1. The document discusses the challenges with the Colombian government's peace process with paramilitary groups. It argues that true peace requires ending ties between state agents and paramilitaries, guaranteeing no new paramilitary groups form, and returning lands taken by violence to their rightful owners.
2. It provides examples of how government operations have strengthened paramilitaries and allowed them to control lands and populations. Returning lands is important to address causes of rights violations and reestablish rule of law.
3. The document concludes that proposals to merely dismantle paramilitaries without addressing these core issues may have "other purposes" beyond peace, and risks accentuating war over achieving peace in Colombia.
The document summarizes:
1) A witness named Edgardo Sandoval Ruiz was assassinated after testifying at a hearing against the paramilitary group AUC-ACCU.
2) Another victim, Yolanda Becerra, director of a women's rights group, was threatened after a paramilitary commander made remarks against her during a hearing.
3) These incidents highlight the dangers faced by victims and witnesses participating in legal proceedings against paramilitaries under Law 975 of 2005.
The document discusses a new 4D printing technique called 4D C. 4D C allows objects to change shape over time when exposed to water or heat without electronic components. It involves embedding microcapsules of hydrogel material into 3D printed objects. When the microcapsules are heated or hydrated, they swell and cause the printed object to morph or change shape. This new technique could enable self-assembling structures, adaptive prosthetics, and smart textiles that change over time for comfort.
The document discusses issues with the procedures used by Colombia's Prosecutor General's Office to notify victims and summon their participation in criminal cases against paramilitary groups under Law 975. It notes that notices have been limited to a single publication in a national newspaper, regional radio, and the internet, failing to ensure wide notification. It also argues the 20-day period for victims to present themselves is too restrictive given limitations victims face. Finally, it says information provided on certain paramilitaries is misleading and fails to adequately recognize the scope of their crimes or identify them in ways meaningful to victims. The CCJ calls on the Prosecutor's Office to modify its procedures to better guarantee victims' rights to truth, justice and re
The document discusses a potential loophole in Colombian law that could allow members of Congress who are being investigated or tried for links to paramilitary groups to avoid punishment. Specifically, a 2006 law removed "promoting illegal armed groups" as an aggravating circumstance for the crime of conspiracy. Two Congressmen are arguing this means their cases should now be tried under the lesser charge of "simple conspiracy." However, the Supreme Court and High Council of the Judicature have rejected this interpretation. If the Constitutional Court accepts the Congressmen's argument, it could lead to widespread impunity for politicians linked to paramilitaries.
The Colombian Commission of Jurists alerts that the Colombian government is attempting to circumvent a Constitutional Court ruling on Law 975 (the "Peace and Justice" law) through draft executive decrees. The draft decrees improperly modify Law 975, infringe on the separation of powers, disregard the Court's ruling, place undue burdens on victims, favor perpetrators, and reinstitute paramilitarism as a political crime. The Commission warns that the draft decrees represent an unconstitutional assault on Congress's legislative powers.
1. The document discusses the challenges with the Colombian government's peace process with paramilitary groups. It argues that true peace requires ending ties between state agents and paramilitaries, guaranteeing no new paramilitary groups form, and returning lands taken by violence to their rightful owners.
2. It provides examples of how government operations have strengthened paramilitaries and allowed them to control lands and populations. Returning lands is important to address causes of rights violations and reestablish rule of law.
3. The document concludes that proposals to merely dismantle paramilitaries without addressing these core issues may have "other purposes" beyond peace, and risks accentuating war over achieving peace in Colombia.
The document summarizes:
1) A witness named Edgardo Sandoval Ruiz was assassinated after testifying at a hearing against the paramilitary group AUC-ACCU.
2) Another victim, Yolanda Becerra, director of a women's rights group, was threatened after a paramilitary commander made remarks against her during a hearing.
3) These incidents highlight the dangers faced by victims and witnesses participating in legal proceedings against paramilitaries under Law 975 of 2005.
The document discusses a new 4D printing technique called 4D C. 4D C allows objects to change shape over time when exposed to water or heat without electronic components. It involves embedding microcapsules of hydrogel material into 3D printed objects. When the microcapsules are heated or hydrated, they swell and cause the printed object to morph or change shape. This new technique could enable self-assembling structures, adaptive prosthetics, and smart textiles that change over time for comfort.
The document discusses issues with the procedures used by Colombia's Prosecutor General's Office to notify victims and summon their participation in criminal cases against paramilitary groups under Law 975. It notes that notices have been limited to a single publication in a national newspaper, regional radio, and the internet, failing to ensure wide notification. It also argues the 20-day period for victims to present themselves is too restrictive given limitations victims face. Finally, it says information provided on certain paramilitaries is misleading and fails to adequately recognize the scope of their crimes or identify them in ways meaningful to victims. The CCJ calls on the Prosecutor's Office to modify its procedures to better guarantee victims' rights to truth, justice and re
The document discusses a potential loophole in Colombian law that could allow members of Congress who are being investigated or tried for links to paramilitary groups to avoid punishment. Specifically, a 2006 law removed "promoting illegal armed groups" as an aggravating circumstance for the crime of conspiracy. Two Congressmen are arguing this means their cases should now be tried under the lesser charge of "simple conspiracy." However, the Supreme Court and High Council of the Judicature have rejected this interpretation. If the Constitutional Court accepts the Congressmen's argument, it could lead to widespread impunity for politicians linked to paramilitaries.
The Colombian Commission of Jurists alerts that the Colombian government is attempting to circumvent a Constitutional Court ruling on Law 975 (the "Peace and Justice" law) through draft executive decrees. The draft decrees improperly modify Law 975, infringe on the separation of powers, disregard the Court's ruling, place undue burdens on victims, favor perpetrators, and reinstitute paramilitarism as a political crime. The Commission warns that the draft decrees represent an unconstitutional assault on Congress's legislative powers.
The prosecution's case against Wilson Salazar Carrascal ("El Loro"), the first paramilitary member to be tried under Law 975, lacks seriousness and will likely lead to greater impunity. El Loro confessed to only a few crimes but evidence and testimony from others indicate he committed many more during over a decade as a paramilitary. The prosecution failed to charge El Loro with most of the crimes he likely committed, including a massacre. If the prosecution does not properly investigate and accuse paramilitaries under Law 975, it will be very difficult to overcome Colombia's serious human rights crisis and high levels of violations and impunity.
The document summarizes a report on torture and ill-treatment in Colombia. It notes that torture remains widespread and is committed by all armed groups to obtain information, submission, and social control. Incidents of torture and cruel treatment by armed forces are increasing. It also discusses extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances, sexual violence, use of children in conflict, and impunity. Conditions of detention remain unconstitutional and there are concerns about overcrowding, solitary confinement, and lack of healthcare in prisons.
Este documento discute los desafíos que enfrentan las pequeñas empresas en la actualidad debido a la pandemia de COVID-19 y ofrece algunas recomendaciones para ayudarlas a superar estos desafíos, como acceder a préstamos gubernamentales de bajo interés y desarrollar estrategias de marketing en línea.
This document discusses the massacre that occurred in El Aro, Colombia in 1997 and ongoing investigations into those responsible. It summarizes claims that:
1) A paramilitary leader said a helicopter from the Antioquia Governor's Office was present during the massacre and the governor knew about it in advance.
2) Another paramilitary implicated the current president and his brother in planning the massacre. However, his testimony contained inconsistencies.
3) The paramilitary who implicated the president was later assassinated, raising questions about why he was not better protected given his testimony. Investigations into who ordered the killing are still ongoing.
This document summarizes concerns regarding Colombia's implementation of recommendations from the UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial executions following a 2009 visit. [1] Security forces continue to directly violate the right to life, with at least 70 such killings registered in 2010 alone. [2] The military justice system continues to investigate extrajudicial execution cases and lacks collaboration with civilian courts. [3] Proposed constitutional reforms risk increasing impunity by expanding the military justice system's jurisdiction over human rights crimes.
The document summarizes the political context and protection of human rights defenders in Colombia in 2011. It describes both positive steps by the government, such as new protections laws and regional guarantees processes, but also ongoing challenges like stigmatization of defenders and a wave of violence with 49 defenders assassinated. The year reflected a "chiaroscuro" of institutional dialogue efforts and growing risks faced by defenders in their work.
Qu'est-ce qu'un schéma d'aménagement et de développementVille de Laval
Qu’est-ce qu’un schéma d’aménagement et de développement? À quoi ça sert? Que contient le schéma d’aménagement d’une ville? Que doit-il respecter? Découvrez le lexique développé par la Ville de Laval pour vous expliquer ce document-clé dans le développement d’une ville. Informez-vous et participez à la démarche : www.RepensonsLaval.ca
The Colombian Commission of Jurists expressed concern about increasing impunity for war crimes and crimes against humanity in Colombia. Congress has approved bills that allow judicial authorities to abstain from prosecuting gross human rights violations and breaches of international humanitarian law. Additionally, amendments aim to expand military jurisdiction to impede civilian courts from investigating abuses by security forces. The Commission called on the ICC to open a formal investigation into the situation in Colombia given national measures that limit the country's willingness and capacity to prosecute international crimes.
Este documento presenta la intervención de la Comisión Colombiana de Juristas en el 11° período de sesiones de la Asamblea de Estados Partes de la Corte Penal Internacional. Expresa preocupación por las medidas recientes en Colombia que favorecen la impunidad por crímenes de guerra y de lesa humanidad, como reformas constitucionales que permiten renunciar a la justicia por violaciones de derechos humanos. También menciona una ley de 2005 que otorgó reducciones de penas a paramilitares por crímenes de lesa humanidad. La Com
La justicia penal militar conocería de violaciones de DDHH que ya estén siendo investigadas en justicia ordinaria según una propuesta de reforma constitucional. Esto violaría tratados internacionales sobre derechos humanos y recomendaciones de organismos internacionales de que estos casos deben ser juzgados por jueces civiles. Además, procesos actuales contra militares por violaciones de DDHH e infracciones al DIH pasarían a la jurisdicción militar bajo esta reforma.
El documento resume las observaciones de la Comisión Colombiana de Juristas sobre la propuesta de reforma constitucional que ampliaría el fuero penal militar en Colombia. En 9 puntos, señala que la reforma no ha demostrado ser necesaria y que, en lugar de combatir la impunidad, la reforma permitiría que la mayoría de los casos de violaciones a los derechos humanos cometidos por militares pasen a la justicia militar en vez de la ordinaria, afectando los derechos de las víctimas. Además, argumenta que la reforma otorgaría
Este documento presenta un informe sobre la implementación de las medidas de restitución de tierras contempladas en la Ley de Víctimas de Colombia entre 2011 y 2012. Resume los principales capítulos del informe, incluyendo el reconocimiento del derecho a la restitución de tierras en instrumentos internacionales, la normativa interna colombiana, los aspectos positivos y problemas de la Ley de Víctimas, y los desafíos en la implementación debido al conflicto armado y la impunidad. Concluye que la restitución de tierras se encuentra en
Este documento trata sobre el desarrollo histórico y jurídico del derecho a la verdad en el derecho internacional. Examina el tratamiento del derecho a la verdad en el derecho internacional humanitario, el derecho internacional de los derechos humanos a nivel universal y regional, y su codificación en instrumentos y resoluciones internacionales. Finalmente, presenta una selección de normas y estándares internacionales relevantes y ofrece constataciones y conclusiones sobre el reconocimiento y alcance actual del derecho a la verdad en el plan
The Colombian Commission of Jurists (CCJ) is a Colombian NGO established in 1988 with the dual mission of improving human rights in Colombia and developing international human rights law worldwide. The CCJ aims to promote the rule of law and achieve peace in Colombia through activities like research, litigation, and advocacy focused on vulnerable groups. It produces reports, represents victims in national and international courts, and lobbies the Colombian government. Composed of around 50 staff with consultative status at the UN, the CCJ has become a prominent voice on human rights in Colombia and a reference for international organizations.
La Comisión Colombiana de Juristas tiene como misión contribuir a mejorar la situación de los derechos humanos en Colombia y promover el desarrollo del derecho internacional de los derechos humanos. Para lograr esto, realiza investigación, litigio y actividades de incidencia política relacionadas con los derechos humanos. La organización fue fundada en 1988 y desde entonces ha tenido logros importantes en la legislación y jurisprudencia colombiana en pro de los derechos humanos.
En 1987, 19 comerciantes fueron detenidos por militares y posteriormente asesinados y descuartizados por paramilitares cerca de Cimitarra, Santander. Veinticinco años después, no se ha hecho justicia por el crimen y los militares vinculados no han sido juzgados a pesar de las pruebas en su contra. La Corte Interamericana determinó la responsabilidad del Estado colombiano pero aún no se han cumplido las medidas de reparación ordenadas. Los familiares exigen que se identifique a todos los responsables y se haga justicia
La Unión Europea ha anunciado nuevas sanciones contra Rusia por su invasión de Ucrania. Las sanciones incluyen prohibiciones de viaje y congelamiento de activos para más funcionarios rusos, así como restricciones a las importaciones de productos rusos de acero y tecnología. Los líderes de la UE esperan que estas medidas adicionales aumenten la presión sobre Rusia para poner fin a su guerra contra Ucrania.
El documento trata sobre la Comisión Colombiana de Juristas, una organización no gubernamental que busca promover y proteger los derechos humanos en Colombia a través de medios jurídicos. Su mandato es garantizar el respeto de los derechos civiles, políticos, económicos, sociales y culturales, así como del derecho humanitario. La Comisión concibe los derechos humanos como valores universales e indivisibles. Tiene estatus consultivo ante Naciones Unidas y está afiliada a otras comisiones internacionales de juristas.
The prosecution's case against Wilson Salazar Carrascal ("El Loro"), the first paramilitary member to be tried under Law 975, lacks seriousness and will likely lead to greater impunity. El Loro confessed to only a few crimes but evidence and testimony from others indicate he committed many more during over a decade as a paramilitary. The prosecution failed to charge El Loro with most of the crimes he likely committed, including a massacre. If the prosecution does not properly investigate and accuse paramilitaries under Law 975, it will be very difficult to overcome Colombia's serious human rights crisis and high levels of violations and impunity.
The document summarizes a report on torture and ill-treatment in Colombia. It notes that torture remains widespread and is committed by all armed groups to obtain information, submission, and social control. Incidents of torture and cruel treatment by armed forces are increasing. It also discusses extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances, sexual violence, use of children in conflict, and impunity. Conditions of detention remain unconstitutional and there are concerns about overcrowding, solitary confinement, and lack of healthcare in prisons.
Este documento discute los desafíos que enfrentan las pequeñas empresas en la actualidad debido a la pandemia de COVID-19 y ofrece algunas recomendaciones para ayudarlas a superar estos desafíos, como acceder a préstamos gubernamentales de bajo interés y desarrollar estrategias de marketing en línea.
This document discusses the massacre that occurred in El Aro, Colombia in 1997 and ongoing investigations into those responsible. It summarizes claims that:
1) A paramilitary leader said a helicopter from the Antioquia Governor's Office was present during the massacre and the governor knew about it in advance.
2) Another paramilitary implicated the current president and his brother in planning the massacre. However, his testimony contained inconsistencies.
3) The paramilitary who implicated the president was later assassinated, raising questions about why he was not better protected given his testimony. Investigations into who ordered the killing are still ongoing.
This document summarizes concerns regarding Colombia's implementation of recommendations from the UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial executions following a 2009 visit. [1] Security forces continue to directly violate the right to life, with at least 70 such killings registered in 2010 alone. [2] The military justice system continues to investigate extrajudicial execution cases and lacks collaboration with civilian courts. [3] Proposed constitutional reforms risk increasing impunity by expanding the military justice system's jurisdiction over human rights crimes.
The document summarizes the political context and protection of human rights defenders in Colombia in 2011. It describes both positive steps by the government, such as new protections laws and regional guarantees processes, but also ongoing challenges like stigmatization of defenders and a wave of violence with 49 defenders assassinated. The year reflected a "chiaroscuro" of institutional dialogue efforts and growing risks faced by defenders in their work.
Qu'est-ce qu'un schéma d'aménagement et de développementVille de Laval
Qu’est-ce qu’un schéma d’aménagement et de développement? À quoi ça sert? Que contient le schéma d’aménagement d’une ville? Que doit-il respecter? Découvrez le lexique développé par la Ville de Laval pour vous expliquer ce document-clé dans le développement d’une ville. Informez-vous et participez à la démarche : www.RepensonsLaval.ca
The Colombian Commission of Jurists expressed concern about increasing impunity for war crimes and crimes against humanity in Colombia. Congress has approved bills that allow judicial authorities to abstain from prosecuting gross human rights violations and breaches of international humanitarian law. Additionally, amendments aim to expand military jurisdiction to impede civilian courts from investigating abuses by security forces. The Commission called on the ICC to open a formal investigation into the situation in Colombia given national measures that limit the country's willingness and capacity to prosecute international crimes.
Este documento presenta la intervención de la Comisión Colombiana de Juristas en el 11° período de sesiones de la Asamblea de Estados Partes de la Corte Penal Internacional. Expresa preocupación por las medidas recientes en Colombia que favorecen la impunidad por crímenes de guerra y de lesa humanidad, como reformas constitucionales que permiten renunciar a la justicia por violaciones de derechos humanos. También menciona una ley de 2005 que otorgó reducciones de penas a paramilitares por crímenes de lesa humanidad. La Com
La justicia penal militar conocería de violaciones de DDHH que ya estén siendo investigadas en justicia ordinaria según una propuesta de reforma constitucional. Esto violaría tratados internacionales sobre derechos humanos y recomendaciones de organismos internacionales de que estos casos deben ser juzgados por jueces civiles. Además, procesos actuales contra militares por violaciones de DDHH e infracciones al DIH pasarían a la jurisdicción militar bajo esta reforma.
El documento resume las observaciones de la Comisión Colombiana de Juristas sobre la propuesta de reforma constitucional que ampliaría el fuero penal militar en Colombia. En 9 puntos, señala que la reforma no ha demostrado ser necesaria y que, en lugar de combatir la impunidad, la reforma permitiría que la mayoría de los casos de violaciones a los derechos humanos cometidos por militares pasen a la justicia militar en vez de la ordinaria, afectando los derechos de las víctimas. Además, argumenta que la reforma otorgaría
Este documento presenta un informe sobre la implementación de las medidas de restitución de tierras contempladas en la Ley de Víctimas de Colombia entre 2011 y 2012. Resume los principales capítulos del informe, incluyendo el reconocimiento del derecho a la restitución de tierras en instrumentos internacionales, la normativa interna colombiana, los aspectos positivos y problemas de la Ley de Víctimas, y los desafíos en la implementación debido al conflicto armado y la impunidad. Concluye que la restitución de tierras se encuentra en
Este documento trata sobre el desarrollo histórico y jurídico del derecho a la verdad en el derecho internacional. Examina el tratamiento del derecho a la verdad en el derecho internacional humanitario, el derecho internacional de los derechos humanos a nivel universal y regional, y su codificación en instrumentos y resoluciones internacionales. Finalmente, presenta una selección de normas y estándares internacionales relevantes y ofrece constataciones y conclusiones sobre el reconocimiento y alcance actual del derecho a la verdad en el plan
The Colombian Commission of Jurists (CCJ) is a Colombian NGO established in 1988 with the dual mission of improving human rights in Colombia and developing international human rights law worldwide. The CCJ aims to promote the rule of law and achieve peace in Colombia through activities like research, litigation, and advocacy focused on vulnerable groups. It produces reports, represents victims in national and international courts, and lobbies the Colombian government. Composed of around 50 staff with consultative status at the UN, the CCJ has become a prominent voice on human rights in Colombia and a reference for international organizations.
La Comisión Colombiana de Juristas tiene como misión contribuir a mejorar la situación de los derechos humanos en Colombia y promover el desarrollo del derecho internacional de los derechos humanos. Para lograr esto, realiza investigación, litigio y actividades de incidencia política relacionadas con los derechos humanos. La organización fue fundada en 1988 y desde entonces ha tenido logros importantes en la legislación y jurisprudencia colombiana en pro de los derechos humanos.
En 1987, 19 comerciantes fueron detenidos por militares y posteriormente asesinados y descuartizados por paramilitares cerca de Cimitarra, Santander. Veinticinco años después, no se ha hecho justicia por el crimen y los militares vinculados no han sido juzgados a pesar de las pruebas en su contra. La Corte Interamericana determinó la responsabilidad del Estado colombiano pero aún no se han cumplido las medidas de reparación ordenadas. Los familiares exigen que se identifique a todos los responsables y se haga justicia
La Unión Europea ha anunciado nuevas sanciones contra Rusia por su invasión de Ucrania. Las sanciones incluyen prohibiciones de viaje y congelamiento de activos para más funcionarios rusos, así como restricciones a las importaciones de productos rusos de acero y tecnología. Los líderes de la UE esperan que estas medidas adicionales aumenten la presión sobre Rusia para poner fin a su guerra contra Ucrania.
El documento trata sobre la Comisión Colombiana de Juristas, una organización no gubernamental que busca promover y proteger los derechos humanos en Colombia a través de medios jurídicos. Su mandato es garantizar el respeto de los derechos civiles, políticos, económicos, sociales y culturales, así como del derecho humanitario. La Comisión concibe los derechos humanos como valores universales e indivisibles. Tiene estatus consultivo ante Naciones Unidas y está afiliada a otras comisiones internacionales de juristas.
El documento defiende el Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos (SIDH), que se encuentra en peligro debido a que algunos gobiernos están cuestionando sus competencias y decisiones. Aunque es necesario mejorar su efectividad, en debates de la OEA se busca limitar la capacidad de la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos. El SIDH ha logrado proteger víctimas y avanzar derechos, pero se necesita fortalecerlo dada la persistencia de problemas en la región. Se demanda garantizar la independ
Este documento anuncia un evento que se llevará a cabo el 11 de septiembre de 2012 en Bogotá para defender el Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos. El evento contará con dos paneles que discutirán la relevancia del sistema para los ciudadanos de las Américas y su papel en contextos democráticos. Al mediodía se lanzará la Declaración de Bogotá en apoyo al sistema e instando a garantizar su autonomía e independencia.
Este documento critica una propuesta de reforma constitucional que ampliaría la jurisdicción de la justicia penal militar en Colombia. Argumenta que la reforma no está justificada ya que el marco normativo existente es claro. También señala que la reforma permitiría que la justicia militar, que no reúne condiciones de independencia e imparcialidad, juzgue graves violaciones a derechos humanos y delitos de guerra, lo cual viola obligaciones internacionales de Colombia. Finalmente, concluye que la reforma debe ser rechazada por introducir obstá
Este documento analiza la violencia antisindical en Colombia entre 1979 y 2010. Señala que durante este período hubo miles de homicidios, desapariciones forzadas, atentados y amenazas contra sindicalistas, perpetrados principalmente por paramilitares, guerrillas y fuerzas estatales. Asimismo, indica que la violencia antisindical tuvo como objetivo deslegitimar el movimiento sindical y controlar las protestas laborales, y que se caracterizó por altos niveles de impunidad. Finalmente, el documento concluye que es necesario recon
La Comisión Colombiana de Juristas presentó una declaración oral ante el Consejo de Derechos Humanos de la ONU expresando su preocupación por la continua ocurrencia de ejecuciones extrajudiciales atribuidas a miembros de la fuerza pública en Colombia y la persistente impunidad. También expresó su preocupación por dos proyectos de reforma que podrían promover la impunidad, incluyendo uno que establece criterios para seleccionar casos a perseguir y otro que ampliaría la jurisdicción de la justicia militar. Solicitó al Rel
Este documento resume las preocupaciones sobre el cumplimiento de Colombia de las recomendaciones 9, 14 y 16 del Comité de Derechos Humanos de la ONU. Sobre la recomendación 9 sobre paramilitarismo, señala que la ley de justicia y paz ha tenido poco éxito y nuevas leyes podrían impedir la investigación de crímenes graves. En cuanto a la recomendación 14 sobre ejecuciones extrajudiciales, indica que estas continúan y que propuestas darían jurisdicción a la justicia militar. Finalmente, sobre la
Este documento presenta una actualización del seguimiento a las recomendaciones 9, 14 y 16 del Comité de Derechos Humanos de la ONU sobre Colombia. Con respecto a la recomendación 9 sobre la ley de Justicia y Paz, se indica que de los más de 35,000 paramilitares desmovilizados, solo el 2.9% están siendo procesados bajo esta ley y solo se han obtenido dos sentencias condenatorias. También se analiza el marco jurídico complementario y la persistencia de grupos paramilitares. Sobre la recomend
This document provides an overview of wound healing, its functions, stages, mechanisms, factors affecting it, and complications.
A wound is a break in the integrity of the skin or tissues, which may be associated with disruption of the structure and function.
Healing is the body’s response to injury in an attempt to restore normal structure and functions.
Healing can occur in two ways: Regeneration and Repair
There are 4 phases of wound healing: hemostasis, inflammation, proliferation, and remodeling. This document also describes the mechanism of wound healing. Factors that affect healing include infection, uncontrolled diabetes, poor nutrition, age, anemia, the presence of foreign bodies, etc.
Complications of wound healing like infection, hyperpigmentation of scar, contractures, and keloid formation.
Elevate Your Nonprofit's Online Presence_ A Guide to Effective SEO Strategies...TechSoup
Whether you're new to SEO or looking to refine your existing strategies, this webinar will provide you with actionable insights and practical tips to elevate your nonprofit's online presence.
Philippine Edukasyong Pantahanan at Pangkabuhayan (EPP) CurriculumMJDuyan
(𝐓𝐋𝐄 𝟏𝟎𝟎) (𝐋𝐞𝐬𝐬𝐨𝐧 𝟏)-𝐏𝐫𝐞𝐥𝐢𝐦𝐬
𝐃𝐢𝐬𝐜𝐮𝐬𝐬 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐄𝐏𝐏 𝐂𝐮𝐫𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐮𝐥𝐮𝐦 𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐏𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐢𝐩𝐩𝐢𝐧𝐞𝐬:
- Understand the goals and objectives of the Edukasyong Pantahanan at Pangkabuhayan (EPP) curriculum, recognizing its importance in fostering practical life skills and values among students. Students will also be able to identify the key components and subjects covered, such as agriculture, home economics, industrial arts, and information and communication technology.
𝐄𝐱𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐒𝐜𝐨𝐩𝐞 𝐨𝐟 𝐚𝐧 𝐄𝐧𝐭𝐫𝐞𝐩𝐫𝐞𝐧𝐞𝐮𝐫:
-Define entrepreneurship, distinguishing it from general business activities by emphasizing its focus on innovation, risk-taking, and value creation. Students will describe the characteristics and traits of successful entrepreneurs, including their roles and responsibilities, and discuss the broader economic and social impacts of entrepreneurial activities on both local and global scales.
How to Setup Default Value for a Field in Odoo 17Celine George
In Odoo, we can set a default value for a field during the creation of a record for a model. We have many methods in odoo for setting a default value to the field.
THE SACRIFICE HOW PRO-PALESTINE PROTESTS STUDENTS ARE SACRIFICING TO CHANGE T...indexPub
The recent surge in pro-Palestine student activism has prompted significant responses from universities, ranging from negotiations and divestment commitments to increased transparency about investments in companies supporting the war on Gaza. This activism has led to the cessation of student encampments but also highlighted the substantial sacrifices made by students, including academic disruptions and personal risks. The primary drivers of these protests are poor university administration, lack of transparency, and inadequate communication between officials and students. This study examines the profound emotional, psychological, and professional impacts on students engaged in pro-Palestine protests, focusing on Generation Z's (Gen-Z) activism dynamics. This paper explores the significant sacrifices made by these students and even the professors supporting the pro-Palestine movement, with a focus on recent global movements. Through an in-depth analysis of printed and electronic media, the study examines the impacts of these sacrifices on the academic and personal lives of those involved. The paper highlights examples from various universities, demonstrating student activism's long-term and short-term effects, including disciplinary actions, social backlash, and career implications. The researchers also explore the broader implications of student sacrifices. The findings reveal that these sacrifices are driven by a profound commitment to justice and human rights, and are influenced by the increasing availability of information, peer interactions, and personal convictions. The study also discusses the broader implications of this activism, comparing it to historical precedents and assessing its potential to influence policy and public opinion. The emotional and psychological toll on student activists is significant, but their sense of purpose and community support mitigates some of these challenges. However, the researchers call for acknowledging the broader Impact of these sacrifices on the future global movement of FreePalestine.
Three extradited paramilitary bosses announce their withdrawal from Law 975 of 2005
1. Con el apoyo de:
UNIÓN EUROPEA
Bulletin No 40: Series on the rights of the victims and the application of Law 975
Three extradited paramilitary bosses announce their withdrawal
from Law 975 of 2005
At the end of September 2009, three of the 18 paramilitary leaders postulated to obtain benefits
under Law 975 of 2005 and extradited to the United States announced they are suspending their
participation in the process under the so-called law of “justice and peace.” The reasons they allege
are basically the same: the absence of adequate conditions to allow them to participate in the
framework of the law in an appropriate manner, due to the non-existence of treaties between the
Colombian and the United States governments and to the failure of the negotiation process between
the paramilitaries of the United Self-Defense Group of Colombia and the Colombian government.
The first one to express his wish not to continue participating in the trials under Law 975 was the
paramilitary boss Diego Fernando Murillo, alias “Don Berna,” who made the announcement by
means of a letter addressed the Supreme Court of Justice on September 17, 2009. In the letter he
argues that his extradition, as well as that of the other paramilitary leaders, is nothing but a strategy
by the Colombian government to silence the truth that the paramilitaries know about the
responsibility of politicians, businessmen and the military in the emergence and consolidation of
paramilitary groups, as well in the perpetration of hundreds of crimes. 1.
Likewise, he expressed having felt betrayed by the national government which, according to him,
breached the terms of the agreements it had reached with the AUC, among which were the
concentration of the paramilitaries in “agricultural colonies” and not in prisons; the implementation
of productive projects which, according to this paramilitary “would allow demobilized combatants,
victims, and displaced persons, to build appropriate spaces for the reconstruction of the social
fabric”- projects which were never executed; and the possibility for the supposedly demobilized
members of the paramilitary to carry out political activities, a possibility that has now been
discarded, among other alleged examples of noncompliance. 2
This letter was followed by one from Miguel Ángel Mejía Múnera, alias “el Mellizo”, who called
upon the victims of the Conquerors of Arauca Block (Bloque Vencedores de Arauca) to “organize
and demand the three pillars upon which is based the government’s commitment to the victims” and
“not allow it to continue to play politics with their pain.” The ultimate purpose of the letter, as well
as that from alias “Don Berna,” was to highlight the national government‟s lack of compliance with
Law 975 of 2005.” 3
Finally, after these two declarations were made known, the paramilitary boss Salvatore Mancuso
also read a letter in the course of legal proceedings in the United States, in which he refused to
continue rendering free-version confessions under Law 975. According to him, conditions are not
given for him to continue reconstructing the truth because of his isolation in his United States
The present publication has been prepared with the support of the European Union and its content is the sole
responsibility of the Colombian Commission of Jurists. In no way should it be thought to reflect the point of view of the
European Union.
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2
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3
Verdad Abierta, “Cartas de „Don Berna‟ y „el Mellizo‟ desde Estados Unidos” (Open letters from „Don Berna‟ and „el
Mellizo‟ from the United States) , September 24, 2009, www.verdadabierta.com.
1
2. prison. Subsequently he expressed, like the other two paramilitaries, that Law 975 is a failure and
that “as long as there are actors in the conflict that have been left out of the peace process, as long
as there are dark interests in Colombia that do not want the truth to be known, there will never be
full knowledge of the truth and there will never be the reparation that the victims are due, and even
less justice, and therefore there will never be peace in Colombia.” 4
The three letters have at least two things in common: On the one hand, the fact that those who wrote
them seek to appear before the victims and society as demobilized paramilitaries committed to the
process under Law 975 and to the victims, and that they were deceived by the national government,
which has systematically breached its commitments. On the other, the three letters state that
extradition was a mechanism to silence certain truths that can turn out to be inconvenient for the
government and that, therefore, there are no mechanisms now and there were never any
mechanisms to guarantee the continuity of the extradited paramilitaries in the proceedings under
Law 975.
The first of these two commonalities must be assessed with caution; although it is true that these
paramilitaries know the truth about the responsibility of other sectors of society in the crimes
committed by the paramilitary movement, and that they could eventually be willing to reveal them
if the proper conditions are given, the truth is that things have not always been this way. In fact,
since they began taking part in the process under Law 975, many of those who are now extradited
have spent their time justifying their crimes and justifying the very existence of the AUC. Although
some of them have revealed some important things, other truths have been left concealed, not only
because of the extradition but because the paramilitaries were never demobilized and were not
committed to the truth.
Additionally, the infringements on the part of the government that alias “Don Berna” alleges are
really not “infringements” that can be attributed to the executive, which promoted vehemently the
agreements referred to by this paramilitary. It was the justice system which, after several
pronouncements, prevented Law 975 from going into effect as it had been agreed upon jointly by
the government and the paramilitaries and adapted it to constitutional principles, since the way it
was conceived turned it into an instrument for impunity that, under the guise of justice, favored only
the paramilitaries.
The dangerous aspect of these three letters, therefore, is that the paramilitary bosses seek to appear
the victims of a process in which they supposedly were cheated. But the truth is that neither the
government nor the paramilitaries have ever really wanted the rights of the victims to be effective.
On the contrary, in various settings and through different strategies, both the government and the
paramilitaries have done everything in their power to perpetuate impunity in crimes committed by
the paramilitary movement and to justify the existence of such groups, wielding arguments such as
the fight against the guerrilla and the neglect of the State.
However, the latter of the common aspects of the three letters does seem important for the victims
because it confirms what they and their representatives, as well as various social organizations, have
been expressing since the government decided to extradite members of the paramilitary that were
postulated in the framework of Law 975: that the extradition of 18 paramilitary leaders violated the
rights of the victims, since the judicial cooperation agreements that the government announced that
would supposedly prevent such a violation simply do not exist; this has made it almost impossible
for these paramilitary bosses to be present regularly at the different hearings to which they are
4
Verdad Abierta, “Mancuso no se confesará más” (Mancuso will not confess anymore), September 30, 2009,
www.verdadabierta.com.
3. summoned, both by the Unit for Justice and Peace of the Prosecutor‟s Office and by the Supreme
Court of Justice in the cases it is hearing against politicians for their links with paramilitary groups.
Also, it confirms that extradition is a mechanism that was used by the government to silence the
paramilitaries and to stifle the truth about the responsibility of the military, economic, and political
sectors in the emergence of paramilitarism.
But the recent declaration by these three paramilitary bosses is not the only evidence that this is so.
There is much more forceful proof and there are pronouncements much more worthy of respect that
lead us to the same conclusion. To give just one example of the way in which extradition has halted
justice-related processes in Colombia, it is sufficient to recall that the Supreme Court of Justice had
to order, in March 2009, that Congresswoman Karely Lara Vence, who was being investigated for
her presumed links with paramilitaries in the department of Magdalena, be set free.5 The reason
was the statute of limitations; it had been impossible for the Court to hear the declarations of the
paramilitaries who had accused her, and which would have been useful in the investigation, such as
those of Rodrigo Tovar Pupo, alias, “Jorge 40” 6 On the other hand, regarding the proceedings
specific to Law 975, the Unit for Justice and Peace, in a response to the Colombian Commission of
Jurists (CCJ) declared that the hearings were subject to approval by the Department of Justice of the
United States.7
On the other hand, in a recent and valuable statement by the Supreme Court of Justice, this tribunal
revealed its position regarding the extradition of postulants Oder Law 975 involved in serious
human rights violations. It must be remembered that the Supreme Court of Justice had issued a
favorable concept regarding the request for extradition of all the paramilitary bosses who have been
extradited to the United States up to now because it found that all legal requirements for extradition
had been met. However, in favorable concepts regarding Carlos Mario Jiménez, alias “Macaco,”
and Éver Veloza García, alias “HH,” the Court imposed a condition on the national government
stating that, although it was true that the legal requisites for extradition had been met, it was also
true that these paramilitaries were being investigated in Colombia for crimes against humanity,
clearly far more serious than the charges of drug trafficking for which they were being required, and
that, therefore, before granting extradition of the paramilitary postulants, the government should see
to it that the rights of the victims were guaranteed.
Openly going against this condition, the government approved the extradition of 18 paramilitary
bosses postulated under Law 975. More than a year after the extraditions were carried out, and
while considering the request for the extradition of the paramilitary Luis Édgar Medina Flórez, alias
“comandante Chaparro,” the Court gave its opinion concerning the national government‟s
disregard of the conditions set: “Practice, however, has shown that such warnings or conditions
have had no effect at all and, in that sense, the difficulty – if not the impossibility – that entails
hearing under such circumstances those who have been extradited, as judicial practice has proved
it, seriously affecting the prerogatives of truth, justice, and reparation that the victims of such
crimes against humanity are entitled to (…).”8
In this sense, the Court reversed its position since, according to what it adduced, “Recent
experience demonstrates that the extraditions granted and executed by the State have made it
5
However, in August 2009, the Penal Chamber of the Supreme Court of Justice condemned Karely Lara Vence to six
years in prison for conspiracy to commit a crime, after which a new arrest warrant was issued against her.
6
El Espectador daily newspaper, “Ordenan libertad de Karely Lara” (Freedom for Karely Lara ordered), March 12, 2009,
on-line version.
7
Response from the Prosecutor General‟s Office to the Colombian Commission of Jurists, Letter 011654, December 1,
2008.
8
Supreme Court of Justice, Penal Cassation Chamber, M.P. Yesid Ramírez Bastidas, Bogotá, August 19, 2009.
4. possible for knowledge of the truth to be suspended in the Peace and Justice trials, since the
extradited postulants have not been able to continue to confess the crimes they committed. And thus,
the victims are left without knowing the truth, and society without the guarantee of non-repetition.”9
Heeding these arguments, the Court changed its jurisprudence and denied the extradition of this
paramilitary, thus protecting the rights of the victims that could have been violated if alias
“comandante Chaparro” had been extradited.
This important pronouncement should lead the justice system to request the return of the
paramilitary bosses who have been extradited, in order that, before they answer before the United
States courts for their crimes of drug trafficking, they answer for their crimes against humanity
committed in Colombia. However, as the Prosecutor General reiterated to the CCJ in a response to
a petition of information sent in May, the return of these persons has not even been a topic of
conversation between the Colombian prosecutor‟s Office and the United States authorities; meaning
that this step, which should be the one to be taken by the Colombian state in order to serve justice,
seems unlikely, given the enormous disregard this government has shown toward judicial decisions
and toward national and international human rights norms.
As things now stand, the present context is not very encouraging for the victims. The main
paramilitary bosses are in the United States, far removed from Colombian justice and reticent to
comply with the obligations they acquired because, as they argue, they were betrayed by the
government. Also, the government seeks to show itself respectful of the rights of the victims but its
actions always go in the opposite direction. The government claims to be the one that was betrayed,
and the paramilitaries continue to commit crimes. The truth is that the government always knew it
and only took measures such as extradition when the paramilitaries began to reveal important
information to reconstruct the truth, involving well-known members of the Colombian military,
businessmen and politicians.
But those who have been the most betrayed in this process have been, above all, the victims, who
were promised truth, justice, and reparation; and, four years after the so-called law of “justice and
peace” went into force, they find themselves further than ever from seeing their rights respected;
they are at the mercy of the national government and the paramilitaries, both of which play with the
power they have over the truth that the victims need so much. If the justice systems in Colombia
and the United States do not take effective action to correct this situation, it will be up to
international justice to intervene to infer the corresponding accountabilities.
Bogotá, October 19, 2009
For further information please contact Gustavo Gallón Giraldo, Director CCJ (Tel. 57-1 376
8200, ext. 115).
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