Capstone - Essay - 072013

Running Head: GOVERNMENT ASSISTED REFUGEES 1
Government Assisted Refugees: Employability and Integration
Edmond Cheng, Liza Wajong, Mia Nissen
Simon Fraser University

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GOVERNMENT ASSISTED REFUGEES
1. Introduction and Background
Second only to the United States in the number of refugees resettled each year, Canada has a
long history of protecting refugees (CIC, 2011, vii). As a signatory to the United Nations
Convention on Refugees, Canada undertakes the responsibility of sponsoring a number of
refugees who require settlement in a safe country. The United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR) defines a refugee as someone who "owing to a well-founded fear of being
persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or
political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality, and is unable to, or owing to such fear,
is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country" (UNHCR website).
Canada enacted the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA) on June 28, 2002,
changing the focus of refugee selection and placing greater emphasis on the need for protection
and less on the ability of a refugee to become established in Canada. IRPA also introduced an
“expanded and consolidated” mandate for the country’s refugee determination system. Authors
Reekie & Layden-Stevenson (2006) explain how under the former Immigration Act, refugee
claimants appeared before a panel of the Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB), where their
claims for refugee status were assessed based on the five grounds (race, religion, nationality,
membership of a particular social group and political opinion) in the Refugee Convention. The
IRPA expanded the IRB’s jurisdiction and enabled the board to confer refugee protection on both
“Convention refugees” and the newly created class of “persons in need of protection.” The new
class encompasses claimants whose return to their home country would subject them personally
to torture, or would constitute a risk to life, or a risk of cruel and unusual treatment or
punishment. Successful refugee claimants in either class (Convention refugee under section 96,
or “person in need of protection” under section 97 of the IRPA) become “protected persons”

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under Canadian law and may apply for permanent residence status in Canada (Reekie, J &
Layden-Stevenson, 2006).
Unlike the situation with refugee groups such as Landed in Canada Refugees (LCRs) and
Privately-Sponsored Refugees (PSRs), there is an abundance of research and data on
Government Assisted Refugees (GARs) due to strong government interests in supporting this
particular group and its needs (Hyndman, 2009). This paper will accordingly focus on GARs in
British Columbia, though much of the information contained herein will in some ways apply to
other refugee groups as well.
To assist GARs, the Resettlement Assistance Program (RAP) is funded and directed by
Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC) and administered through Service Provider
Organizations (SPOs) such as the Immigrant Services Society of BC (ISSofBC). In Study of
Income Support Benefits Offered to Government Assisted Refugees Under the Resettlement
Assistance Program, authors Siggner, Atkey & Goldberg (2007) explain how RAP is primarily a
one-year federal income assistance program designed to assist GARs as they settle and find work
in Canada. Despite resettlement assistance, research shows that GARs experience a multitude of
challenges in the integration process (Siggner, Atkey & Goldberg, 2007). Our aim is to elucidate
the specific challenges GARs face and develop ways to support them accordingly. Ultimately, the
goal is for GARs to be integrated. But what does integration mean?
In Research Summary on Resettled Refugee Integration in Canada (2011), Dr. Jennifer
Hyndman describes integration as one of the downstream objectives that imputes belonging and
participation in a safe country of residence, such as Canada (Hyndman, 2011). Further,
successful integration of refugees is said to be linked to achievement and access in a number of
key domains including: employment, housing, education and health (Ager & Strang, 2008). Also

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important is “social connectedness both with their cultural community and the community at
large” (CIC, 2011, 40). Academic literature shows that measurement of integration is difficult,
therefore, academia generally focuses on the measurable indicators of integration such as:
employment status and earnings, official (either English or French) language abilities and
educational attainment, health and housing (Hyndman, 2011). For the scope of this paper we
focus on the indicators of official language, education and employment. However, in striving for
a holistic approach to understanding the refugee experience, we also explore two social aspects
of integration; group solidarity and community support.
It has been shown that post-IRPA GARs have greater obstacles in terms of official
language, education and employment skills (CIC, 2011, vii). These challenges raise many
worthwhile questions, which researchers have approached from various angles. Some of these
approaches relate to economics, mental health, or government policy. While considering these
approaches, we bear in mind the importance of financial stability and its far-reaching impact on
all aspects of well-being. Therefore, our research question became: What factors will contribute
to increased employability among the GAR population in BC? Through our findings, we argue a
multi-faceted approach will bring about higher levels of employment. Specifically, employment
outcomes can be improved by modifying the RAP program, expanding and strengthening
community support programs, and by developing social enterprise initiatives.
2. Literature Review
In this section, we develop our thesis and answer our research question based on the
information found in the sources included below. The scope of our literature review is situated
broadly under social sciences, focusing on refugee studies. Our paper is similar to some other

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studies; in that we are exploring factors contributing to GAR employment prospects and
integration. However, it differs in that we explore a holistic approach including: government
policy and programs, solutions such as community support and social enterprise initiatives. The
type of literature review we have conducted is, for the most part, quantitative (independent
research studies), with some qualitative review (effectiveness of policy, government documents)
and some issues of theory (books). Taken together, the sources reveal certain knowledge and
ideas that have been established on our research question.
2.1. Refugees in Canada
Before we focus on the plight of the GAR population in BC, some background on refugee
economic trends is provided through The Economic Experiences of Refugees in Canada (2004)
report. Authors DeVoretz, Pivnenko & Beiser provide statistics showing that social assistance
alone will keep refugees in substandard living conditions, while employment will get them out of
those circumstances. The opening sections include data on numbers of refugees arriving in
Canada from 1981 to 2001 (over 535,000) as well as information about where they came from
(p. 3-4). The focus of the essay from that point on is how each of these groups has fared
economically and why. The IMDB is said to be the best source for analysis and they examine the
educational qualifications and language skills of immigrants arriving in the period of 1980-2001.
Here they conclude that refugees generally have little command of either of Canada’s official
languages, with 75% of those from Europe and 57% from other places speaking only their native
languages on arrival. They then compare the total incomes of employed refugee cohorts
(averaging around $24,000 annually) and break it down according to different groups and
individuals (p. 12-24).

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Using Statistics Canada’s Labour Force definition, the current unemployment rate in
Canada is 7.1%, whereas among GARs the average is 25% (CIC, 2011, 42). The majority of
those who work are paid hourly, and usually earn between $10.00 and $15.00 per hour (CIC,
2011, 42). The poverty, insecurity and isolation resulting from unemployment and
underemployment inhibits successful integration (New Beginnings, 2006, 46). Refugees who
relied primarily on social assistance were generally below the poverty (LICO) line. A LICO is an
income threshold below which a family will likely devote a larger share of its income to the
necessities of food, shelter and clothing than an average family would. For example, in 2009 the
LICO line in Vancouver was $18,421. The CIC RAP rate met 47% of LICO and the Social
Assistance rate met just 42% of LICO (CIC, 2011, 35).
In the last section, the authors of The Economic Experiences of Refugees in Canada
(2004) make a meaningful call to consider factors that go beyond mere employment and consider
how to alleviate the suffering that reports like theirs bring to light (DeVoretz, Pivnenko & Beiser,
2004). Overall, this report supports our hypothesis in the three following ways: 1) by showing
that refugees who are employed and do not receive social assistance generally fare much better
than those who remain unemployed and receive social assistance; 2) by stressing the need to help
unemployed refugees find jobs; and 3) by enabling refugees to access alternative support
programs to overcome obstacles to integration. It is worth noting that the report’s data is derived
from numbers of refugees arriving in Canada from 1981-2001 (pre-IRPA). This is significant
because later studies indicate that barriers to employment for GARs have increased since 2002,
heightening the urgency of improving support programs aimed at helping them.
Next, the problems facing Canadian refugees are addressed by the Canadian Council for
Refugees (CCR). In 2011, CCR conducted a survey with practitioners and compiled their

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findings in the report, Refugee Integration: Key Concerns and Areas for Further Research. From
the input received, language training and access to employment were found to be among the top
concerns. Survey respondents highlighted language training as top priority for refugee
integration, noting that “in some provinces, newcomers who don’t learn quickly to function in an
official language are isolated and marginalized” (CCR, 12, 2011). The language barrier can block
GARs from getting everything from jobs to housing. Education, therefore, is essential. These
findings support our hypothesis by showing the interconnectedness of language training with
other priorities such as access to employment. Regarding access to employment, “It was
observed that if people have stable, secure and reasonably well-paid employment, other issues
such as those related to access to housing will diminish” (CCR, 2011, 10). These findings
highlight the need for programs to help refugees with language skills development, access to
employment via training programs and help seeking employment.
2.2. Obstacles Facing GARs in BC
Here we shift our focus to GARs in BC in order to evaluate the specific problems they
face. We gleaned much of our insight from the information researchers Graham, Atkey, Reeves
and Goldberg of the Social Planning and Research Council of BC provided in their 2009 report,
The Best Place on Earth? Contemporary and Historical Perspectives on Poverty Reduction
Policies and Programs in British Columbia. One such insight was that Metro Vancouver ranks
near the bottom for GAR-receiving cities in Canada in terms of the adequacy of its support
payments. Further, the authors noted that GARs arriving in BC are “at a more severe
disadvantage than those in other parts of the country due to the policy of linking assistance
payments to provincial welfare rates” (Graham, Atkey, Reeves & Goldberg, 2009, 9).

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To gain perspective on the GARs’ experience, New Beginnings: Insights of Government-
Assisted Refugees in British Columbia into their Settlement Outcomes was chosen because it is
based on the perspectives of GARs themselves. ISSofBC undertook a project to survey and
obtain the views of GARs concerning their challenges and successes. As part of RAP, ISS
counselors provide orientation to all GARs during their first six weeks of resettlement. When
asked which sessions were most useful, the largest proportion of respondents highlighted the
financial orientation, although respondents also highlighted employment, housing and education.
In regards to English language training, “nearly 60% of respondents from both 2003 and 2005
rated their English language skills as ‘Not at all’or ‘Beginner’” (New Beginnings, 2006, 8). The
length of time that individuals have to wait to start their ESL classes was one point that many
respondents felt needed to be improved (New Beginnings, 2006, 8-9).
Many of the other major issues identified by respondents related to their financial
vulnerability. This financial instability is often linked to the fact that the unemployment rate of
GARs is much higher than the provincial average (New Beginnings, 2011, 8). Many respondents
requested more assistance in searching for jobs, such as through the provision of a dedicated
GAR employment counselor based in ISSofBC. Respondents further emphasized the need for
skills training, skills upgrading and the need for an orientation on searching for work in Canada,
which would cover resumé writing, internet searches and interview preparation (New
Beginnings, 2011, 9). The findings in these two reports show that an approach combining policy
changes to RAP delivery and increased education and employment programs is what is needed to
tackle these particularly difficult obstacles.

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2.3. GAR and RAP Program Evaluation
In March of 2011, Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC) conducted an evaluation of
both the GAR and RAP programs entitled, Evaluation of Government-Assisted refugees (GAR)
and Resettlement Assistance Program (RAP) (2011). The evaluation addressed issues related to
program relevance, design and impact. While it was found that RAP is consistent with UNHCR
guidelines on providing immediate assistance to new refugees, concerns about the RAP program
revolve around housing, medical needs, level of income support and flexibility in program
delivery (CIC, 2011). SPOs and GARs report that RAP met the immediate and essential needs of
GARs. However, the “increase in the number of GARs with “barriers” has been a growing issue
which places considerable strain on SPO staff and resources” (CIC, 2011, 27). Post-IRPA GAR
clients now face more “obstacles”, as demonstrated by the percentage increase in the proportion
of clients (2009 compared to 2000) with no official language skills (+14%) and no formal
education (+26%) (CIC, 2011, vii). In other words, refugee needs for support services have
increased following the introduction of IRPA. Although RAP provides necessary support in
initial orientation and resettlement services, this evaluation supports the case for modifying RAP
delivery methods and expanding community literacy and employment programs.
2.4. Group Solidarity and Community Support
In order to provide theoretical foundations for the recommendations we make regarding
community support programs, we draw on Iris Marion Young’s conceptual analysis of group
solidarity. Young’s theory of inclusion allows us to connect the significance of group solidarity
and community-based support among refugee groups. According to her theory of recognition,
solutions ought to be based on a multicultural spirit, rather than service providers imposing

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solutions (Young, 2011). In other words, communities should attend to the particular needs of
GARs and work with them so that they become empowered and able to contribute meaningfully
to society. Within this framework, GARs would receive the recognition they deserve and
solutions would be determined collaboratively. For example, survey results from GARs
interviewed about their challenges and successes should be considered when creating solutions.
Young’s concepts provide a theoretical basis for the general notion of “community
solidarity” among less-privileged groups. Young takes this in the direction of group solidarity
and community networking (Young, 2000). Similarly, in the previously mentioned CCR report,
the importance of networking programs and a “third space” in communities was highlighted by
survey respondents. The “third space” is outside the home and the work-place, and can be used
to gather and socialize (CCR, 2011, 16). One respondent focused on networking as a means to
assist social and economic integration, and felt that networking programs are necessary because
refugees struggle to learn the language and re-establish their credentials, which results in a slow
settlement process (CCR, 2011).
Group-processing of refugees is already part of government policy. The CIC found
advantages in the group processing model as it “expedites efficient processing and allows for the
large-scale movement of refugees with similar socio-cultural characteristics” (CIC, 2011, 76).
Similarly, we consider the “group clustering” that ISSofBC notes in their report on settlement
patterns to be a viable and potentially fruitful policy. Therefore, the goal should be to provide
refugees with opportunities for group solidarity and community-based support that facilitate
social interaction and networking that GARs can use to find new opportunities (Young, 2000).
The point is that GARs need neighborhood contacts and contacts with the wider community in
order to be able to navigate the complexities of life in BC. This is the spirit of the UNHCR

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definition of integration being a “two-way street” between newcomers and the community they
are entering. Lastly, and most importantly, group solidarity and community support organizations
such as the Inland Refugee Society, ISSofBC and local neighborhood houses can facilitate
educational and employment opportunities, improving GARs’ financial situation and
strengthening their emotional and ontological security.
2.5. Social Enterprise Initiatives
The final piece of literature addresses the social enterprise aspect of our hypothesis. In
Experiences of Immigrant and Refugee Social Enterprise in Canada, authors Chamberlain &
Rosenow-Redhead examine social enterprises and how they help newcomers adjust to life in
Canada and find work; whether as immigrants or refugees. Supported by Immigrant Settlement
and Integration through Social Enterprise Initiative (ISISE) and Immigrant and Refugee
Community Action Network (ICAN), the report focuses on newcomers getting the most out of
their own past experiences and finding work opportunities that improve their situations and aid in
financial self-sufficiency.
Most of the social enterprises assessed are run by immigrants themselves, providing an
additional level of support and understanding for new workers. The aim of the report is to build
on existing groups and networks by implementing new strategies for immigrants to expand their
businesses and help more newcomers. This report contains some very useful information when it
comes to articulating challenges faced by refugees and how they can overcome them through
networking and becoming involved in social enterprise, but two caveats should be kept in mind:
a) The report is largely aimed toward immigrants and skilled workers as opposed to
refugees, who are rarely mentioned. Our challenge would be to see how the research

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findings and arguments made in the paper would be applicable to GARs in particular,
since they do not meet some of the criteria presupposed by the authors.
b) It’s not exactly clear from the report how newcomers are supposed to connect with the
existing enterprises and support groups that it advocates for. The report is largely geared
toward explaining the nature and function of these groups and the great work they are
doing, but hardly explains how recruitment and hiring processes work, and how
newcomers can connect with them.
2.6. Literature Review Conclusion
We surmise from our review of the literature that post-IRPA GARs are struggling to
become financially independent in BC, with many salient points in addition to trauma, lack of
literacy, low education and limited employment skills. Although RAP provides adequate
settlement support in the immediate term, GARs go on to struggle in the long term with official
language acquisition and accessing educational and employment opportunities. By way of a gaps
analysis, the next section illuminates some key issues.
3. Issues and Gaps Facing GARs in BC
3.1 Barriers to Appropriate Employability
This section will outline the importance of literacy and job skills-development in relation
to employability; and the gaps preventing GARs from easily accessing these indicators to
integration. According to the authors of The Economic Experiences of Refugees in Canada,
“English proficiency [is] a significant determinant of the likelihood of unemployment and labour
force participation in the long term” (DeVoretz, Pivnenko & Beiser, 2004, 8). One of the major

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issues that GARs experience after the initial settlement phase is “prolonged waiting periods for
English language classes and unfamiliarity with various employment services, which often result
in feelings of frustration and isolation” (New Beginnings, 2006, 31). Despite the fact that BC
provincial authorities provide English Language Services for Adults (ELSA) up to level 3,
according to New Beginnings, “most clients wait up to six months to be enrolled in an ESL
class” (New Beginnings, 2006, 30). A one- to six-month waiting period presents a major
hardship to GARs because they are not in command of sufficient English to find stable long-term
employment.
Once GARs do become proficient in the English language, however, it is important that
they are able to access the labour market. “While not all jobs require computer skills,
increasingly job searching is done through the Internet, and job applications request emailed
copies of resumés. Therefore, individuals who do not have a basic level of computer skills will
face increased difficulties in accessing the labour market” (New Beginnings, 2006, 33). Even
though many GARs will not have a computer of their own, by having at least basic computer
skills they would be able to access computers in their local libraries or neighborhood houses to
initiate their job searches. This process of learning and discovery would also allow them to
become more socially integrated with their local community. However, once the initial settlement
phase is over, an unfortunate reality results; seeking education and employment is the
responsibility of GARs, but most GARs are not sure with where to begin. For example, ISS
employment counselors and GARs stressed “the need for an orientation on how to look for jobs
in Canada, which would cover resumé writing, Internet searches and interview preparation”
(New Beginnings, 2006, 48). By developing these skills, it will not only help GARs
professionally, but it will hopefully help them to build a solid financial future. Financial stability

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has a positive trickle-down effect on a number of areas. These include: continuing education,
mental health, and social integration into the community. However, for the GAR population it
boils down to being able to access the right education when it is most pertinent.
3.2 RAP Flexibility and Service Delivery
As identified in the introduction, GARs in BC face a number of challenges when it comes
to securing a stable financial future after the initial settlement process. Some GARS may have
spent many years in a refugee camp, resulting in mental health issues. Moreover, they may have
no literacy in their own language, let alone in one of Canada’s official languages, and may come
to BC with few applicable job skills. All of these factors impact their employability when they
arrive in Canada. To help GARs adjust to life in Canada, RAP provides income support and
essential services to GARs during the first six weeks after arrival (also known as the orientation
period). These services include: designating available health care programs, providing assistance
with locating permanent accommodations, opening bank accounts, and giving them an overview
of financial products and services (New Beginnings, 2006). As mentioned, RAP is intended to
set GARs on a path of financial stability by linking clients to educational programs and services
such as provincially funded ESL classes. Given that the “mastery of a country’s official language
underpins full participation in society” (CIC, 2011, 40), most GARs are eager to start off on the
right foot with respect to acquiring official language skills (New Beginnings, 2006). However,
many GARs are unaware of what programs and services are available, may find themselves on
long waitlists, or feel that they are unable to register for certain programs and services, such as
ESL, due to having young children in the family and the urgency to begin earning an income
(New Beginnings, 2006).

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Generally put, RAP support time is not long enough, wait times for continuing language
and education are too long, and GARs experience pressure to accept low-paying, part-time jobs
to relieve their financial burdens. This positions GARs into a cycle of poverty, because they are
not able to take the steps necessary to obtain long-term, stable employment. To mitigate these
situations, a key finding in the CIC RAP Evaluation Report (2004) observes “the implementation
of a specific monitoring mechanism is imperative …to ensure that RAP clients are settling and
integrating over the short-, medium- and long-term. This increased emphasis on monitoring will
be facilitated by expanding RAP service delivery to 12 months” (CIC, 2004). These observations
highlight the gaps in RAP service delivery and speak to changes that need to be made to ensure
the successful integration of the population that RAP is intended to support.
3.3 Income Support
From the perspective of a newcomer, a four- to six-week orientation jam-packed with
information can be overwhelming. Once the orientation period is over, GARs are expected to
manage their personal, academic, financial, health and housing needs on their own (CIC, 2011).
It is during this period that most GARs fall through the cracks in the system. Stakeholders noted
that the current benchmark (provincial income assistance rates) used to match RAP income
support levels for GARs were inappropriate. Even when factoring in the additional non-RAP
supplements, there are numerous indicators to suggest that RAP income support levels are still
insufficient: the high percentage of GARs who report using food banks (57%), the percentage
reporting difficulties in repaying their CIC transportation loan (61%), and the percentage citing
financial issues as the greatest difficulties in terms of resettlement (33%) (CIC, 2011, viii). As
mentioned in the literature review, it has been calculated that RAP support equates to less than

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one-half the income required to meet the LICO in Canada (CIC, viii). To further compound this
problem, GARs who are still unemployed when the one year of RAP income support expires
have to transition to social assistance at the regular rate; as opposed to the disability (or, unable
to work) rate. This transition to a lower income-level drops them even further below the LICO
line. The provincial social assistance rate traps them in a cycle of poverty, impacting their ability
to attain the basic language skills and education that they need to successfully enter the labour
market. Certain stakeholders have suggested using the disability rate as a benchmark for income
support, because it provides a more equal playing field, considering all of the barriers facing
GARs when they come to Canada (SPARC, 2007, 41).
3.4 Transportation Loan Repayment RAP Income Support
At the same time GARs are coping with the aforementioned challenges, many have a
significant transportation loan that they are expected to start repaying after they have been in the
country for more than six months (New Beginnings, 2006). The loan is provided to cover
medication examinations abroad, travel documents and transportation to Canada (CIC, 2011),
and can be as much as $10,000 for a family of refugees. The loan then starts collecting interest
after a 12-month interest-free period (New Beginnings, 2006). Many of the countries that accept
GARs offer these loans as grants. Canada is the only country that charges interest on the loan
(Cultures West, 2010, 10). What this means for GARs is that in order to start paying down the
transportation loan and subsequently, the interest on the loan, GARs are forced to find low-
paying jobs. In many cases, they may even have to find two or three low-paying part-time jobs in
order to make ends meet (Culture West, 2010, 21). As a result, GARs are often unable to access
educational opportunities at all, even though there may have been “a clear desire on the part of

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many [clients] for more information about employment and educational opportunities, in
particular the need for English language skills and availability of ESL classes” (New Beginnings,
2006, 19). This illustrates the cycle of poverty and how it affects the long-term employment and
financial future of GARs in Canada.
3.5 Issues and Gaps Conclusion
Literacy, job skills and employability are all interlinked. By becoming proficient in
English and other types of skills, such as in the use of computers, it will allow an individual to
seek appropriate employment. If GARs are not able to easily take advantage of literacy and skills
development classes, their employment opportunities will be limited; if they experience poverty
due to RAP income support rates and paying back their transportation loan, it becomes
exceedingly difficult for them to obtain full-time, stable employment. Thus, GARs may risk not
being fully integrated into their communities — not just in terms of the labour market, but into
society at large. This can result in a number of problems, including: reliance on food banks,
dependence on government income assistance, working multiple part-time jobs to make ends
meet (Cultures West, 2010, 21), isolation and marginalization (New Beginnings, 2006, 31).
Seeking employment is more than just the search for a job; it is preparing oneself to look
for a suitable employment in order to support oneself and one’s family in relation to one’s skills
and education. To further address the current system and issues that GARs face, the following
section will focus on recommendations for the GAR population in BC.

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4. Recommendations
In the previous sections, we have identified the gaps in the services for GARs. We have
found emerging themes that pertain to gaps in RAP’s program delivery, the challenge of
accessing education, and GAR unemployment. In this section, we wish to propose the
recommendations in support of allowing GARs to achieve financial stability and social
integration in BC. There are three important measures to be implemented: modification to RAP
by means of rate-increase and the elimination of interest charges on transportation loans; the
development of stronger community-support programs; and the development of a refugee-
oriented social enterprise program. The results would include a better integration outcome for
GARs, such as the ability to obtain jobs more easily, earn higher income, and become less
dependent on government support.
4.1 RAP Delivery and Flexibility
Through our research, the recommendations we make in relation to RAP delivery and
flexibility are in alignment with the CIC findings found in the previously mentioned 2011
evaluation report. First, CIC has acknowledged that after the implementation of IRPA, there is a
need to address the greater demands placed on RAP and other services delivered to GARs.
Service providers and front-line workers have expressed this need in various areas, with one of
them being the concern over RAP’s flexibility and service delivery. We recommend that senior
CIC management seriously address SPO concerns with program flexibility and service provision:
“…analyses of the RAP guidelines suggest that RAP is quite prescriptive in terms of the types of
information/services that should be provided to GARs. To allow resources to be appropriately
targeted based on need, SPOs should be provided with the funding flexibility to modify

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individual service provision based on client need(s)” (CIC, 2011, ix). In other words, front-line
workers should be allowed more flexibility in supporting the needs of their clients.
Another recommendation in this area is the implementation of a case management
approach, which was mentioned in our gaps analysis section. The literature shows that a case
management approach is being explored through a settlement service model piloted with the
Government of Manitoba. “The pilot project will seek to enhance and tailor existing service
models to respond to the special challenges of high-needs refugees.” (CIC, 2011, xvii)
Finally, RAP service delivery should be extended to 12 months. This is mainly because
SPOs and front-line workers have identified the current four- to six-week period as inadequate:
“In discussions with SPOs, it was noted in many instances; SPOs have continued to provide
support such as guidance and counselling to GARs well past the initial four- to six-week period
as prescribed under RAP” (CIC, 2011, 42). While RAP is designed to be a short-term program
for GARs, SPOs feel that RAP should be modified to provide on-going support (referral and
guidance) to GARs for a much longer period of time (12 months was identified as an
approximate length of time to provide such support). This is directly linked to the increased
number of GAR clients with increased barriers since the introduction of IRPA. Considering the
reality of IRPA (changing legislation), there is “justification to extend RAP services to account
for additional service needs of this client group” (CIC, 2011, 42).
In sum, since the federal government changed legislation by enacting IRPA, they
subsequently changed the rules, and by doing so, the individuals who are most affected by these
changes require support. We cannot enroll people in a program under one set of rules and assume
that adequate support is still being provided under a new set of rules. This is occurring when CIC

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allows high needs GARs to enter Canada under “protection” legislation only to abandon them
after six weeks.
4.2 Proposed Changes to Income Support
Based on our gaps analysis in regards to RAP supports, we have learned that RAP income
is insufficient to support GARs’ basic needs and that it is almost impossible to find affordable
housing if they rely on the RAP income support. For long-term, sustainable income they need to
access appropriate employment. However, they face challenges in finding employment because
of their lack of language and skills training. For this reason, we suggest an increase of the current
rate of RAP income to an amount that will meet the basic needs of GARs at the national LICO
level while they are in the resettlement phase. The challenge is the fact CIC has maintained that
they will continue the policy of matching RAP to provincial social assistance rates (CIC, 2011,
xix). Considering this political reality, we believe that by acknowledging the particularly difficult
barriers GARs enter the country with, a potential solution is to “...establish agreements with
provincial governments to permit unemployed GARs to enter provincial social assistance
programs at the disability rates once they transition off of RAP” (SPARC, 2007, 41). Ultimately,
this continued support will benefit the GARs long-term financial stability as they acquire the
skills necessary to gain and sustain stable employment, self-sufficiency and social integration.
4.3 Zero Interest Transportation Loan
In addition to the aforementioned support increase, we would also like to bring the
attention to repayment of transportation loans. The repayment period for the loan begins 30 days
after landing in Canada and GARs have up to six years to repay a loan. (CIC 2011, 39). Refugees

21
have a one year grace period, but if the loan is still outstanding after three years, the government
starts charging interest. As mentioned previously, Canada is the only country that charges interest
(Cultures West, 2010, 10). First, we propose the elimination of the interest on these loans, as it is
extremely difficult for GAR families to support themselves especially if they are still
unemployed after the 12-month period. Second, we propose the extension of the grace period
before they have to commence repayment of transportation loan because with the barriers facing
GARs such as trauma, illiteracy and limited employment skills, it is unrealistic for the CIC to
expect that GARs will be self-sufficient after a 12-month period. To be self-sufficient means
GARs would have to earn a steady income in order to satisfy their basic needs. Eliminating the
interest on the transportation loans will enable GARs to be in a stronger position to pay off their
loan. The issue of the transportation loans is also on the agenda of the Canadian Council of
Refugees (CCR). As a strong advocate for the well-being of refugees, the CCR strongly oppose
this loan repayment, and propose its elimination. Their work in monitoring this sector is
supported by various member organizations including SPOs (CCR, 2013). CCR is a non-profit
organization advocating for refugees and their settlement in Canada. The majority of CCR
member organizations support both government-sponsored refugees and refugee claimants, and
CCR invites concerned citizens to express their opinion by speaking up for any matter relating to
government policies that concern refugees (CCR, 2013).
4.4 Expanding and Increasing Community Support
Integration is a two-way process. It involves both newcomers and receiving communities
(AMSSA, Glossary of Terms, n.d.). In this way, it is not just up to newcomers to assimilate or
absorb into the wider society or culture. As part of the dynamic two way process, when GARs

22
attempt to re-settle, they need the communities to which they are entering to support their
integration. As noted in the 2011 Refugee Integration Report by CCR, host communities need to
be better prepared to create welcoming communities for newcomers (CCR, 2011, p. 12).
We recommend mobilizing community volunteers to reach out to GARs and their
families and engage them with their surrounding community. In Metro Vancouver, for example,
neighbourhood houses have played a central role in making these connections happen; they have
the capacity to recruit community volunteers to help GARs, and their programs and services
reflect the needs of its surrounding communities (which are mostly initiated through a
community consultation process) (ANHBC, 2013). Therefore it is possible that this integration
will eventually be achieved via community connections. Further, a neighbourhood house delivers
a wide range of social services, including pre-employment and neighbourhood-based language
training programs. Engaging GARs with these programs will address their skill and training
needs, at least at a community level. In the case that they are on a wait list for ELSA classes,
GARs can participate in the community-based language programs first prior to join the formal
ELSA programs.
Another example is the Mt. Pleasant Neighbourhood House, located in the midtown area
of Vancouver (MPNH, 2013). This neighbourhood house is one of the service providers
delivering a welcoming community project; an educational process helping communities and
neighborhoods find new ways to become inviting, inclusive places for people who live there. At
the same time, this project aims to promote community engagement activities, including dialogue
circles, community dinners, leadership development and mentoring programs (ANHBC, 2013).
The welcoming community initiatives stem from the input of various individuals and groups
within the service catchment of these neighbourhood houses.

23
By connecting with a neighbourhood house, GARs will gain access to community-based
programs and services, including literacy and employment skills. It will also allow them to use
the house as a “third space” (CCR, 2011) where they can make community connections or
propose ideas to build grass-root community groups. Our idea to utilize neighborhood houses can
be done in two ways; one being to access its programs and services, and another being to propose
potential programs that are specifically designed for GARs. Neighbourhood house programs and
services are designed for the needs of the surrounding communities. Therefore, facilitating GARs
and their engagement to a neighbourhood house will greatly assist their integration process.
4.5 Social Enterprise Initiatives
In addition to the community support recommendation, we also advocate the promotion
of a social enterprise supporting GARs and their income generation. Social enterprise can be
defined as a business with a social purpose. Our findings suggest positive outcomes when
immigrants and refugees are involved in these initiatives, such as when refugees are encouraged
to become social entrepreneurs and eventually attaining financial stability (Chamberlain &
Resenow-Redhead, 2010, p.19). Engaging in a social enterprise is suitable for GARs because it is
socially conscious in achieving its purpose and empowers GARs through job skills development
(CCED Network, 2013). We specifically recommend connecting newcomers who are interested
to co-ops. Our findings show that a co-operative is one of the best practices in social enterprise
development. As a long-term goal, development of a GARs-based co-operative would be
possible. Co-ops have a clear and established structure, meaning that the commencement of a co-
operative will not be too overwhelming for those involved. For example, an online public
education about co-operatives is available and is easily accessible at anytime (Co-ops Canada,
2013).

24
5. Future Study
The focus of this paper has been on employability; however, employability cannot be
viewed as a single issue. Rather, it intersects with other issues and is multi-relational in this
sense. As a result, further research needs to be done in areas such as: housing and mental health.
Looking at the scope of research on the topic of refugee settlement and outcomes, Dr. Jennifer
Hyndman’s 2011 Research Summary on Resettled Refugee Integration in Canada, has identified
two important areas for future study: access to housing, and mental health related issues.
Hyndman observes “Secure and affordable housing is a vital piece of the settlement and
integration process in Canada” (Hyndman, 2009, 19). High rent and low vacancy rates in
Canada’s two largest and most expensive cities, Vancouver and Toronto, have given rise to many
studies on the struggles refugees face in finding housing. Much more could be said about refugee
housing, and “entire research careers have been devoted to refugee housing strategies”
(Hyndman, 2009, vi). In sum, the main message appears to be that affordability of housing puts
resettled refugees at the economic and social margins of society.
As previously mentioned, post-IRPA GARs are more likely to face multi-barriers to
settlement. Another area for future research would be the mental health needs on refugees from
protracted situations. The specifics of long-term exile, torture and post-traumatic stress disorder
(PTSD) also have implications for the integration process. A key question Hyndman poses:
“What are settlement needs and outcomes, especially health and mental health (i.e. PTSD), of
refugees from protracted situations compared to people from shorter term displacements?”
(Hyndman, 2009, 41). In order to gain a complete understanding of the true effects of health and
housing as it relates to integration, it is necessary to conduct further study in these areas.

25
6. Conclusion
GARs and their families face a tremendous challenge in integration. Our research identifies
critical gaps in the system that impede their process of integration. The emerging themes of this
discourse are the lack of language and skills training, which result in higher unemployment rates
among the GAR population. We conclude that a holistic approach to support is necessary to
provide GARs with a good start to life in British Columbia. No service can be successfully
delivered alone. Serving GARs in the community would require the involvement of various
stakeholders, including the government, community-based organizations, grass-root groups, and
community economic development. Their roles are interconnected, and together they provide a
multi-dimensional approach to service implementation. Canada has a long history of protecting
refugees, but changes to the current system are necessary. An effective strategy would need to
interlink pertinent resources in the process of increasing the capacity of host communities to
embrace newcomers and assist them to have positive and successful experiences.

26
References
AMSSA Glossary of Terms. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www.amssa.org/research/glossary-
terms#integ on July 9, 2013.
Association of Neighbourhood Houses in BC (n.d). Retrieved from
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Ager, A., & Strang, A. (2008). Understanding Integration: A Conceptual Framework. Journal of
Refugee Studies, 21(2), 166-191.
Canadian Council for Refugees. (2011). Refugee integration: Key concerns and areas for further
research. http://ccrweb.ca/files/refugee-integration-research-report.pdf on June 26, 2013.
Chamberlain, P., Resenow-Redhead, N. (2010). Experiences of Immigrant and Refugee Social
Enterprise in Canada. The Canadian Community Economic Development Network
(CCEDN). Retrieved from http://ccednet-rcdec.ca/sites/ccednet-
rcdec.ca/files/ccednet/pdfs/rant_and_Refugee_Social_Enterprise_in_Canada.pdf on June
25, 2013.
The Canadian Community Economic Development Network (n.d.). Retrieved from
http://ccednet-rcdec.ca/en/about on June 26, 2013.
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2013.
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and resettlement assistance program (RAP). Retrieved July 10, 2013 from
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Citizenship and Immigration Canada. (2004). Evaluation of the resettlement assistance program
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Cubie, D., for: Immigrant Services Society of British Columbia. (2006). New beginnings:
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Hyndman, J. (2011). Research summary on resettled refugee integration in Canada. Retrieved
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Reekie, J., & Layden-Stevenson, C. (2006). Complementary refugee protection in Canada: The
history and application of section 97 of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act
(IRPA). IALJR World Conference paper.
Siggner, R., Atkey, J., & Goldberg, M. (2007). Study of income support benefits offered to
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