poor
government regulatory environments negatively affect economic growth (Djankov 2006). Poor
business environments in Africa make doing business more costly. “Poor business environments
generate entry barriers that provide larger firms with anticompetitive rents. Firms that might push
for reform are therefore faced with a choice between a hostile business environment that they
have learned to negotiate and an unknown situation with potentially large increases in entry and
competition” (Eifert 2006, 222).
Some examples of these restrictive regulations include the time and procedures necessary
to legally start a business. The average amount of time it takes to start a business in Sub Saharan
Africa is about 27 days, as opposed to 8.3 days for high income OECD countries. The average
number of necessary procedures in the region is 7.8, while in the high income countries that
number is 4.8. Some of these procedures can include registration with various government
entities, application for tax ID numbers, inspections, various licensing requirements, notifying
the government of the start of operations, and publication of the company’s inception in a
newspaper or legal journal (World Bank 2016).
High costs and barriers to forming a business lead to a very large informal economy.
Grimm, van der Hoeven, and Lay find three main barriers to market entry in West Africa: cost
and delays to obtain permits, lack of information (many people are unaware of the necessary
procedures), and poor provision of public services. As a result, entrepreneurs generally view the
costs of establishing a formal business as far higher than the benefits (2011, 7).
The story of government regulation in Africa is not all bad news, however. Sen and Te
Velde find that good state-business relationships significantly contribute to economic growth in
Africa. These state-business relationships are defined by transparency (the degree to which
information exchange between the public and private sector is reliable and accurate), reciprocity
(the ability of the state to achieve better private performance with subsidies), and credibility (the
extent to which businesses can believe the government). Sen and Te Velde also find that these
relationships have been steadily improving in Africa since the 1970s (2009).
Our paper seeks to link these two factors by exploring how mobile technology helps
individuals get ahead in spite of the obstacles of government regulations. We assess side by side
the impact that mobile technology and government regulations have on entrepreneurship and
attempt to determine which is more significant. Our results yield preliminary conclusions about
policy options and how governments can better foster entrepreneurial activity in their given
economies.
Theory: Causal Logic and Alternative Explanations
The effects that cell phones and government regulations exert on developing economies
are well documented. But what do these effects mean for entrepreneurs specifically?
Our argument is that cell phones have a greater effect on African entrepreneurship than
government regulations. By decreasing communication costs and providing a new platform for
innovation, as well as introducing a new sector into the economy (mobile subscriptions and
related products), cell phones make it easier to start a new business. We theorize that government
regulations will be burdensome, but that cell phones will help people sidestep those burdens due
to poor government capacity.
We theorize that there are three main ways in which cell phones boost entrepreneurship.
We call these categories incremental, transformational, and production. Incremental benefits
refer to the impact that mobile phones have on improving the efficiency of what people and
businesses already do. Transformational refers to new developments, such as new mobile apps
and services like M-Pesa. Finally, production refers to the selling of mobile phones and
subscriptions themselves (Etzo and Collender 2010).
Due to the widespread informal economy and low levels of government capacity, cell
phones will empower prospective entrepreneurs more than existing regulations will dissuade
them. African governments in particular are generally poorly equipped to enforce every written
regulation (The World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators typically report Sub Saharan
African countries in the 0-50th percentiles in terms of government effectiveness [Worldwide
Governance Indicators 2015]). Entrepreneurs will therefore take advantage of mobile technology
to solve their individual problems, and the government will do little to stop them.
The informal economy in Africa is very extensive. “The informal sector contributes about
55 per cent of Sub-Saharan Africa’s GDP and 80 per cent of the labour force” (African
Development Bank Group, 2013). It is also closely tied to low levels of government capacity,
because cash-based businesses can be hard to track, and many African governments do not have
the institutional strength to enforce their own regulations. “The prevalence of informal activities
is closely related to an environment characterized by weaknesses in three institutional areas,
namely taxation, regulation and private property rights” (ibid.).
Complicated and confusing government regulations discourage entrepreneurs from
formalizing their businesses, and low government capacity means that they do not need to. Cell
phones will invigorate the informal sector by increasing efficiency (in terms of pricing
information and coordination) and stimulating innovation (by inventing new ways to use mobile
phones). Because mobile phones make conducting business and earning a profit much easier,
they will encourage more people to start informal businesses.
We recognize that favorable government regulations can also stimulate entrepreneurship,
and we predict that this will occur alongside cell phone use in an additive way. Both of these
independent variables will help entrepreneurs, and together, they will boost entrepreneurship
even more. This is because cell phones can empower people regardless of the regulatory
environment. And people without cell phones will still be more likely to start businesses if the
regulations are less cumbersome and more easily understood.
One alternative explanation could be wealth. Wealth could be affecting cell phone use
because a mobile subscription costs money. Therefore, if a cell phone-owning person is more
likely to be an entrepreneur, it could be because that person is wealthier than others to begin
with. This would mean he has more access to capital and is less afraid to engage in financial risk.
Although the use of cell phones across Africa has become widespread (roughly 66% of Africans
own a cell phone, according to data from the Pew Research Center), the rural, more
impoverished population is still less likely to own a cell phone. About “129 million people living
in rural areas across Africa are still not covered by a mobile cell signal” (Winsor 2015). The
growth of subscriber rates in Africa is predicted to slow down from 14% over the past five years
to about 7% over the next five years, but this is mostly due to saturation (ibid.). Despite the
underrepresentation of the most poor rural areas from cell phone ownership, the high level of
saturation suggests that wealth is not a main driver of the phenomenon anymore.
Education might also be affecting cell phone use, entrepreneurship, or both. People who
are more educated might be drawn to the benefits of cell phones. More likely, educated people
might be drawn to entrepreneurship, seeing as they have developed skills and knowledge sets
that could make them more adept at starting and running a business. However, we note that
entrepreneurs in the informal African economy typically lack education. Still, this could be an
important factor.
The percentage of the population between the ages of 15 and 64 could also be important.
If this population is very high in a given country, that country might have higher levels of
entrepreneurship simply because there are more people that could be starting their own business.
Also, it seems likely that younger people would be more drawn to cell phones.
Operationalizations
We define the term “cell phone use” as the number of mobile phone subscriptions per
100 people. We use data from the World Bank to measure this.
We use the term “entrepreneur” to mean anyone who incurs financial risk in order to start
a business. To quantitatively measure this, we use data from the Global Entrepreneurship
Monitor’s 2012 Sub Saharan Africa Regional Report that measures the Total Early-Stage
Entrepreneurial Activity in each country.
By “government regulations,” we refer to all the legal requirements for starting and
operating a business, including permits, procedures, fees, duties, etc. We measure these by using
the World Bank Doing Business rankings.
Methods
Our research consisted of two parts: a qualitative analysis involving in-depth personal
interviews, case studies, and statements; and a quantitative analysis to evaluate trends across the
continent.
We conducted seven in-depth interviews with people from various African countries as
well as professors who specialize in African politics, economics, and geography. The interview
questions are as follows:
1. Have you met any entrepreneurs in Africa? If so, what do they do? What were some
major factors that facilitated the start-up process? What role does mobile phone
technology play in their business?
a) How did mobile phone technology impact the startup process?
b) What role does government regulation play in the startup process?
2. In your perspective, what are the major factors that facilitate entrepreneurship in Africa?
a. What are the major factors that impede entrepreneurship in Africa?
3. What is your perspective on the role of mobile phone technology in entrepreneurship
trends in Africa generally?
4. What is your perspective on the effect of regulatory environments on entrepreneurship
trends in Africa?
5. How have the facilitating factors and barriers to entrepreneurship changed in the past
fifteen years?
6. How do you think mobile phone technology could be better utilized to encourage
entrepreneurship in Africa?
7. What do you think governments can do to better promote entrepreneurship?
8. Is there anything else you would like to say about the role of mobile phone technology in
entrepreneurship in Africa, or in the developing world in general?
We also conducted quantitative analysis on the relationship between cell phone usage,
government regulatory environment, and total entrepreneurial activity.
We gathered data on each of these indicators from the World Bank Database, the World
Bank Doing Business database, and the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor, respectively. We
analyzed this data for 18 African countries; every country for which data was available on all
three variables.
To evaluate the individual impact of both cell phone use and government regulatory
environment on entrepreneurship, we collected lagged data for each of these independent
variables. We lagged the data by two years to allow time for entrepreneurial activity to develop.
We included each variable in a regression analysis, because we theorize that they are additive.
Included in the analysis are the control variables of GDP per capita, adult literacy rate, and the
population ages 15-64.
The GEM index only includes measures of entrepreneurial activity for 18 African
countries. This severely limits our analysis. To compensate, we consulted with a professional
statistician in the Kimball Tower of Brigham Young University, who used statistical tools to
predict the values of the missing variables based on patterns in the data. This imperfect
imputation filled in the missing data but did not entirely compensate for such a small sample
size.
Findings
From our interviews, as well as books and case studies we consulted, we found that the
spread of mobile phones across the African continent has been immensely beneficial to
entrepreneurship, in spite of onerous business regulations. Indeed, cell phones are proving to be
more helpful to startups than government regulations are hurtful. They provide access to mobile
money, facilitate greater knowledge about prices, help expand customer networks, and provide
new platforms for innovation. All of these tools make life much easier for prospective
entrepreneurs despite regulations like trade barriers, fees, and permit requirements. We provide
an explanation of each of these pathways, as well as the role of government.
Mobile Money
Cell phones provide a powerful tool to access financial services such as banking and
finance. Jacob Acqua, a Ghanaian, and Edward Mugbua, a Kenyan, both emphasized that one
cannot start a business without capital. And access to capital is much easier with a cell phone,
especially since almost 90% of Africans do not have bank accounts. The power of mobile money
in entrepreneurship “cannot be overstated,” according to Professor Daniel Nielson. Mobile
money “enables people to have financial services that they wouldn’t be able to have without the
mobile phone… You can transfer money to someone else, exchange with businesses, [and] you
could use it as as savings account.” Professor Nielson, an African geography professor, also
emphasized the power of mobile financial services.
The financial access that mobile phones provide enables Africans to build a safety net for
themselves by accumulating assets. Dayo Olopade, a Nigerian journalist, writes of the
importance of mobile money: “[It] offers security, convenience, and empowerment--not to
mention a long-sought ability for individuals in poor countries to build assets” (101). Olga
Stoddard, a professor of economic development, said, “Access to funding has been a huge tool
because it provides people with access to a safety net.” Without access to finance, she said,
people have nothing to fall back on if their entrepreneurial efforts fail. The rise of mobile finance
and microfinance empowers people to take on a risk to start a business. Cell phones make access
to finance much easier.
Pricing Information
“The key here is not the cell phone itself, but the information,” said Stoddard. A cell
phone provides instant access to information that would otherwise incur significantly higher
costs in terms of both time and money. Specifically, mobile phones help entrepreneurs by
increasing their access to pricing information. Olopade illustrates this point well:
In Niger... traveling to a market to figure out the price for a cash crop may gobble
between two and four productive working hours. A brief call between a producer and
vendor provides the answer in a fraction of the time, and at half the cost. Phones change
market behavior--Nigerian grain traders with mobiles have more connections and a wider
sales radius, which increases the price they can get for their goods (98).
Daniel Nielson conducted a study in Tanzania in which women with small businesses
were randomly selected to receive cell phones or cash. The ones who received the phones
reported double the weekly income of those who received cash. Nielson mentioned that one of
the major reasons for this was access to pricing information.
Mozambique resident Louis Belchior emphasized the importance of pricing among
fishermen. Since fish is a popular commodity in the market, a group of fishers go fishing each
day to provide the supply. Mobile technology allows them to better communicate with each other
about pricing issues. On some days fishermen catch more fish than on others. On the days when
no one catches many fish, Louis said, the fishermen coordinate with each other to set a higher
price to compensate for scarcity. Such coordination is only be possible because of mobile
technology.
Edward Mugbua, former native of Ghana, expressed a different view on the effect of
mobile technology on pricing. In the rural area where many natives live, individuals have to walk
upwards of 20 to 50 miles just to arrive at a marketplace. For example, an individual may go to
the nearest town to buy a certain selection of canned goods. Without mobile technology,
individuals would walk the 20 miles and arrive to realize that the goods had been out of stock.
Another benefit, then, of mobile phones is that they allow consumers to be more productive and
organized. This in turn results in more sales for the small vendors and an overall economic
boost.
Customer Networks
Cell phones make building a customer base much easier by allowing instant and cheap
communication. Potential entrepreneurs can use this as a tool to evaluate the market, establish
widespread contacts, and maintain good relations with customers.
Darryl Dzapasi, the son of two Zimbabwean entrepreneurs, emphasized the role of the
mobile phone in expanding customer networks and maintaining customer relations. He
explained, “They can make a customer calling list to inform them of new stuff, and send them
pictures of things they have done before.” His father runs an electronics repair shop and uses
mobile phones to build relationships with customers and tell them when their appliances are
ready.
Jacob Acqua is another child of an African entrepreneur. He explained that his father, a
Ghanaian, relies on cell phones to build his customer network. He does not sell his product in
stores. Instead, he calls potential clients and offers them free samples.
Louis Belchoir explained that mobile phone technology allows small businesses to
expand their business operations. For instance, in Mozambique a popular marketplace item is
called Capulana, which is a type of fabric used for apparel. Louis explained that mobile
technology not only helped entrepreneurs selling Capulana reach a larger audience in
Mozambique, but also allowed them to expand to other countries. Many orders for Capulana
come from neighboring countries such as Malawi.
Platforms for Innovation
Cell phones open new windows of opportunity for African entrepreneurs. People take
advantage of these opportunities by creating innovative apps, tools, and businesses in a wide
variety of fields using the cell phone as a platform. Here are a few examples:
Nana Opoku Agyeman-Prempeh in Ghana started a business using cell phones to help
churches manage their congregations. Members can pay tithes, access sermons, and find
upcoming church events using the app. So far, “he has signed 395 churches...and registered
30,000 church members to his platform” (Dolan 2016).
Kelvin Macharia Kuria of Kenya founded Sunrise Tracking, a company that tracks stolen
cars and allows people to disable a car’s engine with a text. The company made “$80,000 in
revenues in 2015” (Dolan 2016).
Bright Simons of Ghana built a company (mPedigree) that allows people to use text
messaging to verify if their malaria pill is real or fake (Olopade 116-117).
The Role of Government
Every source we consulted mentioned the detrimental effect of government regulations.
Governments in Africa tend to hinder entrepreneurship through high tariffs, high costs of
registering a business,
Dzapasi says that licensing constraints and high costs for importing and exporting
materials place a large burden on entrepreneurs.While African governments certainly hurt
startups, the powerful tools of mobile phones are enabling many entrepreneurs in the informal
sector--where small businesses ignore regulations altogether. Ironically, the weakness of
government institutions in Africa might be benefiting entrepreneurship in this way. Professor
Nielson stated, “African governments have little capacity to shut down mobile money and small
businesses...and I think it’s a source of economic growth for them.” Nielson mentioned that
people in India don’t have bank accounts either; but there, the regulatory system is strong enough
that it has shut down mobile money.
Grimm, van der Hoeven, and Lay corroborate the explanation of low government
capacity. They conducted survey research on the informal economy across West Africa and
explain that “non-registration is...an issue of weak law enforcement and not the result of a fear
for corruption once registered. Moreover the surveys suggest that public authorities do not force
informal production units to comply with the law. It is rather the case that no one really knows
who should register and pay taxes, thus creating a grey zone prone to informal arrangements and
negotiation, including corruption” (2011, 8).
Given these government regulations what can government leaders do to effect change?
For one, reduce corruption. All of our interviewees referenced the negative effect of corruption
on entrepreneurship. While the effect of corruption on economic growth has been heatedly
debated, studies show that corruption has a generally negative effect on the economic growth
rate of an economy. For instance, in a well-cited study, a 1% increase in the corruption level was
found to reduce the growth rate by 0.72% (Mo, 2001). The same study also found that corruption
reduces the level of human capital and the share of private investment.
When an economy has a reputation for a difficult place to do business, often it is because
of unpredictable regulation and weak property rights such as in many African countries. When,
for example, property rights become hard to defend against powerful people, small businesses go
out of business and stay out of business (Johnson 2013). For instance, a shallow glance at the
Global Report for Entrepreneurship will reveal a seemingly positive statistic: Sub-Saharan Africa
reports the highest intentions or aspiring entrepreneurs of any geographic region at 53 percent
(Global Report 2012). A closer look will show that despite a high level of entrepreneurial
activity South Africa’s established business ownership rate sits at a measly 2%. This shows that
while there are many entrepreneurs, entrepreneurship as a profession is unstable and
unsustainable in many cases. This suggests that government can significantly benefit economies
and even entrepreneurs by offering more stable economic environments with reduced corruption
and better government regulation. In fact the Global Report of Entrepreneurship says that “As
per capita income increases, larger established firms play an increasingly important role in the
economy (Global Report 2012). Furthermore, the report says. “This provides an option for stable
employment for a growing number of people, serving as a viable alternative to starting a
business.” Such implications should not be considered lightly.
One further area for study about the role of government involves the use of subsidies for
cell phones. Should governments subsidize their growth? Would that be beneficial to
entrepreneurship? Future research is merited.
Quantitative Analysis Results
Due to missing data, our quantitative analysis is severely limited. Even with imputed
variables, we found no significant results about the relationship between cell phone use, business
regulations, and entrepreneurship. We included measurements for each of our alternative
explanations: wealth (GDP per capita), education (adult literacy rate), and percentage of the
population aged 15-64.
Below are the results:
Main dependent variable: GEM Total Entrepreneurial Activity
I. II. III. IV.
Cell phone use -.187
(.128)
-.307
(.170)
-.294
(.221)
-.049
(.257)
Ease of doing business .554
(.399)
.607
(.480)
.536
(.555)
.452
(.587)
GDP per capita .002
(.003)
.001
(.004)
Adult literacy rate .104
(.425)
-.032
(.747)
Percentage of Population ages 15-64 -1.773
(1.423)
N=54
*** = p <.001, **= p<.01, ***= p<.05
It could be that none of these variables are significant predictors of entrepreneurial activity.
However, we recommend more extensive data collection before arriving at that conclusion.
Alternative Explanations
Our qualitative sources indicate that corruption does not benefit entrepreneurs but retards
their progress. However, an alternative view exists that corruption actually greases the wheels of
entrepreneurship (Dreher and Gassebner 2007). Many entrepreneurs in Africa face stiff obstacles
when trying to register with the government. Often businesses will be set back by procedures
required to start a business, time needed to undergo these procedures, and the capital
requirements needed to start a business. One alternative hypothesis is that corruption can act like
a greasing agent, and allow individuals to circumvent requirements and significantly reduce the
amount of time dealing with bureaucracies. Indeed, statistical data and studies show that
corruption can be beneficial and is even correlated with entrepreneurial activity (Dreher and
Gassebner 2007). However, according to our qualitative results, this does not seem to be the
case. The majority of our interviewees who are natives of countries in Africa expressed the view
that corruption seriously dampens entrepreneurial activity. In the words of Edward Mubua, when
governments accept bribes and conduct their operations in a corrupt fashion it is like being in a
“game without rules”. While corruption may help entrepreneurs in the short term, the long term
effect is inconclusive with our current data.
Furthermore, an underlying assumption of our argument is that entrepreneurship is
fundamentally good for the economy. However, we recognize that in certain circumstances an
increasing rate of entrepreneurship may not in fact be good for the economy. In fact, reputable
sources indicate that high rates of entrepreneurship is definitely not correlated with higher rates
of GDP per capita (Global Report 2012). For example, in many regions of Africa
entrepreneurship is seen as a fallback option when an individual fails to get employed by a larger
firm (Johnson 2013). Furthermore, the 2012 Global Report for the Global Entrepreneurship
Monitor concludes that economies with low GDP per capita are correlated with higher Total
Entrepreneurial Activity (Global Entrepreneurship Report 2012). What’s more, in economies
with low GDP per capita and high TEA rates, entrepreneurs tend to consist more of necessity-
motivated entrepreneurs as opposed to opportunity-driven entrepreneurs. This data suggests that
entrepreneurial activity, especially when necessity-driven, may not in fact be the best solution to
grow an economy.
Consider, for example, Zambia, which has the highest entrepreneurship rate in the 2012
Global Report. What is disturbing, is that Zambia’s level of established business owners is less
than 10% of its entrepreneurship rate. Zambia also ranks 106th in the world for economic
freedom and 16th in Sub-Saharan Africa (Heritage 2016). This raises several question such as
why many entrepreneurs start businesses but few make it past the early stages (Global Report
2012). If indeed need-based entrepreneurial activity is unsustainable then our claim that mobile
phones improve entrepreneurship is rendered irrelevant. And if irrelevant, instead of policies that
encourage entrepreneurship, countries should implement policies that improve their business
environment that will result in a more robust economy. When economies become more robust
there will be a greater availability of resources and opportunities, leading to a possible boost in
opportunity-motivated entrepreneurship. This may require us to re-analyze the implications of
our research. In other words, what should governments do: improve regulations or encourage
mobile usage?
Undeniably, mobile phone technology is beneficial not only for entrepreneurship but
more importantly for economic growth. For instance, mobile use has a positive effect that is
twice as large in developing countries compared to developed countries (Meschi 2005).
According to the same study, from 1996 to 2003, if a developing country had an average of 10
more mobile phones per 100 population it would have enjoyed per capita growth that was 0.59
percent higher than other countries. Another study by Deloitte found that mobile phones can
have a measurable impact on economic growth even in saturated markets like the United States.
For example, the study concluded that for every 10% shift in American markets from 2G to 3G
between 2008 and 2011, per capita GDP increased by 0.4% (Hendrix 2012). Despite these strong
claims about the positive impact of mobile phones, it remains unclear whether improving
government regulations would be more beneficial than encouraging mobile usage. This specific
issue deserves further study.
Limitations
We have noted the limitations on our quantitative analysis, but our qualitative data is also
limited. We conducted seven interviews: three with professors and four with Africans. Those we
interviewed do not represent Africa as a whole, as they all currently attend Brigham Young
University. The books and other sources we consulted add more depth and authority to our
conclusions, but they still are not exhaustive.
Conclusion
Based on the evidence we gathered from Africans and experts and the theory we
developed, we argue that mobile phone use is a greater facilitator to starting a business than
government regulatory environments. This is so because mobile technology empowers
entrepreneurs by allowing them to circumvent government regulations in four main ways: access
to mobile money, pricing information, building customer networks, and providing platforms for
innovation. Limitations in government capacity allow this.
We fail to produce good evidence for our third argument, that countries with higher
levels of cell phone use will have higher levels of entrepreneurship. This is mainly due to a lack
of available quantitative data. We conclude that the spread of cellphones is a boost to
entrepreneurship. Policies that seek to ease access to cell phones and mobile money will help
encourage economic development by stimulating innovation.
One further question for future study would be the differences between so-called
“smartphones” and “dumbphones”. “Dumbphones” are far more widespread in Africa. Does the
increased ability of a smartphone improve economic prospects more than a simple
“dumbphone”? This is a relevant question for future research.
Our qualitative evidence clearly shows that mobile technology significantly helps
entrepreneurs. However, the strength of our paper is considerably weakened when we consider
the importance of entrepreneurship in Africa. Does it even matter whether mobile phones or
government regulations improve entrepreneurship? Admittedly, our research question rested on
the underlying assumption that entrepreneurship helps economic growth. After careful research
this assumption turned out to be partially false. What we found is that high levels of
entrepreneurial activity correlate with lower levels of GDP per capita. More specifically, high
levels of necessity-driven entrepreneurial activity are a negative indicator for an economy. This
is particularly unsettling for our argument considering that while mobile technology may indeed
boost entrepreneurship it may not result in a substantial gain for the overall economy. Indeed, in
the last stages of our research we found that opportunity-driven entrepreneurial activity, the
entrepreneurial activity that is more important, is higher in economies with more sophisticated
ecosystems for business (Global Entrepreneurial Report 2012). This is significant because it
directly influences our ultimate conclusion.
Without doubt, we stand by our conclusion that mobile technology benefits
entrepreneurial activity. However, if we consider the two types of entrepreneurs, necessity-
motivated or opportunity-driven, it is undeniable that improving government regulations will
result in a greater increase in opportunity-driven entrepreneurial activity and more importantly
result in higher GDP per capita. Although we provide insight into whether government
regulations or mobile phones are more important for entrepreneurship, a more relevant question
may be whether mobile phones or improved government regulations have a greater impact on
economic growth as a whole.
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Capstone Paper Understanding the Effect of Mobile Technology and Government Regulations on Entrepreneurship

  • 1. The Impact of Cell Phones and Government Regulations on Entrepreneurship in Africa Benjamin Christensen and Adriel Johnson Abstract The rapid spread of mobile phones across Africa has significant economic implications. Many scholars mention that cell phones increase efficiency in developing economies. Several scholars claim that cell phones help entrepreneurs overcome restrictive government regulations. But what is more important to the development of entrepreneurship in Africa: mobile phone use or more favorable government regulations? Furthermore, how effective is cell phone technology at allowing entrepreneurs to circumvent government regulation? We conduct a qualitative analysis based on interviews of experts and natives of different countries in Africa such as Mozambique, Ghana, and Nigeria. We argue that mobile phones empower entrepreneurs to succeed despite poor government regulatory environments, and we find four major ways in which they do so: access to mobile money, access to better pricing information, expanded customer networks, and new platforms for innovation. We further argue that because of these pathways, in the short run mobile phone use is a greater facilitator to starting a business than the government regulatory environment. In the long run, however, improved government regulations with less corruption will be key to promoting entrepreneurial activity in Africa. Introduction Mobile phone use across the African continent is exploding. Whereas in 2002 only about one tenth of Africans owned a mobile phone, today two-thirds or more in most African countries have their own cell phones (Pew Research Center 2015). Seventeen years ago, “fewer than 10 percent of Africans lived in areas with mobile phone coverage. In 2012, that number was more than 60 percent” (Olopade 2014, 92). The effects of this widespread and rapid penetration have been significant in terms of health services, election monitoring, and economic opportunities, among many other things (Aker and Mbiti 2010). Paul Kagame, the president of Rwanda, said, “In 10 short years what was once an object of luxury and privilege, the mobile phone, has become a basic necessity in Africa.” Africa is also a hotbed for entrepreneurship. Economic hardship and poor governance in many countries in Africa have, in a way, set the groundwork for frugal innovation, as Africans
  • 2. find creative ways to get ahead in life despite the challenges. Olopade refers to this creativity as “kanju,” a Yoruba term for “to make haste” or “to make do” (20-21), and provides many examples to illustrate the swelling wave of African entrepreneurs. In this rising swell of entrepreneurs, mobile phones have played a decisive part by improving efficiency and opening doors for business opportunities. Onerous government regulatory environments and poor governance also affect businesses in Africa. Many African states rank low on the Forbes list of The Worst Countries For Business 2015. For example, Chad was ranked at 144th: reflecting poor scores in the area of taxes, freedom, technological readiness, and red tape (Badenhausen 2015). Several of our interviewees attested that corruption in many African governments is pervasive. As a result of corruption, entrepreneurs that want to register their business with the government often face inconsistent standards and bribes. In order for African countries to grow their economies and encourage entrepreneurship, political leaders must smartly allocate funds towards solutions that will produce the best results. As countries engage in triage on this matter, leaders will naturally question whether it is wiser to improve government regulation of businesses or whether the implementation of policies that encourage cell phone use will be more effective. Research Questions and Arguments What is more important to the development of entrepreneurship in Africa: mobile phone use or more favorable government regulations? How do mobile phones allow entrepreneurs to circumvent government regulations and corruption?
  • 3. In order to answer these questions, we conduct interviews with a variety of Africans and professors who study African politics and economics. We evaluate case studies of successful African entrepreneurs and search for patterns in their stories. We also use quantitative data on entrepreneurship, cell phone use, and the business regulatory environment in countries across Africa. We compare countries that vary across levels of cell phone use and ease of doing business to evaluate the correlations between each of these independent variables and the level of entrepreneurship. We find that there are four important ways in which mobile phones affect entrepreneurship: mobile money, expanded and improved customer bases, easier access to pricing information, and new platforms for innovation. These pathways explain the three main arguments of this paper: 1. Mobile phone use is a greater facilitator to starting a business than government regulatory environments in the short run. 2. Mobile technology helps entrepreneurs succeed despite government regulations. Small enterprises benefit more than medium sized ones due to the limitations in government capacity. 3. Countries with higher levels of cell phone use will have higher levels of entrepreneurship. Literature Review In recent years scholars have noted the effect that cell phones have on entrepreneurship and the economy in general. For examples, some scholars have concluded that cell phones
  • 4. greatly lower the costs of communication, make information access much easier, and facilitate access to funds (Aker and Mbiti 2010). In particular, the effects that mobile technology have on rural areas have been particularly dramatic. For example, mobile technology greatly reduces communication costs and, as a result, allows individuals to obtain information regarding prices and market conditions more quickly (Aker and Mbiti 2010). This results in a more efficient inventory stock in stores, and overall greater match of supply to demand. Abraham (2007) found that cell phones helped fishermen in India work more efficiently by improving their access to pricing information and helping them coordinate supply and demand, reduce uncertainty, decrease price dispersion, and even improve their quality of life. Not only have mobile phones greatly reduced communication costs but they have evolved into service delivery platforms that have created new jobs and provided income-generating opportunities in both rural and urban areas. In Uganda, for instance, mobile phone coverage is associated with a 10 percent increase in a banana farmer's probability of market participation. Furthermore, this same data suggests that mobile coverage helps improve the market efficiency for perishable crops much more than for storable ones. As a result of this improvement in efficiency, farmers experience reduced marketing costs and increased profits by offering more geographically consistent prices (Aker and Mbiti 2010). Along with reducing costs, mobile phones have created entirely new markets that services and companies can exploit. A prime example is the concept of mobile banking, which increases cheap access to finances. Fifty-eight percent of mobile users in the Sub-Saharan African region have shown an interest in mobile banking (Ericsson 2014). This technology has led to increased business opportunities in the form of new business models, apps, and mobile services. One such service is M-Pesa, a Kenyan mobile payment service that gives people
  • 5. without bank accounts easy access to cheap money transfers. Since its launch in 2007, the company has served more than five million customers; more subscribers, in fact, than the number of Kenyans with bank accounts (Etzo and Collender 2010). The restrictions imposed by government regulations and corrupt officials affect all entrepreneurs, both small and medium. It may initially seem unimportant to consider the impact of small entrepreneurs, especially unregistered ones; however, previous studies show that even small firms collectively have a significant impact on national wealth and economic growth (Dickson 1997). The literature shows that cell phones are an economic benefit. It also chronicles that poor government regulatory environments negatively affect economic growth (Djankov 2006). Poor business environments in Africa make doing business more costly. “Poor business environments generate entry barriers that provide larger firms with anticompetitive rents. Firms that might push for reform are therefore faced with a choice between a hostile business environment that they have learned to negotiate and an unknown situation with potentially large increases in entry and competition” (Eifert 2006, 222). Some examples of these restrictive regulations include the time and procedures necessary to legally start a business. The average amount of time it takes to start a business in Sub Saharan Africa is about 27 days, as opposed to 8.3 days for high income OECD countries. The average number of necessary procedures in the region is 7.8, while in the high income countries that number is 4.8. Some of these procedures can include registration with various government entities, application for tax ID numbers, inspections, various licensing requirements, notifying the government of the start of operations, and publication of the company’s inception in a newspaper or legal journal (World Bank 2016).
  • 6. High costs and barriers to forming a business lead to a very large informal economy. Grimm, van der Hoeven, and Lay find three main barriers to market entry in West Africa: cost and delays to obtain permits, lack of information (many people are unaware of the necessary procedures), and poor provision of public services. As a result, entrepreneurs generally view the costs of establishing a formal business as far higher than the benefits (2011, 7). The story of government regulation in Africa is not all bad news, however. Sen and Te Velde find that good state-business relationships significantly contribute to economic growth in Africa. These state-business relationships are defined by transparency (the degree to which information exchange between the public and private sector is reliable and accurate), reciprocity (the ability of the state to achieve better private performance with subsidies), and credibility (the extent to which businesses can believe the government). Sen and Te Velde also find that these relationships have been steadily improving in Africa since the 1970s (2009). Our paper seeks to link these two factors by exploring how mobile technology helps individuals get ahead in spite of the obstacles of government regulations. We assess side by side the impact that mobile technology and government regulations have on entrepreneurship and attempt to determine which is more significant. Our results yield preliminary conclusions about policy options and how governments can better foster entrepreneurial activity in their given economies. Theory: Causal Logic and Alternative Explanations The effects that cell phones and government regulations exert on developing economies are well documented. But what do these effects mean for entrepreneurs specifically?
  • 7. Our argument is that cell phones have a greater effect on African entrepreneurship than government regulations. By decreasing communication costs and providing a new platform for innovation, as well as introducing a new sector into the economy (mobile subscriptions and related products), cell phones make it easier to start a new business. We theorize that government regulations will be burdensome, but that cell phones will help people sidestep those burdens due to poor government capacity. We theorize that there are three main ways in which cell phones boost entrepreneurship. We call these categories incremental, transformational, and production. Incremental benefits refer to the impact that mobile phones have on improving the efficiency of what people and businesses already do. Transformational refers to new developments, such as new mobile apps and services like M-Pesa. Finally, production refers to the selling of mobile phones and subscriptions themselves (Etzo and Collender 2010). Due to the widespread informal economy and low levels of government capacity, cell phones will empower prospective entrepreneurs more than existing regulations will dissuade them. African governments in particular are generally poorly equipped to enforce every written regulation (The World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators typically report Sub Saharan African countries in the 0-50th percentiles in terms of government effectiveness [Worldwide Governance Indicators 2015]). Entrepreneurs will therefore take advantage of mobile technology to solve their individual problems, and the government will do little to stop them. The informal economy in Africa is very extensive. “The informal sector contributes about 55 per cent of Sub-Saharan Africa’s GDP and 80 per cent of the labour force” (African Development Bank Group, 2013). It is also closely tied to low levels of government capacity, because cash-based businesses can be hard to track, and many African governments do not have
  • 8. the institutional strength to enforce their own regulations. “The prevalence of informal activities is closely related to an environment characterized by weaknesses in three institutional areas, namely taxation, regulation and private property rights” (ibid.). Complicated and confusing government regulations discourage entrepreneurs from formalizing their businesses, and low government capacity means that they do not need to. Cell phones will invigorate the informal sector by increasing efficiency (in terms of pricing information and coordination) and stimulating innovation (by inventing new ways to use mobile phones). Because mobile phones make conducting business and earning a profit much easier, they will encourage more people to start informal businesses. We recognize that favorable government regulations can also stimulate entrepreneurship, and we predict that this will occur alongside cell phone use in an additive way. Both of these independent variables will help entrepreneurs, and together, they will boost entrepreneurship even more. This is because cell phones can empower people regardless of the regulatory environment. And people without cell phones will still be more likely to start businesses if the regulations are less cumbersome and more easily understood. One alternative explanation could be wealth. Wealth could be affecting cell phone use because a mobile subscription costs money. Therefore, if a cell phone-owning person is more likely to be an entrepreneur, it could be because that person is wealthier than others to begin with. This would mean he has more access to capital and is less afraid to engage in financial risk. Although the use of cell phones across Africa has become widespread (roughly 66% of Africans own a cell phone, according to data from the Pew Research Center), the rural, more impoverished population is still less likely to own a cell phone. About “129 million people living in rural areas across Africa are still not covered by a mobile cell signal” (Winsor 2015). The
  • 9. growth of subscriber rates in Africa is predicted to slow down from 14% over the past five years to about 7% over the next five years, but this is mostly due to saturation (ibid.). Despite the underrepresentation of the most poor rural areas from cell phone ownership, the high level of saturation suggests that wealth is not a main driver of the phenomenon anymore. Education might also be affecting cell phone use, entrepreneurship, or both. People who are more educated might be drawn to the benefits of cell phones. More likely, educated people might be drawn to entrepreneurship, seeing as they have developed skills and knowledge sets that could make them more adept at starting and running a business. However, we note that entrepreneurs in the informal African economy typically lack education. Still, this could be an important factor. The percentage of the population between the ages of 15 and 64 could also be important. If this population is very high in a given country, that country might have higher levels of entrepreneurship simply because there are more people that could be starting their own business. Also, it seems likely that younger people would be more drawn to cell phones. Operationalizations We define the term “cell phone use” as the number of mobile phone subscriptions per 100 people. We use data from the World Bank to measure this. We use the term “entrepreneur” to mean anyone who incurs financial risk in order to start a business. To quantitatively measure this, we use data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor’s 2012 Sub Saharan Africa Regional Report that measures the Total Early-Stage Entrepreneurial Activity in each country.
  • 10. By “government regulations,” we refer to all the legal requirements for starting and operating a business, including permits, procedures, fees, duties, etc. We measure these by using the World Bank Doing Business rankings. Methods Our research consisted of two parts: a qualitative analysis involving in-depth personal interviews, case studies, and statements; and a quantitative analysis to evaluate trends across the continent. We conducted seven in-depth interviews with people from various African countries as well as professors who specialize in African politics, economics, and geography. The interview questions are as follows: 1. Have you met any entrepreneurs in Africa? If so, what do they do? What were some major factors that facilitated the start-up process? What role does mobile phone technology play in their business? a) How did mobile phone technology impact the startup process? b) What role does government regulation play in the startup process? 2. In your perspective, what are the major factors that facilitate entrepreneurship in Africa? a. What are the major factors that impede entrepreneurship in Africa? 3. What is your perspective on the role of mobile phone technology in entrepreneurship trends in Africa generally? 4. What is your perspective on the effect of regulatory environments on entrepreneurship trends in Africa?
  • 11. 5. How have the facilitating factors and barriers to entrepreneurship changed in the past fifteen years? 6. How do you think mobile phone technology could be better utilized to encourage entrepreneurship in Africa? 7. What do you think governments can do to better promote entrepreneurship? 8. Is there anything else you would like to say about the role of mobile phone technology in entrepreneurship in Africa, or in the developing world in general? We also conducted quantitative analysis on the relationship between cell phone usage, government regulatory environment, and total entrepreneurial activity. We gathered data on each of these indicators from the World Bank Database, the World Bank Doing Business database, and the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor, respectively. We analyzed this data for 18 African countries; every country for which data was available on all three variables. To evaluate the individual impact of both cell phone use and government regulatory environment on entrepreneurship, we collected lagged data for each of these independent variables. We lagged the data by two years to allow time for entrepreneurial activity to develop. We included each variable in a regression analysis, because we theorize that they are additive. Included in the analysis are the control variables of GDP per capita, adult literacy rate, and the population ages 15-64. The GEM index only includes measures of entrepreneurial activity for 18 African countries. This severely limits our analysis. To compensate, we consulted with a professional statistician in the Kimball Tower of Brigham Young University, who used statistical tools to
  • 12. predict the values of the missing variables based on patterns in the data. This imperfect imputation filled in the missing data but did not entirely compensate for such a small sample size. Findings From our interviews, as well as books and case studies we consulted, we found that the spread of mobile phones across the African continent has been immensely beneficial to entrepreneurship, in spite of onerous business regulations. Indeed, cell phones are proving to be more helpful to startups than government regulations are hurtful. They provide access to mobile money, facilitate greater knowledge about prices, help expand customer networks, and provide new platforms for innovation. All of these tools make life much easier for prospective entrepreneurs despite regulations like trade barriers, fees, and permit requirements. We provide an explanation of each of these pathways, as well as the role of government. Mobile Money Cell phones provide a powerful tool to access financial services such as banking and finance. Jacob Acqua, a Ghanaian, and Edward Mugbua, a Kenyan, both emphasized that one cannot start a business without capital. And access to capital is much easier with a cell phone, especially since almost 90% of Africans do not have bank accounts. The power of mobile money in entrepreneurship “cannot be overstated,” according to Professor Daniel Nielson. Mobile money “enables people to have financial services that they wouldn’t be able to have without the mobile phone… You can transfer money to someone else, exchange with businesses, [and] you
  • 13. could use it as as savings account.” Professor Nielson, an African geography professor, also emphasized the power of mobile financial services. The financial access that mobile phones provide enables Africans to build a safety net for themselves by accumulating assets. Dayo Olopade, a Nigerian journalist, writes of the importance of mobile money: “[It] offers security, convenience, and empowerment--not to mention a long-sought ability for individuals in poor countries to build assets” (101). Olga Stoddard, a professor of economic development, said, “Access to funding has been a huge tool because it provides people with access to a safety net.” Without access to finance, she said, people have nothing to fall back on if their entrepreneurial efforts fail. The rise of mobile finance and microfinance empowers people to take on a risk to start a business. Cell phones make access to finance much easier. Pricing Information “The key here is not the cell phone itself, but the information,” said Stoddard. A cell phone provides instant access to information that would otherwise incur significantly higher costs in terms of both time and money. Specifically, mobile phones help entrepreneurs by increasing their access to pricing information. Olopade illustrates this point well: In Niger... traveling to a market to figure out the price for a cash crop may gobble between two and four productive working hours. A brief call between a producer and vendor provides the answer in a fraction of the time, and at half the cost. Phones change market behavior--Nigerian grain traders with mobiles have more connections and a wider sales radius, which increases the price they can get for their goods (98).
  • 14. Daniel Nielson conducted a study in Tanzania in which women with small businesses were randomly selected to receive cell phones or cash. The ones who received the phones reported double the weekly income of those who received cash. Nielson mentioned that one of the major reasons for this was access to pricing information. Mozambique resident Louis Belchior emphasized the importance of pricing among fishermen. Since fish is a popular commodity in the market, a group of fishers go fishing each day to provide the supply. Mobile technology allows them to better communicate with each other about pricing issues. On some days fishermen catch more fish than on others. On the days when no one catches many fish, Louis said, the fishermen coordinate with each other to set a higher price to compensate for scarcity. Such coordination is only be possible because of mobile technology. Edward Mugbua, former native of Ghana, expressed a different view on the effect of mobile technology on pricing. In the rural area where many natives live, individuals have to walk upwards of 20 to 50 miles just to arrive at a marketplace. For example, an individual may go to the nearest town to buy a certain selection of canned goods. Without mobile technology, individuals would walk the 20 miles and arrive to realize that the goods had been out of stock. Another benefit, then, of mobile phones is that they allow consumers to be more productive and organized. This in turn results in more sales for the small vendors and an overall economic boost. Customer Networks
  • 15. Cell phones make building a customer base much easier by allowing instant and cheap communication. Potential entrepreneurs can use this as a tool to evaluate the market, establish widespread contacts, and maintain good relations with customers. Darryl Dzapasi, the son of two Zimbabwean entrepreneurs, emphasized the role of the mobile phone in expanding customer networks and maintaining customer relations. He explained, “They can make a customer calling list to inform them of new stuff, and send them pictures of things they have done before.” His father runs an electronics repair shop and uses mobile phones to build relationships with customers and tell them when their appliances are ready. Jacob Acqua is another child of an African entrepreneur. He explained that his father, a Ghanaian, relies on cell phones to build his customer network. He does not sell his product in stores. Instead, he calls potential clients and offers them free samples. Louis Belchoir explained that mobile phone technology allows small businesses to expand their business operations. For instance, in Mozambique a popular marketplace item is called Capulana, which is a type of fabric used for apparel. Louis explained that mobile technology not only helped entrepreneurs selling Capulana reach a larger audience in Mozambique, but also allowed them to expand to other countries. Many orders for Capulana come from neighboring countries such as Malawi. Platforms for Innovation Cell phones open new windows of opportunity for African entrepreneurs. People take advantage of these opportunities by creating innovative apps, tools, and businesses in a wide variety of fields using the cell phone as a platform. Here are a few examples:
  • 16. Nana Opoku Agyeman-Prempeh in Ghana started a business using cell phones to help churches manage their congregations. Members can pay tithes, access sermons, and find upcoming church events using the app. So far, “he has signed 395 churches...and registered 30,000 church members to his platform” (Dolan 2016). Kelvin Macharia Kuria of Kenya founded Sunrise Tracking, a company that tracks stolen cars and allows people to disable a car’s engine with a text. The company made “$80,000 in revenues in 2015” (Dolan 2016). Bright Simons of Ghana built a company (mPedigree) that allows people to use text messaging to verify if their malaria pill is real or fake (Olopade 116-117). The Role of Government Every source we consulted mentioned the detrimental effect of government regulations. Governments in Africa tend to hinder entrepreneurship through high tariffs, high costs of registering a business, Dzapasi says that licensing constraints and high costs for importing and exporting materials place a large burden on entrepreneurs.While African governments certainly hurt startups, the powerful tools of mobile phones are enabling many entrepreneurs in the informal sector--where small businesses ignore regulations altogether. Ironically, the weakness of government institutions in Africa might be benefiting entrepreneurship in this way. Professor Nielson stated, “African governments have little capacity to shut down mobile money and small businesses...and I think it’s a source of economic growth for them.” Nielson mentioned that people in India don’t have bank accounts either; but there, the regulatory system is strong enough that it has shut down mobile money.
  • 17. Grimm, van der Hoeven, and Lay corroborate the explanation of low government capacity. They conducted survey research on the informal economy across West Africa and explain that “non-registration is...an issue of weak law enforcement and not the result of a fear for corruption once registered. Moreover the surveys suggest that public authorities do not force informal production units to comply with the law. It is rather the case that no one really knows who should register and pay taxes, thus creating a grey zone prone to informal arrangements and negotiation, including corruption” (2011, 8). Given these government regulations what can government leaders do to effect change? For one, reduce corruption. All of our interviewees referenced the negative effect of corruption on entrepreneurship. While the effect of corruption on economic growth has been heatedly debated, studies show that corruption has a generally negative effect on the economic growth rate of an economy. For instance, in a well-cited study, a 1% increase in the corruption level was found to reduce the growth rate by 0.72% (Mo, 2001). The same study also found that corruption reduces the level of human capital and the share of private investment. When an economy has a reputation for a difficult place to do business, often it is because of unpredictable regulation and weak property rights such as in many African countries. When, for example, property rights become hard to defend against powerful people, small businesses go out of business and stay out of business (Johnson 2013). For instance, a shallow glance at the Global Report for Entrepreneurship will reveal a seemingly positive statistic: Sub-Saharan Africa reports the highest intentions or aspiring entrepreneurs of any geographic region at 53 percent (Global Report 2012). A closer look will show that despite a high level of entrepreneurial activity South Africa’s established business ownership rate sits at a measly 2%. This shows that while there are many entrepreneurs, entrepreneurship as a profession is unstable and
  • 18. unsustainable in many cases. This suggests that government can significantly benefit economies and even entrepreneurs by offering more stable economic environments with reduced corruption and better government regulation. In fact the Global Report of Entrepreneurship says that “As per capita income increases, larger established firms play an increasingly important role in the economy (Global Report 2012). Furthermore, the report says. “This provides an option for stable employment for a growing number of people, serving as a viable alternative to starting a business.” Such implications should not be considered lightly. One further area for study about the role of government involves the use of subsidies for cell phones. Should governments subsidize their growth? Would that be beneficial to entrepreneurship? Future research is merited. Quantitative Analysis Results Due to missing data, our quantitative analysis is severely limited. Even with imputed variables, we found no significant results about the relationship between cell phone use, business regulations, and entrepreneurship. We included measurements for each of our alternative explanations: wealth (GDP per capita), education (adult literacy rate), and percentage of the population aged 15-64. Below are the results: Main dependent variable: GEM Total Entrepreneurial Activity I. II. III. IV. Cell phone use -.187 (.128) -.307 (.170) -.294 (.221) -.049 (.257)
  • 19. Ease of doing business .554 (.399) .607 (.480) .536 (.555) .452 (.587) GDP per capita .002 (.003) .001 (.004) Adult literacy rate .104 (.425) -.032 (.747) Percentage of Population ages 15-64 -1.773 (1.423) N=54 *** = p <.001, **= p<.01, ***= p<.05 It could be that none of these variables are significant predictors of entrepreneurial activity. However, we recommend more extensive data collection before arriving at that conclusion. Alternative Explanations Our qualitative sources indicate that corruption does not benefit entrepreneurs but retards their progress. However, an alternative view exists that corruption actually greases the wheels of entrepreneurship (Dreher and Gassebner 2007). Many entrepreneurs in Africa face stiff obstacles when trying to register with the government. Often businesses will be set back by procedures required to start a business, time needed to undergo these procedures, and the capital requirements needed to start a business. One alternative hypothesis is that corruption can act like a greasing agent, and allow individuals to circumvent requirements and significantly reduce the
  • 20. amount of time dealing with bureaucracies. Indeed, statistical data and studies show that corruption can be beneficial and is even correlated with entrepreneurial activity (Dreher and Gassebner 2007). However, according to our qualitative results, this does not seem to be the case. The majority of our interviewees who are natives of countries in Africa expressed the view that corruption seriously dampens entrepreneurial activity. In the words of Edward Mubua, when governments accept bribes and conduct their operations in a corrupt fashion it is like being in a “game without rules”. While corruption may help entrepreneurs in the short term, the long term effect is inconclusive with our current data. Furthermore, an underlying assumption of our argument is that entrepreneurship is fundamentally good for the economy. However, we recognize that in certain circumstances an increasing rate of entrepreneurship may not in fact be good for the economy. In fact, reputable sources indicate that high rates of entrepreneurship is definitely not correlated with higher rates of GDP per capita (Global Report 2012). For example, in many regions of Africa entrepreneurship is seen as a fallback option when an individual fails to get employed by a larger firm (Johnson 2013). Furthermore, the 2012 Global Report for the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor concludes that economies with low GDP per capita are correlated with higher Total Entrepreneurial Activity (Global Entrepreneurship Report 2012). What’s more, in economies with low GDP per capita and high TEA rates, entrepreneurs tend to consist more of necessity- motivated entrepreneurs as opposed to opportunity-driven entrepreneurs. This data suggests that entrepreneurial activity, especially when necessity-driven, may not in fact be the best solution to grow an economy. Consider, for example, Zambia, which has the highest entrepreneurship rate in the 2012 Global Report. What is disturbing, is that Zambia’s level of established business owners is less
  • 21. than 10% of its entrepreneurship rate. Zambia also ranks 106th in the world for economic freedom and 16th in Sub-Saharan Africa (Heritage 2016). This raises several question such as why many entrepreneurs start businesses but few make it past the early stages (Global Report 2012). If indeed need-based entrepreneurial activity is unsustainable then our claim that mobile phones improve entrepreneurship is rendered irrelevant. And if irrelevant, instead of policies that encourage entrepreneurship, countries should implement policies that improve their business environment that will result in a more robust economy. When economies become more robust there will be a greater availability of resources and opportunities, leading to a possible boost in opportunity-motivated entrepreneurship. This may require us to re-analyze the implications of our research. In other words, what should governments do: improve regulations or encourage mobile usage? Undeniably, mobile phone technology is beneficial not only for entrepreneurship but more importantly for economic growth. For instance, mobile use has a positive effect that is twice as large in developing countries compared to developed countries (Meschi 2005). According to the same study, from 1996 to 2003, if a developing country had an average of 10 more mobile phones per 100 population it would have enjoyed per capita growth that was 0.59 percent higher than other countries. Another study by Deloitte found that mobile phones can have a measurable impact on economic growth even in saturated markets like the United States. For example, the study concluded that for every 10% shift in American markets from 2G to 3G between 2008 and 2011, per capita GDP increased by 0.4% (Hendrix 2012). Despite these strong claims about the positive impact of mobile phones, it remains unclear whether improving government regulations would be more beneficial than encouraging mobile usage. This specific issue deserves further study.
  • 22. Limitations We have noted the limitations on our quantitative analysis, but our qualitative data is also limited. We conducted seven interviews: three with professors and four with Africans. Those we interviewed do not represent Africa as a whole, as they all currently attend Brigham Young University. The books and other sources we consulted add more depth and authority to our conclusions, but they still are not exhaustive. Conclusion Based on the evidence we gathered from Africans and experts and the theory we developed, we argue that mobile phone use is a greater facilitator to starting a business than government regulatory environments. This is so because mobile technology empowers entrepreneurs by allowing them to circumvent government regulations in four main ways: access to mobile money, pricing information, building customer networks, and providing platforms for innovation. Limitations in government capacity allow this. We fail to produce good evidence for our third argument, that countries with higher levels of cell phone use will have higher levels of entrepreneurship. This is mainly due to a lack of available quantitative data. We conclude that the spread of cellphones is a boost to entrepreneurship. Policies that seek to ease access to cell phones and mobile money will help encourage economic development by stimulating innovation. One further question for future study would be the differences between so-called “smartphones” and “dumbphones”. “Dumbphones” are far more widespread in Africa. Does the
  • 23. increased ability of a smartphone improve economic prospects more than a simple “dumbphone”? This is a relevant question for future research. Our qualitative evidence clearly shows that mobile technology significantly helps entrepreneurs. However, the strength of our paper is considerably weakened when we consider the importance of entrepreneurship in Africa. Does it even matter whether mobile phones or government regulations improve entrepreneurship? Admittedly, our research question rested on the underlying assumption that entrepreneurship helps economic growth. After careful research this assumption turned out to be partially false. What we found is that high levels of entrepreneurial activity correlate with lower levels of GDP per capita. More specifically, high levels of necessity-driven entrepreneurial activity are a negative indicator for an economy. This is particularly unsettling for our argument considering that while mobile technology may indeed boost entrepreneurship it may not result in a substantial gain for the overall economy. Indeed, in the last stages of our research we found that opportunity-driven entrepreneurial activity, the entrepreneurial activity that is more important, is higher in economies with more sophisticated ecosystems for business (Global Entrepreneurial Report 2012). This is significant because it directly influences our ultimate conclusion. Without doubt, we stand by our conclusion that mobile technology benefits entrepreneurial activity. However, if we consider the two types of entrepreneurs, necessity- motivated or opportunity-driven, it is undeniable that improving government regulations will result in a greater increase in opportunity-driven entrepreneurial activity and more importantly result in higher GDP per capita. Although we provide insight into whether government regulations or mobile phones are more important for entrepreneurship, a more relevant question
  • 24. may be whether mobile phones or improved government regulations have a greater impact on economic growth as a whole.
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