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Behavior Therapy 44 (2013) 580–591
www.elsevier.com/locate/bt
The Importance of Theory in Cognitive Behavior Therapy:
A Perspective of Contextual Behavioral Science
James D. Herbert
Drexel University
Brandon A. Gaudiano
Butler Hospital/Alpert Medical School of Brown University
Evan M. Forman
Drexel University
For the past 30 years, generations of scholars of cognitive
behavior therapy (CBT) have expressed concern that clinical
practice has abandoned the close links with theory that
characterized the earliest days of the field. There is also a
widespread assumption that a greater working knowledge of
theory will lead to better clinical outcomes, although there is
currently very little hard evidence to support this claim. We
suggest that the rise of so-called “third generation”models of
CBT over the past decade, along with the dissemination of
statistical innovations among psychotherapy researchers, have
given new life to this old issue.We argue that theory likely does
matter to clinical outcomes, and we outline the future research
that would be needed to address this conjecture.
Keywords: theory; cognitive behavior therapy; acceptance and
commitment therapy; contextual behavioral science
There is nothing so practical as a good theory.
— Lewin (1951, p. 169)
For years, scholars of the family of psychotherapy
approaches known under the broad umbrella of
Address correspondence to James D. Herbert, Ph.D., Drexel
University, Department of Psychology, 3141 Chestnut St.,
Stratton
119, Philadelphia, PA 19104; e-mail: [email protected]
0005-7894/44/580-591/$1.00/0
© 2013 Association for Behavioral and Cognitive Therapies.
Published by
Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
cognitive behavior therapy (CBT) have been calling
for an increased focus on the theories that underlie
applied technologies. The common theme of these
appeals is that there has been a gradual erosion of the
strong connection between theory and technique that
characterized the field’s early days, and that a
renewed focus on such links will lead to more rapid
and reliable advances in our understanding, devel-
opment, testing, implementation, and dissemination
of CBT approaches. In his 1984 presidential address
of the Association for Advancement of Behavior
Therapy (now the Association for Behavioral and
Cognitive Therapies; ABCT), Alan Ross lamented
that “a reading of the current literature on behavior
therapy suggests that the field is at risk of losing its
momentum in a preoccupation with technological
refinements at the expense of theoretical develop-
ments” (Ross, 1985, p. 195). Wilson and Franks
(1982) similarly decried the rapid proliferation of
clinical techniques decoupled from theory, suggest-
ing that this trend could ultimately sow the seeds of
the field’s demise. More recently, Beck (2012) noted
that ". . . the robustness of a therapy is based on the
complexity and richness of the underlying theory. A
robust theory, for example, can generate new
therapies or can draw on existing therapies that are
consistent with it" (p. 6). David and Montgomery
(2011) proposed a new framework for defining
evidence-based psychological practice that pri-
oritizes the level of empirical support of the theory
http://dx.doi.org/
http://dx.doi.org/
http://dx.doi.org/
mailto:[email protected]
581theory in cbt
supporting a treatment. Recommendations that
clinicians should develop better working knowledge
of the theories underlying CBTs often are presented
during discussions of how to maximize treatment
outcomes, prevent treatment failures, and ameliorate
treatment resistance in complex cases (Foa &
Emmelkamp, 1983;McKay, Abramowitz, & Taylor,
2010; Whisman, 2008). An interorganizational task
force led by the ABCT recently issued a report on
doctoral training in cognitive behavioral psychology
inwhich training in theory and even thephilosophyof
science underlying CBTs was emphasized (Klepac
et al., 2012).
The call for greater emphasis on theory within
CBT therefore spans the generations. In fact, if one
were tomask the author anddate, itwould be hard to
distinguish writings on this subject made by contem-
porary authors from thosewritten over 30 years ago.
There appears to exist a widespread assumption
among many clinicians and researchers alike that
better knowledge of theory will bear fruit in terms of
improved clinical outcomes across a number of con-
texts. Although this notion has considerable face
validity, there is a paucity of research that has directly
evaluated it.
Historically, the desire for empirically supported
treatments led to testing psychotherapies in controlled
clinical trials to determine their efficacy, a procedure
borrowed from other medical treatments. For
example, the seminal study known as the National
Institute ofMental Health's Treatment of Depression
Collaborative Research Program (Elkin et al., 1995)
randomized patients with major depression to cog-
nitive therapy, interpersonal psychotherapy, or anti-
depressant medication, and ushered in a new era of
evaluating psychotherapies in large-scale and meth-
odologically rigorous clinical trials. CBTs, given
their empirical basis, inherent structure, and time-
limited nature, were particularly well-suited for
testing in clinical trials. As a result, CBTs became
highly manualized in an effort to ensure treatment
fidelity, an important component of the internal
validity of such trials (Addis & Krasnow, 2000).
Originally CBTs were more principle-driven and
theory-dependent in the way that they were concep-
tualized and implemented (e.g.,Goldfried&Davison,
1994). With the growth of clinical trials during the
1970s and 80s, however, treatment manuals began
to focus more on how to implement specific CBT
techniques and strategies and less on interventions
derived from case conceptualization based on the
ideographic assessment of the patient guided by an
underlying theory. We are unaware of data directly
comparing the level of theoretical knowledge of early
practitioners of behavior therapy relative to modern
CBT clinicians. Nevertheless, even a casual compar-
ison of the field’s early books and journals targeting
clinicians relative to later works reveals a stark
contrast in the degree of emphasis on theory.
As the evidence base for CBTs expanded due to the
rapid accumulation of supportive efficacy research,
the problem of how best to implement and dissem-
inate the treatments emerged as a pressing problem
(Addis, 2006). Although novel psychotherapies
typically begin in complex and sophisticated forms
because they are created by experienced researchers
and clinicians, disseminating them to community
practitioners exerts pressure to simplify them as
much as possible. It is easier to train nonexpert
therapists to implement a set of standard techniques
than it is to train them to comprehend an underlying
theory. Once standard techniques are mastered,
clinicians well versed in theory can potentially
apply their knowledge to unique cases in order to
deduce tailored interventions.
The picture is complicated further because there is
no single CBT model, nor single theory underlying it.
CBT is a broad umbrella term that encompasses a
range of distinct therapy models (Herbert & Forman,
2011). These models share certain features, while also
havingdistinct characteristics. The theories underlying
these approaches likewise share certain commonalities
(e.g., traditional respondent and operant conditioning
principles), while also positing unique features.More-
over, key theoretical issues, such as the best way to
understand the role of cognitive processes in treat-
ment, are currently the subject of intense professional
debate (Hofmann, 2008; Longmore&Worrell, 2007;
Worrell & Longmore, 2008), and have undergone
considerable changes over the years (Beck, 2005).
We believe that two developments over the past
decade have added a new twist to the long-standing
question about the role of theory in guiding
psychotherapy. First, the question has been reinvigo-
rated by the rise of the so-called “third wave” (also
known as “third generation”) models of CBT. These
newer CBT approaches such as Mindfulness-Based
Cognitive Therapy (Segal, Williams, & Teasdale,
2002), Dialectical Behavior Therapy (Linehan, 1993),
and especially Acceptance and Commitment Therapy
(ACT; Hayes, Strosahl, & Wilson, 2011) eschew a
simplistic focus on specific techniques and strategies in
favor of increased attention to the putative principles
underlying behavior change, which are in turn linked
with basic psychological theories (Ablon, Levy, &
Katenstein, 2006; Hayes, 2004; Rosen & Davison,
2003). Second, psychotherapy treatment researchers
have increasingly focused on therapy processes using
component analysis studies (Borkovec & Sibrava,
2005; Lohr, DeMaio, & McGlynn, 2003) and the
identification of treatment-related mediators and
moderators (Kraemer, Wilson, Fairburn, & Agras,
582 herbert et al .
2002). These two developments have had synergistic
effects, further stimulating discussion of the role of
theory in CBTs. For example, calls by proponents
of third-generation approaches to focus on psycho-
therapy processes, rather thanmerely techniques, has
accelerated research on the mechanisms of action in
CBTs more generally. Simultaneously, more accessi-
ble and advanced statistical procedures have made it
easier for researchers to investigate mechanisms of
change, and have stimulated therapy innovators to
evaluate the proposed theories underlying their
approaches. Although the argument that under-
standing theory will improve clinical outcomes has
been a perennial theme in the field, innovations
associated with the development of third-generation
models of CBT, along with the development of new
statistical tools, have brought this issue back into the
forefront of discussion.
We should not lose sight of the fact that proponents
of the utility of theory are often themselves theoreti-
cians and may thus overestimate the importance of
theory. The extent to which improving clinicians'
theoretical knowledge does, in fact, result in improved
clinical outcomes is ultimately an empirical question.
The best approach to evaluating this supposition is
itself complicated and will require clarification of a
number of related issues. First and foremost, are there
compelling reasons to hypothesize that knowledge of
theory will, in fact, improve outcomes? Second, what
evidence, if any, currently supports the notion that
gaining a better theoretical understanding of a
psychotherapeutic approach enhances outcomes
over and above mere technical knowledge of the
approach? Third, even if theoretical knowledge is
found to accrue incremental benefits, does it pass a
cost-benefit test? Fourth, if such efforts can indeed be
demonstrated to be cost effective, how much theoret-
ical knowledge and training is needed to improve
outcomes? Fifth, which theory or theories should be
prioritized? Presumably, some theories have greater
breadth, depth, precision, explanatory power, and
incremental efficacy than others, making them more
useful guides. Sixth, to what degree is it necessary
simply to understand theory in abstract terms versus
being able to apply it to individual cases?And seventh,
and perhaps most fundamentally, what exactly do we
mean by the term “theory”? We will briefly explore
these and related questions regarding the role of
theory, using ACT in particular as a case in point.1
1We focus on ACT as the prototypical “third-generation”
model of CBT for two reasons. First, it has received the most
research attention to date of these various approaches. Second,
as
elaborated below, it is based on a well-developed theory, and it
strongly emphasizes the link between theory and technique. The
emphasis on ACT is not meant to imply that other approaches
are
not also theoretically grounded.
What Is “Theory”?
The word “theory” derives from the Greek theoria,
meaning looking at, viewing, beholding, or con-
templation (Oxford English Dictionary Online,
2012). This sense of perspective is reflected in its
modern use in the context of psychotherapy as a
set of basic concepts and principles, along with
statements that describe their interactions, which
can be used to describe, predict, and guide
intervention with respect to specific behavioral
and psychological phenomena. The concepts that
are the building blocks of theories can be general-
izations directly derived from sensory experience
(e.g., “reinforcement”), or abstractions of these
generalizations that are linguistically coherent with
other concepts, but are farther removed from
specific perceptual experiences (e.g., “recovery” or
“well-being”). Moreover, although some concepts
fit the classical Aristotelian definition of meeting
necessary and sufficient criteria, more commonly
psychological concepts have indistinct and over-
lapping boundaries, as described by prototype
theory (Rosch, 1983). Psychological theories can
range from the very general and abstract to the
more focused and applied. In fact, one can think
of theories along a continuum, linking basic
philosophical assumptions on the one hand with
specific assessment and intervention techniques on
the other.
For example, consider the theory underlying
Beck’s cognitive therapy (CT; Beck, 1979).2 At the
most abstract level are its philosophical roots which,
like most mainstream psychology, are grounded in a
philosophy of science known as elemental realism.
From this perspective, the world exists independent
of our senses, and comes predivided into units. The
purpose of science is to build increasingly more
accurate models that describe this world, that
effectively carve nature at its joints, and that describe
how these constituent pieces interact. In this sense,
statements about the world can be objectively true or
false in terms of how well they model underlying
reality. Following from these philosophical assump-
tions, CT theory posits various concepts such as
schemas, conditional assumptions, and automatic
thoughts, which are believed to interact with current
environmental conditions to result in emotions and
behavior. In turn, models of specific clinical phe-
nomena such as depression or panic disorder are
built from these more general concepts. Clinical
2 A detailed analysis of the theory underlying CT and how it is
similar to and different from ACT theory is beyond the scope of
this analysis. Interested readers are referred to Dozois and Beck
(2011), Forman and Herbert (2009), and Herbert and Forman
(2013).
583theory in cbt
strategies and techniques, which may be derived
from the basic theoretical concepts, are guided by
these clinical models.
ACT is similarly undergirded by philosophical
assumptions. In fact, examining ACT’s philosophical
assumptions helps to bring into relief the assumptions
of CT described above, which are often overlooked or
taken for granted. In contrast to CT, ACT is based on
a pragmatic philosophy of science known as func-
tional contextualism (Hayes, 1993). This perspective
sidesteps ontological questions about the ultimate
nature of reality in favor of a pragmatic focus onwhat
works in a given context (Barnes-Holmes, 2000).
There is no assumption that the world comes
predivided into constituent parts. Rather, all classifi-
cations, concepts, and descriptions ofmechanisms are
viewed as social constructions and are evaluated with
respect to how well they work with respect to a
defined goal. A concept that is “true” (in the sense of
being useful) in one context may therefore not be
“true” in another. That is, the world is “textured” in
such away that some theorieswork better than others
with regard to a given goal. This philosophy forms the
basis of a behavioral theory of language and cognition
known as relational frame theory (Barnes-Holmes,
Barnes-Holmes, McHugh & Hayes, 2004; Hayes,
Barnes-Holmes, & Roche, 2001). RFT is a basic
theory that describes the powerful effects of
language on human psychology. Like many
basic scientific theories, RFT is not especially
accessible to nonexperts, and uses unfamiliar
terms (e.g., “arbitrarily applicable derived rela-
tional responding”) in the name of precision. In
order to make these basic concepts more useful to
practicing clinicians, a more accessible model was
developed, known variously as the “psychological
flexibility theory” or the “hexaflex model,” and a
separate body of research has examined this theory
(Levin, Hildebrandt, Lillis, & Hayes, 2012).
Psychological flexibility theory is composed of
what Hayes, Barnes-Holmes, andWilson (2012) call
“middle-level terms,” which are defined as “looser
functional abstractions” that serve to “orient prac-
titioners to some features of a domain in functional
contextual terms so as to produce better outcomes
and to facilitate knowledge development” (p. 7).
Intervention techniques and strategies, although
ultimately rooted in FC and RFT, can be conceptu-
alized from the perspective of this more accessible
“mid-level” model.
Proponents of ACT, more than any other
contemporary psychotherapy approach, have
stressed the interconnected nature of philosophy,
basic theory, applied clinical theory, and technique,
and have clearly articulated a vision of each of these
levels of analysis. This unified approach is known
as “contextual behavioral science” (CBS; Hayes,
Barnes-Holmes, & Wilson, 2012; Hayes, Levin,
Plumb, Villatte, & Pistorello, 2013; Ruiz, 2010).
Whether considering CT, ACT, or any other
variant of the CBT family, an appreciation of this
continuum of levels of analysis from philosophy to
theory to technique brings into focus several
considerations. First, the precision gained by more
basic theoretical levels of analysis sacrifices accessi-
bility, and vice versa. Even if a thorough under-
standing of basic theories underlying the major
models of CBT were deemed desirable, questions
immediately arise regarding how realistic it would be
to train front-line clinicians in such theories. Second,
although linked, concepts at one level of analysis do
not directly dictate those at another. One can adopt
the philosophical and theoretical perspectives asso-
ciated with ACT, for example, as a platform from
which to understand the techniques of CT. Likewise,
one can use the philosophy and theory associated
with CT to understand the clinical application of
ACT. Third, a point that is often unappreciated is
that one cannot avoid theory and philosophy. All
psychological applications are inevitably grounded
in some theory, which is in turn rooted in basic
philosophical assumptions. However, these theoret-
ical and philosophical assumptions often remain
implicit and unarticulated. When a cognitive thera-
pist guides her anxious patient to test irrational
thoughts against data in order to correct systematic
biases on the assumption that doing so will reduce
anxiety and lead to improved functioning, she is
making a host of theoretical assumptions, whether or
not she realizes she is doing so.A corollary is that true
theoretical eclecticism is impossible. One can borrow
concepts fromdifferent theories and combine them in
newways, but one has then created yet a new theory,
not an eclecticmix of the original ones. Similarly, one
can utilize one theory in some circumstances and
another at other times, but doing so requires a meta-
theory that guides, even if implicitly, the circum-
stances under which each theory is to be applied;
again, this is not true eclecticism. Thus, although
clinicians can choose not to examine the (implicit)
theories that underlie their work, they cannot truly
avoid theory altogether.
This analysis raises the question of what level of
theory is necessary or desirable for clinicians to
appreciate, as well as what specific theory or theories
should be prioritized. Calls for clinicians to have
stronger theoretical grounding have generally failed
to specify the kind of theory in question. In terms of
analytic levels, should clinicians routinely appreciate
the philosophical assumptions that underlie the
major forms of CBT? Should they become fluent in
basic theories such as RFT? What about more
584 herbert et al .
specific theories such as particular cognitive models
or psychological flexibility theory? And once the
level of analysis is clarified, which specific theoretical
approaches should be emphasized? There is no
reason to assume that all theories work equally
well as guides to effective clinical practice. These are
ultimately empirical questions. Testing them will
require recognition of the different possiblemeanings
of “theory,” and clear specification of the kind of
theoretical knowledge under consideration.
The question of the proper role of theory in
clinical practice shares similarities with the debate
regarding the relative effectiveness of standardized
interventions versus those based on a highly
individualized case conceptualization. There is
currently strong support, particularly within the
CBT community, for approaches that emphasize case
conceptualization (e.g., Kuyken, Padesky,&Dudley,
2009; Needleman, 1999; Norcross & Lambert,
2011; Persons, 2008). However, there are surpris-
ingly fewdata to support this position. In fact, there is
a paucity of research in this area, and what data do
exist are not especially favorable. Anumber of studies
raise questions about the inter-assessor reliability of
case conceptualizations (Caspar et al., 2000; Eells,
2001; Persons & Bertagnolli, 1999). The few trials
that have directly evaluated the relative utility of
individualized treatment have generally not been
supportive. For example, two early studies random-
ized patients to three conditions: a standardized
intervention, one based on an individualized case
conceptualization, and a third condition in which the
treatment was either yoked to another participant’s
case conceptualization (Schulte, Kuenzel, Pepping,
& Schulte-Bahrenberg, 1992) or was explicitly
mismatched to the assessment of the participant’s
specific problems (Nelson et al., 1989). In both cases,
there were no differences in outcomes between the
two individualized conditions, and in fact some
evidence of the superiority of the standard interven-
tion. It should be noted, however, that the case
conceptualizations used in these studies were quite
crude relative to modern standards, and were
certainly not well grounded in theory, and each
study had other methodological limitations. Never-
theless, these results underscore the importance of
empirical tests of the role of theory in practice. It is
not enough that the value of theoretically guided
practice is plausible; the burden of proof is on those
who propose that theoretical knowledge improves
practice to demonstrate that this is the case.
Why Theory Probably Matters: The Case
of ACT
Because of its relatively well-developed theoretical
basis and the emphasis placed by its proponents
on linking philosophy, theory, and technology
(i.e., application), ACT represents a useful context
for examining questions regarding the utility of a
working knowledge of theory to effective clinical
practice. There are at least three ways in which one
might practice ACT: (a) with familiarity of charac-
teristic techniques but minimal knowledge of under-
lying theory; (b) with a working knowledge of both
technique and psychological flexibility theory; or
(c) with knowledge of technique, psychological
flexibility theory, as well as more basic behavioral
theoretical concepts, including RFT. Let us imagine
three ACT therapists, each with these varying
levels of theoretical understanding, facing the same
challenging case. The first clinician appreciates a few
key ACT principles, such as the importance of
embracing rather than fighting distressing thoughts
and feelings, as well as many characteristic tech-
niques, including common metaphors and experien-
tial exercises. She applies these techniques in a
standard order, first highlighting the futility of efforts
to control distressing experiences, then presenting
psychological acceptance as an alternative, before
moving on to enhancing the ability to distance oneself
fromone’s experience, then on to values clarification,
and so on. This approach will likely work well for
many patients. In fact, the success of ACT self-help
interventions (e.g., Fledderus, Bohlmeijer, Pieterse,&
Schreurs, 2012; Hesser et al., 2012; Muto, Hayes, &
Jeffcoat, 2011) and clinical trials following structured
treatment protocols (Arch, Eifert, et al., 2012;
Forman et al., in press; Hernández-López, 2009;
Westin et al., 2011; Wetherell et al., 2011) speak to
the power of such an approach.
But imagine a patient with severe generalized
anxiety with panic attacks, comorbid depression,
marital problems, and a history of heart disease and
other problems, includingmultiple heart attacks. The
patient initially resonates with the idea that efforts to
control his distress have not worked, but despite the
first ACT therapist’s use of multiple standard
interventions, he is unable to let go of the struggle
with his disturbing thoughts and feelings. Moreover,
he objects to exercises promoting psychological
acceptance on the grounds that merely accepting
his catastrophic thoughts and his anxiety (and
especially panic) sensations may lead him to ignore
the impending signs of another heart attack,
precluding effective action. In fact, mindfulness
meditation exercises prescribed as homework have
precipitated panic attacks. He also finds the idea that
he should focus his efforts on changing his behavior
rather than his subjective distress to reflect the
therapist’s lack of appreciation of the depth of his
emotional pain. The first therapist continues to
invoke metaphors and to enact more experiential
585theory in cbt
exercises, in hopes of breaking through what has
now become an increasingly deadlocked clash in
perspectives.
The second ACT therapist, who has a strong
working knowledge of psychological flexibility
theory, is not tied to any particular sequence of
interventions, nor even to any particular techniques.
After further assessment, the therapist tentatively
concludes that the patient has become highly
attached to an identity as a helpless victim of his
medical and psychological problems. He implements
interventions designed to undermine the literal truth
of, and limitations associated with, this particular
identity, as well as personal narratives more gener-
ally. He also recognizes the very high level of the
patient’s “fusion” with his distressing thoughts and
feelings, and so begins defusion exercises slowly, in
limited contexts, before gradually expanding them to
include longer time periods, more settings, and more
psychological contexts. The therapist recognizes that
the patient has become so focused on his distress that
he has lost touch with any larger purposes in his life.
The therapist judiciously introduces values clarifica-
tion and goal-setting exercises, but is careful to avoid
doing so in a way that would come across as
dismissive of the patient’s distress. A functional
analysis reveals that the depression and marital
problems appear to be secondary to the isolation
resulting from the patient’s extreme anxiety, thereby
justifying focusing primarily on the latter, in antici-
pation that the depression will lift and marital issues
resolve as the anxiety improves. The patient begins
makingmore progress. However, the issue of his fear
of another heart attack continues to loom large, and
he continues to resist fully embracing the notion of
psychological acceptance for fear of dismissing signs
of an impending heart attack. This, in turn, keeps
him from pursuing various goal-directed activities
and limits his overall quality of life.
In addition to familiarity with standard ACT
techniques and psychological flexibility theory, the
third ACT therapist also has a thorough grounding
in basic behavioral theories, including RFT. She
understands that the patient’s unique history has
resulted in the word “heart attack,” feelings of
shortness of breath, and anxiety symptoms such as
tremulousness, sweaty palms, and racing thoughts,
all sharing functional properties. As a result of this
“stimulus equivalence,” common physiological
arousal has automatically come to elicit the same
emotional reaction that would occur from an actual
heart attack. This has resulted not only in the
patient’s attempts to suppress any signs of arousal,
but also in hypervigilance for the appearance of any
signs of arousal. Attempts to monitor and control
his symptoms (known as “experiential avoidance”
in ACT parlance) paradoxically—but predictably—
result in greater anxiety. The therapist understands
that learning is always additive, and that she cannot
erase the relationship between anxiety symptoms
and heart attack. But she can intervene to expand
the associations with the anxiety symptoms so that
they also evoke additional, less ominous, responses,
while she also works to weaken the control of all of
the patient’s subjective experience over his behav-
ior. This conceptualization leads her to introduce
the idea that “reality testing” distressing thoughts,
in this case thoughts about having a heart attack, is
in fact useful in a limited sense, provided the issue at
hand is truly a question of information. She helps
the patient carefully frame his questions, examine
which of these are truly about needed information,
and which function maladaptively to avoid anxiety
through unnecessary reassurance seeking. For the
former only, the therapist works with the patient to
obtain relevant data (e.g., by checking with his
cardiologist about the differences between symptoms
of anxiety and those of a heart attack). Once this is
accomplished, the stage is then set for experiential
acceptance interventions, including—when theoreti-
cally indicated—acceptance of the patient’s thoughts
that he is having a heart attack. There is no
assumption that the information will eliminate the
distressing thoughts or feelings. But one can now
move beyond ongoing “reality testing” to begin
experiencing them from amore detached perspective,
eventually even welcoming them openly and non-
defensively, thereby minimizing their negative effects.
Of course, it is possible that the first ACT therapist
with minimal theoretical grounding, or perhaps even
a good clinician working from a different CBT
framework, might make similar therapeutic moves
based on intuition and personal experience. Our
thesis, however, is that a well-developed theory
provides a more reliable guide for conceptualizing
and intervening with complex cases. This is not to
suggest that theory completely replaces judicious
clinical judgment. Applying theoretical concepts to
individual cases requires considerable clinical acu-
men. The question is not whether clinical judgment
and skill are important, but whether practice that is
theoretically guided will be more effective than
practice that is not.
Call for Research
As noted above, the larger CBT community has
recently increased attempts to link clinical interven-
tions to basic theories of behavior change and more
specific models of psychopathology. This includes
renewed interest in the study of these theories in their
own right. RFT, for example, has recently witnessed
strong growth as evidenced in the number of
586 herbert et al .
manuscripts published. For example, one analysis
observed an exponential growth in publications
published on RFT from 1991 to 2008, totaling 62
empirical and 112 nonempirical manuscripts
(Dymond et al., 2010). This body of research has
sought to empirically and theoretically define RFT
concepts and to test predictions derived from
the theory (e.g., the effects of multiple-exemplar
training). There is little question that such theoretical
development is critical to better understanding the
origins of psychopathology and other forms of
human suffering, and to the continued development
of more effective assessment, prevention, and inter-
vention technologies. The only alternative is a
piecemeal collection of observations and surrepti-
tious discoveries, which then must be individually
evaluated for their utility in various contexts.
So whereas theory may be indispensible for
psychotherapy innovators and researchers, ques-
tions remain regarding the importance of theory to
practicing clinicians. Addressing these questions
will require a multipronged research program.
therapist surveys
One lesson learned from earlier efforts was that
attempting to disseminate CBTs to practicing clini-
cians will not work as a completely “top-down”
process (Addis, Wade, & Hatgis, 1999). Many
clinicians have been unwilling, for various reasons,
to alter their practices based on emerging research
findings supporting specific approaches (Baker,
McFall, & Shoham, 2008; Timbie, Fox, Van
Busum, & Schneider, 2012). For example, Freiheit,
Vye, Swan, and Cady (2004) surveyed practicing
psychologists and found that the majority were not
using exposure when treating anxiety disorders,
despite the widespread consensus that exposure is
crucial to effective treatment. We would expect a
similar response if research emerged that supported
theoretical knowledge in guiding treatment. Re-
search on training clinicians in evidence-based
practices suggests that a good values-intervention
fit is essential for the adoption of new practices
(Aarons, Sommerfeld, Hecht, Silovsky, & Chaffin,
2009). Thus, clinicians who already may be com-
fortable using CBT techniques but who still oper-
ate using largely opposing theoretical models
(e.g., psychodynamic) may not find replacing their
theory readily acceptable. Similarly, those whose
theoretical knowledge is implicit, and who believe
themselves to function atheoretically, may not
readily appreciate the value of acquiring theoretical
knowledge. Research suggests that clinicians tend
to rely largely on their personal experiences and
intuition when making clinical decisions (Gaudiano,
Brown, & Miller, 2011; Stewart & Chambless,
2007). Thus, it may be important to ensure that
therapists not only understand theory in the abstract,
but also can develop personal experiences that
demonstrate to them the utility of using theory to
inform their practice. In addition, there are a number
of emotional barriers to learning new practices,
including the increased effort required and the
temporary discomfort involved when trying an
unfamiliar approach (Varra,Hayes,Roget,&Fisher,
2008).
Thus, it will be important to begin with national
surveys of therapists and students to answer a
number of related questions:
1. How do therapists currently view the role of
theory in informing their practices? Therapists
tend to operate using tacit and idiosyncratic
theories to guide their decisions, but their
openness to learning and using specific theories
related to CBTs specifically is unknown.
2. How familiar are therapists already in various
theories underlying CBTs? Is it possible, for
example, that some therapists may be knowl-
edgeable about certain theories, but may not
regularly use them to inform their practice?
Similarly, the depth of understanding can
vary in ways that dramatically influence one’s
practices. To what extent do therapists adopt
simplified versions of therapies (help patients
to think more positively; help patients “get in
touch” with/vocalize their emotions), and
how does this play out in practice?
3. How can practicing clinicians best be taught
to apply CBT theories to specific cases to
improve their evidence-based practice? For
example, vignettes could be used to examine
therapists' ability to apply theory to treating
hypothetical clinical cases in an effort to
identify which areas require further training.
4. What are other practical barriers to learning
CBT theories, and how can those be
addressed? For example, timing and cost of
training are important barriers often cited by
clinicians that impede their ability to learn
new practices.
The latter point underscores the importance of
making theories as accessible as possible, if they are
going to be useful to clinicians. For example, the
original presentations of RFT (e.g., Hayes et al.,
2001) emphasized theoretical precision and, as a
result, were difficult for nonexperts to follow.
Recent strides have been made to make the theory
more accessible (e.g., Törneke, 2010), but even these
remain inappropriate for widespread dissemination
587theory in cbt
among practicing clinicians. Clearly, a great deal
more work is needed in this area.
evaluation of theories themselves
Theoretically guided practice assumes the validity
of the theory itself (where “validity” in this context
refers both to a theory’s internal consistency and
coherence as well as its scientific support). Research
is needed to evaluate the theories underlying
psychotherapies, and to guide their ongoing devel-
opment. This research can include studies of
hypotheses derived from specific theories, as well
as studies of competing hypotheses derived from
different theories. As discussed above, in the case
of CBS there is a rapidly developing literature
evaluating hypotheses derived from RFT. Levin
et al. (2012) conducted a meta-analysis of 66
laboratory-based component studies of the ACT’s
psychological flexibility model and found greater
effects for values, acceptance, present moment,
mindfulness, and values components relative to
comparison conditions.
In addition to empirical studies, conceptual
analyses are also needed to evaluate various aspects
of theories, including their internal consistency,
explanatory power, parsimony, and degree of
connection with actual intervention techniques. For
instance, Hofmann and Asmundson (2008) used
Gross’s (2001) theory of emotion regulation in an
attempt to explain the differences between charac-
teristic CT and ACT interventions. They suggested
that cognitive restructuring (characteristic of CT)
and psychological acceptance (characteristic ofACT)
could be considered as antecedent-focused versus
response-focused emotion regulation strategies, re-
spectively. However, as we have noted elsewhere
(Gaudiano, 2011; Herbert & Forman, 2013), this
analysis fails on both conceptual and empirical
grounds. Most centrally, the antecedent-response dis-
tinction does not map well onto the restructuring-
acceptance distinction. Cognitive restructuring often
takes place after the emotional response has been
activated, and in this sense would be a form of
response-focused emotion regulation. The ACT
strategies aimed at developing nonjudgmental
acceptance of distressing experience may lead over
time to a change in the way events themselves are
experienced and to decreased emotional arousal,
so in that sense would be considered an antecedent-
focused process. Thus, both CT and ACT interven-
tions operate both before and following emotional
activation. This example illustrates the important
role of critical analyses of theoretical concepts, in this
case with regard to the theory-technology link. Such
analyses can help clarify the best targets for fruitful
empirical research.
experimental trials
Ultimately, the best way to resolve questions
regarding the role of theory in clinical practice is
through controlled research. Practicing clinicians
could be randomized to one group in which training
and supervision is limited to technical and practical
aspects of the treatment versus a comparison
condition in which a substantial portion of the
training is devoted to building theoretical knowl-
edge. Patient outcomes would then be assessed and
compared across therapist groups. An aim of this
type of studywould be to determinewhether training
time is more productively spent on technique or
on theory. Variations on this basic design could be
envisioned, including comparisons of training in
different theories, parametric studies of varying
amounts of theoretical training, and comparisons
of different training modalities, among others.
Moreover, cost-benefit analyses could be included
in all of these studies.Of course, in order to draw firm
conclusions it will be important to attend to
methodological details, such as pre- and posttraining
tests of clinicians’ theoretical knowledge, highly
knowledgeable and competent trainers, etc., in the
design and execution of such studies.
An early prototype of this kind of research was
conducted by Strosahl, Hayes, Bergan, and Romano
(1998). In that study, practicing master’s-level
clinicians working in a community health mainte-
nance organization were assigned to receive training
in ACT theory and technique (n = 8) or no addi-
tional training (n = 10). At follow-up assessment,
patients of the therapists who underwent training
had significantly better outcomes on a number of
measures relative to patients of therapists who did
not receive the training. This study suffers from a
number ofmethodological weaknesses, including the
lack of random assignment of therapists to condi-
tions and the absence of control conditions to rule
out that receiving training in any CBT model would
have resulted in better outcomes. Nevertheless, it
represents an early version of the kind of study that
can examine the practical impact of training in theory
on clinical outcomes.
examination of
mediators/moderators
Researchers and clinicians are increasingly aware of
the limitations in knowledge gained from so-called
“horse race” trials in which two therapies are tested
against each other and differences in outcomes
alone are examined. First, many such trials have
failed to show clear differences in outcomes among
competing psychotherapies. Second, even when
differences are found, these trials fail to provide
clear evidence for which aspects of the treatments
588 herbert et al .
are responsible for those differences. It was over
50 years ago that Gordon Paul (1967) famously
asked, “What treatment, by whom, is most effective
for this individual with that specific problem, and
under which set of circumstances?” (p. 111). In
modern parlance, Paul is referring to questions
related to moderation and mediation of treatment
effects. Moderation refers to who is more likely to
respond to treatment or under what conditions a
treatment is likely to be effective. Mediation refers
to how a treatment works or the mechanisms
through which a treatment produces its response.
Historically, it has been difficult to examine
systematically these types of empirical questions.
Although procedures for exploring questions of
moderation and mediation in psychotherapy trials
were pioneered by Baron and Kenny (1986), many
improvements have been made over recent years. The
ease of use andpower of these techniques, especially in
smaller psychotherapy samples, have grown dramat-
ically (Kraemer, Kiernan, Essex, & Kupfer, 2008;
Kraemer et al., 2002; Preacher & Hayes, 2008).
A recent study of ACT versus traditional CBT for
mixed anxiety disorders provides an example of the
knowledge that canbe gained froman examination of
mediators andmoderators. Althoughboth treatments
improved symptoms similarly (Arch, Eifert, et al.,
2012), ACT produced somewhat greater improve-
ments in cognitive defusion, which mediated out-
comes in both treatments (Arch, Wolitzky-Taylor,
et al., 2012). Furthermore, in terms of moderation,
CBT produced better outcomes in those with greater
baseline anxiety sensitivity, whereas ACT produced
greater improvements in those with comorbid
depression (Wolitzky-Taylor, Arch, Rosenfield, &
Craske, 2012). Results such as these serve as tests
of the theories underlying psychotherapy programs,
and can lead to further developments of those
theories.
Conclusion
Scholars of psychotherapy, and of CBTs in particu-
lar, have repeatedly called over the past three decades
for renewed interest in theory, and there are signs
that the field is beginning to heed such calls. This
renewed appreciation of the role of theory is driven
by the confluence of a number of factors, including
the growth of third-generation models of CBT that
tend to emphasize linking technique to theory, and
the development of refined statistical methods to
study psychotherapy processes. Although the ideal
role of theoretical knowledge in clinical practice is
ultimately an empirical question, there are good
reasons to hypothesize that a working knowledge of
theory may lead to enhanced outcomes. Evaluating
these questions will require a multifaceted research
program, which will in turn depend on first
addressing a number of conceptual issues regarding
the nature of theories to be examined.
The importance of examining the role of theory in
clinical practice is underscored by recent initiatives to
disseminate CBTs widely to front-line practitioners.
Beginning in 2006 the U.K. governments have been
implementing the Improving Access to Psychological
Therapies program (Department of Health, 2011),
which has committed hundreds of millions of dollars
to training thousands of therapists to provide
CBT to over 600,000 people with disorders such as
depression and anxiety. In the U.S., the VA is
implementing a similar initiative to train clinicians
in CBT to improve access to effective treatment
among military veterans (Ruzek, Karlin, & Zeiss, in
press). Taking full advantage of these efforts will
require not only further theoretical developments,
but also a better understanding of the role of theory in
clinical practice.
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RECEIVED: November 12, 2012
ACCEPTED: March 1, 2013
Available online 13 March 2013
The Importance of Theory in Cognitive Behavior Therapy: A
Perspective of Contextual Behavioral ScienceWhat Is
“Theory”?Why Theory Probably Matters: The Case of ACTCall
for ResearchTherapist SurveysEvaluation of Theories
ThemselvesExperimental TrialsExamination of
Mediators/ModeratorsConclusionReferences
Paula Cortez
Identifying Data: Paula Cortez is a 43-year-old Catholic
Hispanic female residing in New York City, NY. Paula was born
in Colombia. When she was 17 years old, Paula left Colombia
and moved to New York where she met David, who later
became her husband. Paula and David have one son, Miguel, 20
years old. They divorced after 5 years of marriage. Paula has a
five-year-old daughter, Maria, from a different relationship.
Presenting Problem: Paula has multiple medical issues, and
there is concern about whether she will be able to continue to
care for her youngest child, Maria. Paula has been
overwhelmed, especially since she again stopped taking her
medication. Paula is also concerned about the wellness of
Maria.
Family Dynamics: Paula comes from a moderately well-to-do
family. Paula reports suffering physical and emotional abuse at
the hands of both her parents, eventually fleeing to New York to
get away from the abuse. Paula comes from an authoritarian
family where her role was to be “seen and not heard.” Paula
states that she did not feel valued by any of her family members
and reports never receiving the attention she needed. As a
teenager, she realized she felt “not good enough” in her family
system, which led to her leaving for New York and looking for
“someone to love me.” Her parents still reside in Colombia with
Paula’s two siblings.
Paula met David when she sought to purchase drugs. They
married when Paula was 18 years old. The couple divorced after
5 years of marriage. Paula raised Miguel, mostly by herself,
until he was 8 years old, at which time she was forced to
relinquish custody due to her medical condition. Paula
maintains a relationship with her son, Miguel, and her ex-
husband, David. Miguel takes part in caring for his half-sister,
Maria.
Paula does believe her job as a mother is to take care of Maria
but is finding that more and more challenging with her physical
illnesses.
Employment History: Paula worked for a clothing designer, but
she realized that her true passion was painting. She has a
collection of more than 100 drawings and paintings, many of
which track the course of her personal and emotional journey.
Paula held a fulltime job for a number of years before her health
prevented her from working. She is now unemployed and
receives Supplemental Security Disability Insurance (SSD) and
Medicaid. Miguel does his best to help his mom but only works
part time at a local supermarket delivering groceries.
Paula currently uses federal and state services. Paula
successfully applied for WIC, the federal Supplemental
Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children. Given
Paula’s low income, health, and Medicaid status, Paula is able
to receive in-home childcare assistance through New York’s
public assistance program.
Social History: Paula is bilingual, fluent in both Spanish and
English. Although Paula identifies as Catholic, she does not
consider religion to be a big part of her life. Paula lives with
her daughter in an apartment in Queens, NY. Paula is socially
isolated as she has limited contact with her family in Colombia
and lacks a peer network of any kind in her neighborhood.
Five (5) years ago Paula met a man (Jesus) at a flower shop.
They spoke several times. He would visit her at her apartment
to have sex. Since they had an active sex life, Paula thought he
was a “stand-up guy” and really liked him. She believed he
would take care of her. Soon everything changed. Paula began
to suspect that he was using drugs, because he had started to
become controlling and demanding. He showed up at her
apartment at all times of the night demanding to be let in. He
called her relentlessly, and when she did not pick up the phone,
he left her mean and threatening messages. Paula was fearful for
her safety and thought her past behavior with drugs and sex
brought on bad relationships with men and that she did not
deserve better. After a couple of months, Paula realized she was
pregnant. Jesus stated he did not want anything to do with the
“kid” and stopped coming over, but he continued to contact and
threaten Paula by phone. Paula has no contact with Jesus at this
point in time due to a restraining order.
Mental Health History: Paula was diagnosed with bipolar
disorder. She experiences periods of mania lasting for a couple
of weeks then goes into a depressive state for months when not
properly medicated. Paula has a tendency toward paranoia.
Paula has a history of not complying with her psychiatric
medication treatment because she does not like the way it makes
her feel. She often discontinues it without telling her
psychiatrist. Paula has had multiple psychiatric hospitalizations
but has remained out of the hospital for the past 5 years. Paula
accepts her bipolar diagnosis but demonstrates limited insight
into the relationship between her symptoms and her medication.
Paula reports that when she was pregnant, she was fearful for
her safety due to the baby’s father’s anger about the pregnancy.
Jesus’ relentless phone calls and voicemails rattled Paula. She
believed she had nowhere to turn. At that time, she became
scared, slept poorly, and her paranoia increased significantly.
After completing a suicide assessment 5 years ago, it was noted
that Paula was decompensating quickly and was at risk of
harming herself and/or her baby. Paula was involuntarily
admitted to the psychiatric unit of the hospital. Paula remained
on the unit for 2 weeks.
Educational History: Paula completed high school in Colombia.
Paula had hoped to attend the Fashion Institute of Technology
(FIT) in New York City, but getting divorced, then raising
Miguel on her own interfered with her plans. Miguel attends
college full time in New York City.
Medical History: Paula was diagnosed as HIV positive 15 years
ago. Paula acquired AIDS three years later when she was
diagnosed with a severe brain infection and a Tcell count of less
than 200. Paula’s brain infection left her completely paralyzed
on the right side. She lost function in her right arm and hand as
well as the ability to walk. After a long stay in an acute care
hospital in New York City, Paula was transferred to a skilled
nursing facility (SNF) where she thought she would die. After
being in the skilled nursing facility for more than a year, Paula
regained the ability to walk, although she does so with a severe
limp. She also regained some function in her right arm. Her
right hand (her dominant hand) remains semi-paralyzed and
limp. Over the course of several years, Paula taught herself to
paint with her left hand and was able to return to her beloved
art.
Paula began treatment for her HIV/AIDS with highly active
antiretroviral therapy (HAART). Since she ran away from the
family home, married and divorced a drug user, then was in an
abusive relationship, Paula thought she deserved what she got in
life. She responded well to HAART and her HIV/AIDS was well
controlled. In addition to her HIV/AIDS disease, Paula is
diagnosed with Hepatitis C (Hep C). While this condition was
controlled, it has reached a point where Paula’s doctor is
recommending she begin a new treatment. Paula also has
significant circulatory problems, which cause her severe pain in
her lower extremities. She uses prescribed narcotic pain
medication to control her symptoms. Paula’s circulatory
problems have also led to chronic ulcers on her feet that will
not heal. Treatment for her foot ulcers demands frequent visits
to a wound care clinic. Paula’s pain paired with the foot ulcers
make it difficult for her to ambulate and leave her home. Paula
has a tendency not to comply with her medical treatment. She
often disregards instructions from her doctors and resorts to
holistic treatments like treating her ulcers with chamomile tea.
When she stops her treatment, she deteriorates quickly. Maria
was born HIV negative and received the appropriate HAART
treatment after birth. She spent a week in the neonatal intensive
care unit as she had to detox from the effects of the pain
medication Paula took throughout her pregnancy.
Legal History: Previously, Paula used the AIDS Law Project, a
not-for-profit organi nization that helps individuals with HIV
address legal issues, such as those related to the child’s father .
At that time, Paula filed a police report in response to Jesus'
escalating threats and successfully got a restraining order. Once
the order was served, the phone calls and visits stopped, and
Paula regained a temporary sense of control over her life. Paula
completed the appropriate permanency planning paperwork with
the assistance of the organization The Family Center. She
named Miguel as her daughter’s guardian should something
happen to her.
Alcohol and Drug Use History: Paula became an intravenous
drug user (IVDU), using cocaine and heroin, at age 17. David
was one of Paula’s “drug buddies” and suppliers. Paula
continued to use drugs in the United States for several years;
however, she stopped when she got pregnant with Miguel.
David continued to use drugs, which led to the failure of their
marriage.
Strengths: Paula has shown her resilience over the years. She
has artistic skills and has found a way to utilize them. Paula has
the foresight to seek social services to help her and her children
survive. Paula has no legal involvement. She has the ability to
bounce back from her many physical and health challenges to
continue to care for her child and maintain her household.
David Cortez: father, 46 years old
Paula Cortez: mother, 43 years old
Miguel Cortez: son, 20 years old
Jesus (unknown):
Maria’s father, 44 years old
Maria Cortez: daughter, 5 years old

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Available online at www.sciencedirect.comScienceDirectBe.docx

  • 1. Available online at www.sciencedirect.com ScienceDirect Behavior Therapy 44 (2013) 580–591 www.elsevier.com/locate/bt The Importance of Theory in Cognitive Behavior Therapy: A Perspective of Contextual Behavioral Science James D. Herbert Drexel University Brandon A. Gaudiano Butler Hospital/Alpert Medical School of Brown University Evan M. Forman Drexel University For the past 30 years, generations of scholars of cognitive behavior therapy (CBT) have expressed concern that clinical practice has abandoned the close links with theory that characterized the earliest days of the field. There is also a widespread assumption that a greater working knowledge of theory will lead to better clinical outcomes, although there is currently very little hard evidence to support this claim. We suggest that the rise of so-called “third generation”models of CBT over the past decade, along with the dissemination of statistical innovations among psychotherapy researchers, have given new life to this old issue.We argue that theory likely does matter to clinical outcomes, and we outline the future research that would be needed to address this conjecture. Keywords: theory; cognitive behavior therapy; acceptance and commitment therapy; contextual behavioral science
  • 2. There is nothing so practical as a good theory. — Lewin (1951, p. 169) For years, scholars of the family of psychotherapy approaches known under the broad umbrella of Address correspondence to James D. Herbert, Ph.D., Drexel University, Department of Psychology, 3141 Chestnut St., Stratton 119, Philadelphia, PA 19104; e-mail: [email protected] 0005-7894/44/580-591/$1.00/0 © 2013 Association for Behavioral and Cognitive Therapies. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. cognitive behavior therapy (CBT) have been calling for an increased focus on the theories that underlie applied technologies. The common theme of these appeals is that there has been a gradual erosion of the strong connection between theory and technique that characterized the field’s early days, and that a renewed focus on such links will lead to more rapid and reliable advances in our understanding, devel- opment, testing, implementation, and dissemination of CBT approaches. In his 1984 presidential address of the Association for Advancement of Behavior Therapy (now the Association for Behavioral and Cognitive Therapies; ABCT), Alan Ross lamented that “a reading of the current literature on behavior therapy suggests that the field is at risk of losing its momentum in a preoccupation with technological refinements at the expense of theoretical develop- ments” (Ross, 1985, p. 195). Wilson and Franks (1982) similarly decried the rapid proliferation of clinical techniques decoupled from theory, suggest- ing that this trend could ultimately sow the seeds of the field’s demise. More recently, Beck (2012) noted that ". . . the robustness of a therapy is based on the
  • 3. complexity and richness of the underlying theory. A robust theory, for example, can generate new therapies or can draw on existing therapies that are consistent with it" (p. 6). David and Montgomery (2011) proposed a new framework for defining evidence-based psychological practice that pri- oritizes the level of empirical support of the theory http://dx.doi.org/ http://dx.doi.org/ http://dx.doi.org/ mailto:[email protected] 581theory in cbt supporting a treatment. Recommendations that clinicians should develop better working knowledge of the theories underlying CBTs often are presented during discussions of how to maximize treatment outcomes, prevent treatment failures, and ameliorate treatment resistance in complex cases (Foa & Emmelkamp, 1983;McKay, Abramowitz, & Taylor, 2010; Whisman, 2008). An interorganizational task force led by the ABCT recently issued a report on doctoral training in cognitive behavioral psychology inwhich training in theory and even thephilosophyof science underlying CBTs was emphasized (Klepac et al., 2012). The call for greater emphasis on theory within CBT therefore spans the generations. In fact, if one were tomask the author anddate, itwould be hard to distinguish writings on this subject made by contem- porary authors from thosewritten over 30 years ago. There appears to exist a widespread assumption among many clinicians and researchers alike that
  • 4. better knowledge of theory will bear fruit in terms of improved clinical outcomes across a number of con- texts. Although this notion has considerable face validity, there is a paucity of research that has directly evaluated it. Historically, the desire for empirically supported treatments led to testing psychotherapies in controlled clinical trials to determine their efficacy, a procedure borrowed from other medical treatments. For example, the seminal study known as the National Institute ofMental Health's Treatment of Depression Collaborative Research Program (Elkin et al., 1995) randomized patients with major depression to cog- nitive therapy, interpersonal psychotherapy, or anti- depressant medication, and ushered in a new era of evaluating psychotherapies in large-scale and meth- odologically rigorous clinical trials. CBTs, given their empirical basis, inherent structure, and time- limited nature, were particularly well-suited for testing in clinical trials. As a result, CBTs became highly manualized in an effort to ensure treatment fidelity, an important component of the internal validity of such trials (Addis & Krasnow, 2000). Originally CBTs were more principle-driven and theory-dependent in the way that they were concep- tualized and implemented (e.g.,Goldfried&Davison, 1994). With the growth of clinical trials during the 1970s and 80s, however, treatment manuals began to focus more on how to implement specific CBT techniques and strategies and less on interventions derived from case conceptualization based on the ideographic assessment of the patient guided by an underlying theory. We are unaware of data directly comparing the level of theoretical knowledge of early practitioners of behavior therapy relative to modern
  • 5. CBT clinicians. Nevertheless, even a casual compar- ison of the field’s early books and journals targeting clinicians relative to later works reveals a stark contrast in the degree of emphasis on theory. As the evidence base for CBTs expanded due to the rapid accumulation of supportive efficacy research, the problem of how best to implement and dissem- inate the treatments emerged as a pressing problem (Addis, 2006). Although novel psychotherapies typically begin in complex and sophisticated forms because they are created by experienced researchers and clinicians, disseminating them to community practitioners exerts pressure to simplify them as much as possible. It is easier to train nonexpert therapists to implement a set of standard techniques than it is to train them to comprehend an underlying theory. Once standard techniques are mastered, clinicians well versed in theory can potentially apply their knowledge to unique cases in order to deduce tailored interventions. The picture is complicated further because there is no single CBT model, nor single theory underlying it. CBT is a broad umbrella term that encompasses a range of distinct therapy models (Herbert & Forman, 2011). These models share certain features, while also havingdistinct characteristics. The theories underlying these approaches likewise share certain commonalities (e.g., traditional respondent and operant conditioning principles), while also positing unique features.More- over, key theoretical issues, such as the best way to understand the role of cognitive processes in treat- ment, are currently the subject of intense professional debate (Hofmann, 2008; Longmore&Worrell, 2007; Worrell & Longmore, 2008), and have undergone
  • 6. considerable changes over the years (Beck, 2005). We believe that two developments over the past decade have added a new twist to the long-standing question about the role of theory in guiding psychotherapy. First, the question has been reinvigo- rated by the rise of the so-called “third wave” (also known as “third generation”) models of CBT. These newer CBT approaches such as Mindfulness-Based Cognitive Therapy (Segal, Williams, & Teasdale, 2002), Dialectical Behavior Therapy (Linehan, 1993), and especially Acceptance and Commitment Therapy (ACT; Hayes, Strosahl, & Wilson, 2011) eschew a simplistic focus on specific techniques and strategies in favor of increased attention to the putative principles underlying behavior change, which are in turn linked with basic psychological theories (Ablon, Levy, & Katenstein, 2006; Hayes, 2004; Rosen & Davison, 2003). Second, psychotherapy treatment researchers have increasingly focused on therapy processes using component analysis studies (Borkovec & Sibrava, 2005; Lohr, DeMaio, & McGlynn, 2003) and the identification of treatment-related mediators and moderators (Kraemer, Wilson, Fairburn, & Agras, 582 herbert et al . 2002). These two developments have had synergistic effects, further stimulating discussion of the role of theory in CBTs. For example, calls by proponents of third-generation approaches to focus on psycho- therapy processes, rather thanmerely techniques, has accelerated research on the mechanisms of action in CBTs more generally. Simultaneously, more accessi- ble and advanced statistical procedures have made it
  • 7. easier for researchers to investigate mechanisms of change, and have stimulated therapy innovators to evaluate the proposed theories underlying their approaches. Although the argument that under- standing theory will improve clinical outcomes has been a perennial theme in the field, innovations associated with the development of third-generation models of CBT, along with the development of new statistical tools, have brought this issue back into the forefront of discussion. We should not lose sight of the fact that proponents of the utility of theory are often themselves theoreti- cians and may thus overestimate the importance of theory. The extent to which improving clinicians' theoretical knowledge does, in fact, result in improved clinical outcomes is ultimately an empirical question. The best approach to evaluating this supposition is itself complicated and will require clarification of a number of related issues. First and foremost, are there compelling reasons to hypothesize that knowledge of theory will, in fact, improve outcomes? Second, what evidence, if any, currently supports the notion that gaining a better theoretical understanding of a psychotherapeutic approach enhances outcomes over and above mere technical knowledge of the approach? Third, even if theoretical knowledge is found to accrue incremental benefits, does it pass a cost-benefit test? Fourth, if such efforts can indeed be demonstrated to be cost effective, how much theoret- ical knowledge and training is needed to improve outcomes? Fifth, which theory or theories should be prioritized? Presumably, some theories have greater breadth, depth, precision, explanatory power, and incremental efficacy than others, making them more useful guides. Sixth, to what degree is it necessary
  • 8. simply to understand theory in abstract terms versus being able to apply it to individual cases?And seventh, and perhaps most fundamentally, what exactly do we mean by the term “theory”? We will briefly explore these and related questions regarding the role of theory, using ACT in particular as a case in point.1 1We focus on ACT as the prototypical “third-generation” model of CBT for two reasons. First, it has received the most research attention to date of these various approaches. Second, as elaborated below, it is based on a well-developed theory, and it strongly emphasizes the link between theory and technique. The emphasis on ACT is not meant to imply that other approaches are not also theoretically grounded. What Is “Theory”? The word “theory” derives from the Greek theoria, meaning looking at, viewing, beholding, or con- templation (Oxford English Dictionary Online, 2012). This sense of perspective is reflected in its modern use in the context of psychotherapy as a set of basic concepts and principles, along with statements that describe their interactions, which can be used to describe, predict, and guide intervention with respect to specific behavioral and psychological phenomena. The concepts that are the building blocks of theories can be general- izations directly derived from sensory experience (e.g., “reinforcement”), or abstractions of these generalizations that are linguistically coherent with other concepts, but are farther removed from specific perceptual experiences (e.g., “recovery” or “well-being”). Moreover, although some concepts fit the classical Aristotelian definition of meeting necessary and sufficient criteria, more commonly psychological concepts have indistinct and over-
  • 9. lapping boundaries, as described by prototype theory (Rosch, 1983). Psychological theories can range from the very general and abstract to the more focused and applied. In fact, one can think of theories along a continuum, linking basic philosophical assumptions on the one hand with specific assessment and intervention techniques on the other. For example, consider the theory underlying Beck’s cognitive therapy (CT; Beck, 1979).2 At the most abstract level are its philosophical roots which, like most mainstream psychology, are grounded in a philosophy of science known as elemental realism. From this perspective, the world exists independent of our senses, and comes predivided into units. The purpose of science is to build increasingly more accurate models that describe this world, that effectively carve nature at its joints, and that describe how these constituent pieces interact. In this sense, statements about the world can be objectively true or false in terms of how well they model underlying reality. Following from these philosophical assump- tions, CT theory posits various concepts such as schemas, conditional assumptions, and automatic thoughts, which are believed to interact with current environmental conditions to result in emotions and behavior. In turn, models of specific clinical phe- nomena such as depression or panic disorder are built from these more general concepts. Clinical 2 A detailed analysis of the theory underlying CT and how it is similar to and different from ACT theory is beyond the scope of this analysis. Interested readers are referred to Dozois and Beck (2011), Forman and Herbert (2009), and Herbert and Forman (2013).
  • 10. 583theory in cbt strategies and techniques, which may be derived from the basic theoretical concepts, are guided by these clinical models. ACT is similarly undergirded by philosophical assumptions. In fact, examining ACT’s philosophical assumptions helps to bring into relief the assumptions of CT described above, which are often overlooked or taken for granted. In contrast to CT, ACT is based on a pragmatic philosophy of science known as func- tional contextualism (Hayes, 1993). This perspective sidesteps ontological questions about the ultimate nature of reality in favor of a pragmatic focus onwhat works in a given context (Barnes-Holmes, 2000). There is no assumption that the world comes predivided into constituent parts. Rather, all classifi- cations, concepts, and descriptions ofmechanisms are viewed as social constructions and are evaluated with respect to how well they work with respect to a defined goal. A concept that is “true” (in the sense of being useful) in one context may therefore not be “true” in another. That is, the world is “textured” in such away that some theorieswork better than others with regard to a given goal. This philosophy forms the basis of a behavioral theory of language and cognition known as relational frame theory (Barnes-Holmes, Barnes-Holmes, McHugh & Hayes, 2004; Hayes, Barnes-Holmes, & Roche, 2001). RFT is a basic theory that describes the powerful effects of language on human psychology. Like many basic scientific theories, RFT is not especially accessible to nonexperts, and uses unfamiliar terms (e.g., “arbitrarily applicable derived rela-
  • 11. tional responding”) in the name of precision. In order to make these basic concepts more useful to practicing clinicians, a more accessible model was developed, known variously as the “psychological flexibility theory” or the “hexaflex model,” and a separate body of research has examined this theory (Levin, Hildebrandt, Lillis, & Hayes, 2012). Psychological flexibility theory is composed of what Hayes, Barnes-Holmes, andWilson (2012) call “middle-level terms,” which are defined as “looser functional abstractions” that serve to “orient prac- titioners to some features of a domain in functional contextual terms so as to produce better outcomes and to facilitate knowledge development” (p. 7). Intervention techniques and strategies, although ultimately rooted in FC and RFT, can be conceptu- alized from the perspective of this more accessible “mid-level” model. Proponents of ACT, more than any other contemporary psychotherapy approach, have stressed the interconnected nature of philosophy, basic theory, applied clinical theory, and technique, and have clearly articulated a vision of each of these levels of analysis. This unified approach is known as “contextual behavioral science” (CBS; Hayes, Barnes-Holmes, & Wilson, 2012; Hayes, Levin, Plumb, Villatte, & Pistorello, 2013; Ruiz, 2010). Whether considering CT, ACT, or any other variant of the CBT family, an appreciation of this continuum of levels of analysis from philosophy to theory to technique brings into focus several considerations. First, the precision gained by more basic theoretical levels of analysis sacrifices accessi- bility, and vice versa. Even if a thorough under-
  • 12. standing of basic theories underlying the major models of CBT were deemed desirable, questions immediately arise regarding how realistic it would be to train front-line clinicians in such theories. Second, although linked, concepts at one level of analysis do not directly dictate those at another. One can adopt the philosophical and theoretical perspectives asso- ciated with ACT, for example, as a platform from which to understand the techniques of CT. Likewise, one can use the philosophy and theory associated with CT to understand the clinical application of ACT. Third, a point that is often unappreciated is that one cannot avoid theory and philosophy. All psychological applications are inevitably grounded in some theory, which is in turn rooted in basic philosophical assumptions. However, these theoret- ical and philosophical assumptions often remain implicit and unarticulated. When a cognitive thera- pist guides her anxious patient to test irrational thoughts against data in order to correct systematic biases on the assumption that doing so will reduce anxiety and lead to improved functioning, she is making a host of theoretical assumptions, whether or not she realizes she is doing so.A corollary is that true theoretical eclecticism is impossible. One can borrow concepts fromdifferent theories and combine them in newways, but one has then created yet a new theory, not an eclecticmix of the original ones. Similarly, one can utilize one theory in some circumstances and another at other times, but doing so requires a meta- theory that guides, even if implicitly, the circum- stances under which each theory is to be applied; again, this is not true eclecticism. Thus, although clinicians can choose not to examine the (implicit) theories that underlie their work, they cannot truly avoid theory altogether.
  • 13. This analysis raises the question of what level of theory is necessary or desirable for clinicians to appreciate, as well as what specific theory or theories should be prioritized. Calls for clinicians to have stronger theoretical grounding have generally failed to specify the kind of theory in question. In terms of analytic levels, should clinicians routinely appreciate the philosophical assumptions that underlie the major forms of CBT? Should they become fluent in basic theories such as RFT? What about more 584 herbert et al . specific theories such as particular cognitive models or psychological flexibility theory? And once the level of analysis is clarified, which specific theoretical approaches should be emphasized? There is no reason to assume that all theories work equally well as guides to effective clinical practice. These are ultimately empirical questions. Testing them will require recognition of the different possiblemeanings of “theory,” and clear specification of the kind of theoretical knowledge under consideration. The question of the proper role of theory in clinical practice shares similarities with the debate regarding the relative effectiveness of standardized interventions versus those based on a highly individualized case conceptualization. There is currently strong support, particularly within the CBT community, for approaches that emphasize case conceptualization (e.g., Kuyken, Padesky,&Dudley, 2009; Needleman, 1999; Norcross & Lambert, 2011; Persons, 2008). However, there are surpris-
  • 14. ingly fewdata to support this position. In fact, there is a paucity of research in this area, and what data do exist are not especially favorable. Anumber of studies raise questions about the inter-assessor reliability of case conceptualizations (Caspar et al., 2000; Eells, 2001; Persons & Bertagnolli, 1999). The few trials that have directly evaluated the relative utility of individualized treatment have generally not been supportive. For example, two early studies random- ized patients to three conditions: a standardized intervention, one based on an individualized case conceptualization, and a third condition in which the treatment was either yoked to another participant’s case conceptualization (Schulte, Kuenzel, Pepping, & Schulte-Bahrenberg, 1992) or was explicitly mismatched to the assessment of the participant’s specific problems (Nelson et al., 1989). In both cases, there were no differences in outcomes between the two individualized conditions, and in fact some evidence of the superiority of the standard interven- tion. It should be noted, however, that the case conceptualizations used in these studies were quite crude relative to modern standards, and were certainly not well grounded in theory, and each study had other methodological limitations. Never- theless, these results underscore the importance of empirical tests of the role of theory in practice. It is not enough that the value of theoretically guided practice is plausible; the burden of proof is on those who propose that theoretical knowledge improves practice to demonstrate that this is the case. Why Theory Probably Matters: The Case of ACT Because of its relatively well-developed theoretical
  • 15. basis and the emphasis placed by its proponents on linking philosophy, theory, and technology (i.e., application), ACT represents a useful context for examining questions regarding the utility of a working knowledge of theory to effective clinical practice. There are at least three ways in which one might practice ACT: (a) with familiarity of charac- teristic techniques but minimal knowledge of under- lying theory; (b) with a working knowledge of both technique and psychological flexibility theory; or (c) with knowledge of technique, psychological flexibility theory, as well as more basic behavioral theoretical concepts, including RFT. Let us imagine three ACT therapists, each with these varying levels of theoretical understanding, facing the same challenging case. The first clinician appreciates a few key ACT principles, such as the importance of embracing rather than fighting distressing thoughts and feelings, as well as many characteristic tech- niques, including common metaphors and experien- tial exercises. She applies these techniques in a standard order, first highlighting the futility of efforts to control distressing experiences, then presenting psychological acceptance as an alternative, before moving on to enhancing the ability to distance oneself fromone’s experience, then on to values clarification, and so on. This approach will likely work well for many patients. In fact, the success of ACT self-help interventions (e.g., Fledderus, Bohlmeijer, Pieterse,& Schreurs, 2012; Hesser et al., 2012; Muto, Hayes, & Jeffcoat, 2011) and clinical trials following structured treatment protocols (Arch, Eifert, et al., 2012; Forman et al., in press; Hernández-López, 2009; Westin et al., 2011; Wetherell et al., 2011) speak to the power of such an approach. But imagine a patient with severe generalized
  • 16. anxiety with panic attacks, comorbid depression, marital problems, and a history of heart disease and other problems, includingmultiple heart attacks. The patient initially resonates with the idea that efforts to control his distress have not worked, but despite the first ACT therapist’s use of multiple standard interventions, he is unable to let go of the struggle with his disturbing thoughts and feelings. Moreover, he objects to exercises promoting psychological acceptance on the grounds that merely accepting his catastrophic thoughts and his anxiety (and especially panic) sensations may lead him to ignore the impending signs of another heart attack, precluding effective action. In fact, mindfulness meditation exercises prescribed as homework have precipitated panic attacks. He also finds the idea that he should focus his efforts on changing his behavior rather than his subjective distress to reflect the therapist’s lack of appreciation of the depth of his emotional pain. The first therapist continues to invoke metaphors and to enact more experiential 585theory in cbt exercises, in hopes of breaking through what has now become an increasingly deadlocked clash in perspectives. The second ACT therapist, who has a strong working knowledge of psychological flexibility theory, is not tied to any particular sequence of interventions, nor even to any particular techniques. After further assessment, the therapist tentatively concludes that the patient has become highly
  • 17. attached to an identity as a helpless victim of his medical and psychological problems. He implements interventions designed to undermine the literal truth of, and limitations associated with, this particular identity, as well as personal narratives more gener- ally. He also recognizes the very high level of the patient’s “fusion” with his distressing thoughts and feelings, and so begins defusion exercises slowly, in limited contexts, before gradually expanding them to include longer time periods, more settings, and more psychological contexts. The therapist recognizes that the patient has become so focused on his distress that he has lost touch with any larger purposes in his life. The therapist judiciously introduces values clarifica- tion and goal-setting exercises, but is careful to avoid doing so in a way that would come across as dismissive of the patient’s distress. A functional analysis reveals that the depression and marital problems appear to be secondary to the isolation resulting from the patient’s extreme anxiety, thereby justifying focusing primarily on the latter, in antici- pation that the depression will lift and marital issues resolve as the anxiety improves. The patient begins makingmore progress. However, the issue of his fear of another heart attack continues to loom large, and he continues to resist fully embracing the notion of psychological acceptance for fear of dismissing signs of an impending heart attack. This, in turn, keeps him from pursuing various goal-directed activities and limits his overall quality of life. In addition to familiarity with standard ACT techniques and psychological flexibility theory, the third ACT therapist also has a thorough grounding in basic behavioral theories, including RFT. She understands that the patient’s unique history has
  • 18. resulted in the word “heart attack,” feelings of shortness of breath, and anxiety symptoms such as tremulousness, sweaty palms, and racing thoughts, all sharing functional properties. As a result of this “stimulus equivalence,” common physiological arousal has automatically come to elicit the same emotional reaction that would occur from an actual heart attack. This has resulted not only in the patient’s attempts to suppress any signs of arousal, but also in hypervigilance for the appearance of any signs of arousal. Attempts to monitor and control his symptoms (known as “experiential avoidance” in ACT parlance) paradoxically—but predictably— result in greater anxiety. The therapist understands that learning is always additive, and that she cannot erase the relationship between anxiety symptoms and heart attack. But she can intervene to expand the associations with the anxiety symptoms so that they also evoke additional, less ominous, responses, while she also works to weaken the control of all of the patient’s subjective experience over his behav- ior. This conceptualization leads her to introduce the idea that “reality testing” distressing thoughts, in this case thoughts about having a heart attack, is in fact useful in a limited sense, provided the issue at hand is truly a question of information. She helps the patient carefully frame his questions, examine which of these are truly about needed information, and which function maladaptively to avoid anxiety through unnecessary reassurance seeking. For the former only, the therapist works with the patient to obtain relevant data (e.g., by checking with his cardiologist about the differences between symptoms of anxiety and those of a heart attack). Once this is accomplished, the stage is then set for experiential acceptance interventions, including—when theoreti-
  • 19. cally indicated—acceptance of the patient’s thoughts that he is having a heart attack. There is no assumption that the information will eliminate the distressing thoughts or feelings. But one can now move beyond ongoing “reality testing” to begin experiencing them from amore detached perspective, eventually even welcoming them openly and non- defensively, thereby minimizing their negative effects. Of course, it is possible that the first ACT therapist with minimal theoretical grounding, or perhaps even a good clinician working from a different CBT framework, might make similar therapeutic moves based on intuition and personal experience. Our thesis, however, is that a well-developed theory provides a more reliable guide for conceptualizing and intervening with complex cases. This is not to suggest that theory completely replaces judicious clinical judgment. Applying theoretical concepts to individual cases requires considerable clinical acu- men. The question is not whether clinical judgment and skill are important, but whether practice that is theoretically guided will be more effective than practice that is not. Call for Research As noted above, the larger CBT community has recently increased attempts to link clinical interven- tions to basic theories of behavior change and more specific models of psychopathology. This includes renewed interest in the study of these theories in their own right. RFT, for example, has recently witnessed strong growth as evidenced in the number of
  • 20. 586 herbert et al . manuscripts published. For example, one analysis observed an exponential growth in publications published on RFT from 1991 to 2008, totaling 62 empirical and 112 nonempirical manuscripts (Dymond et al., 2010). This body of research has sought to empirically and theoretically define RFT concepts and to test predictions derived from the theory (e.g., the effects of multiple-exemplar training). There is little question that such theoretical development is critical to better understanding the origins of psychopathology and other forms of human suffering, and to the continued development of more effective assessment, prevention, and inter- vention technologies. The only alternative is a piecemeal collection of observations and surrepti- tious discoveries, which then must be individually evaluated for their utility in various contexts. So whereas theory may be indispensible for psychotherapy innovators and researchers, ques- tions remain regarding the importance of theory to practicing clinicians. Addressing these questions will require a multipronged research program. therapist surveys One lesson learned from earlier efforts was that attempting to disseminate CBTs to practicing clini- cians will not work as a completely “top-down” process (Addis, Wade, & Hatgis, 1999). Many clinicians have been unwilling, for various reasons, to alter their practices based on emerging research findings supporting specific approaches (Baker, McFall, & Shoham, 2008; Timbie, Fox, Van Busum, & Schneider, 2012). For example, Freiheit,
  • 21. Vye, Swan, and Cady (2004) surveyed practicing psychologists and found that the majority were not using exposure when treating anxiety disorders, despite the widespread consensus that exposure is crucial to effective treatment. We would expect a similar response if research emerged that supported theoretical knowledge in guiding treatment. Re- search on training clinicians in evidence-based practices suggests that a good values-intervention fit is essential for the adoption of new practices (Aarons, Sommerfeld, Hecht, Silovsky, & Chaffin, 2009). Thus, clinicians who already may be com- fortable using CBT techniques but who still oper- ate using largely opposing theoretical models (e.g., psychodynamic) may not find replacing their theory readily acceptable. Similarly, those whose theoretical knowledge is implicit, and who believe themselves to function atheoretically, may not readily appreciate the value of acquiring theoretical knowledge. Research suggests that clinicians tend to rely largely on their personal experiences and intuition when making clinical decisions (Gaudiano, Brown, & Miller, 2011; Stewart & Chambless, 2007). Thus, it may be important to ensure that therapists not only understand theory in the abstract, but also can develop personal experiences that demonstrate to them the utility of using theory to inform their practice. In addition, there are a number of emotional barriers to learning new practices, including the increased effort required and the temporary discomfort involved when trying an unfamiliar approach (Varra,Hayes,Roget,&Fisher, 2008). Thus, it will be important to begin with national surveys of therapists and students to answer a
  • 22. number of related questions: 1. How do therapists currently view the role of theory in informing their practices? Therapists tend to operate using tacit and idiosyncratic theories to guide their decisions, but their openness to learning and using specific theories related to CBTs specifically is unknown. 2. How familiar are therapists already in various theories underlying CBTs? Is it possible, for example, that some therapists may be knowl- edgeable about certain theories, but may not regularly use them to inform their practice? Similarly, the depth of understanding can vary in ways that dramatically influence one’s practices. To what extent do therapists adopt simplified versions of therapies (help patients to think more positively; help patients “get in touch” with/vocalize their emotions), and how does this play out in practice? 3. How can practicing clinicians best be taught to apply CBT theories to specific cases to improve their evidence-based practice? For example, vignettes could be used to examine therapists' ability to apply theory to treating hypothetical clinical cases in an effort to identify which areas require further training. 4. What are other practical barriers to learning CBT theories, and how can those be addressed? For example, timing and cost of training are important barriers often cited by clinicians that impede their ability to learn new practices.
  • 23. The latter point underscores the importance of making theories as accessible as possible, if they are going to be useful to clinicians. For example, the original presentations of RFT (e.g., Hayes et al., 2001) emphasized theoretical precision and, as a result, were difficult for nonexperts to follow. Recent strides have been made to make the theory more accessible (e.g., Törneke, 2010), but even these remain inappropriate for widespread dissemination 587theory in cbt among practicing clinicians. Clearly, a great deal more work is needed in this area. evaluation of theories themselves Theoretically guided practice assumes the validity of the theory itself (where “validity” in this context refers both to a theory’s internal consistency and coherence as well as its scientific support). Research is needed to evaluate the theories underlying psychotherapies, and to guide their ongoing devel- opment. This research can include studies of hypotheses derived from specific theories, as well as studies of competing hypotheses derived from different theories. As discussed above, in the case of CBS there is a rapidly developing literature evaluating hypotheses derived from RFT. Levin et al. (2012) conducted a meta-analysis of 66 laboratory-based component studies of the ACT’s psychological flexibility model and found greater effects for values, acceptance, present moment, mindfulness, and values components relative to
  • 24. comparison conditions. In addition to empirical studies, conceptual analyses are also needed to evaluate various aspects of theories, including their internal consistency, explanatory power, parsimony, and degree of connection with actual intervention techniques. For instance, Hofmann and Asmundson (2008) used Gross’s (2001) theory of emotion regulation in an attempt to explain the differences between charac- teristic CT and ACT interventions. They suggested that cognitive restructuring (characteristic of CT) and psychological acceptance (characteristic ofACT) could be considered as antecedent-focused versus response-focused emotion regulation strategies, re- spectively. However, as we have noted elsewhere (Gaudiano, 2011; Herbert & Forman, 2013), this analysis fails on both conceptual and empirical grounds. Most centrally, the antecedent-response dis- tinction does not map well onto the restructuring- acceptance distinction. Cognitive restructuring often takes place after the emotional response has been activated, and in this sense would be a form of response-focused emotion regulation. The ACT strategies aimed at developing nonjudgmental acceptance of distressing experience may lead over time to a change in the way events themselves are experienced and to decreased emotional arousal, so in that sense would be considered an antecedent- focused process. Thus, both CT and ACT interven- tions operate both before and following emotional activation. This example illustrates the important role of critical analyses of theoretical concepts, in this case with regard to the theory-technology link. Such analyses can help clarify the best targets for fruitful empirical research.
  • 25. experimental trials Ultimately, the best way to resolve questions regarding the role of theory in clinical practice is through controlled research. Practicing clinicians could be randomized to one group in which training and supervision is limited to technical and practical aspects of the treatment versus a comparison condition in which a substantial portion of the training is devoted to building theoretical knowl- edge. Patient outcomes would then be assessed and compared across therapist groups. An aim of this type of studywould be to determinewhether training time is more productively spent on technique or on theory. Variations on this basic design could be envisioned, including comparisons of training in different theories, parametric studies of varying amounts of theoretical training, and comparisons of different training modalities, among others. Moreover, cost-benefit analyses could be included in all of these studies.Of course, in order to draw firm conclusions it will be important to attend to methodological details, such as pre- and posttraining tests of clinicians’ theoretical knowledge, highly knowledgeable and competent trainers, etc., in the design and execution of such studies. An early prototype of this kind of research was conducted by Strosahl, Hayes, Bergan, and Romano (1998). In that study, practicing master’s-level clinicians working in a community health mainte- nance organization were assigned to receive training in ACT theory and technique (n = 8) or no addi- tional training (n = 10). At follow-up assessment, patients of the therapists who underwent training had significantly better outcomes on a number of
  • 26. measures relative to patients of therapists who did not receive the training. This study suffers from a number ofmethodological weaknesses, including the lack of random assignment of therapists to condi- tions and the absence of control conditions to rule out that receiving training in any CBT model would have resulted in better outcomes. Nevertheless, it represents an early version of the kind of study that can examine the practical impact of training in theory on clinical outcomes. examination of mediators/moderators Researchers and clinicians are increasingly aware of the limitations in knowledge gained from so-called “horse race” trials in which two therapies are tested against each other and differences in outcomes alone are examined. First, many such trials have failed to show clear differences in outcomes among competing psychotherapies. Second, even when differences are found, these trials fail to provide clear evidence for which aspects of the treatments 588 herbert et al . are responsible for those differences. It was over 50 years ago that Gordon Paul (1967) famously asked, “What treatment, by whom, is most effective for this individual with that specific problem, and under which set of circumstances?” (p. 111). In modern parlance, Paul is referring to questions related to moderation and mediation of treatment effects. Moderation refers to who is more likely to respond to treatment or under what conditions a
  • 27. treatment is likely to be effective. Mediation refers to how a treatment works or the mechanisms through which a treatment produces its response. Historically, it has been difficult to examine systematically these types of empirical questions. Although procedures for exploring questions of moderation and mediation in psychotherapy trials were pioneered by Baron and Kenny (1986), many improvements have been made over recent years. The ease of use andpower of these techniques, especially in smaller psychotherapy samples, have grown dramat- ically (Kraemer, Kiernan, Essex, & Kupfer, 2008; Kraemer et al., 2002; Preacher & Hayes, 2008). A recent study of ACT versus traditional CBT for mixed anxiety disorders provides an example of the knowledge that canbe gained froman examination of mediators andmoderators. Althoughboth treatments improved symptoms similarly (Arch, Eifert, et al., 2012), ACT produced somewhat greater improve- ments in cognitive defusion, which mediated out- comes in both treatments (Arch, Wolitzky-Taylor, et al., 2012). Furthermore, in terms of moderation, CBT produced better outcomes in those with greater baseline anxiety sensitivity, whereas ACT produced greater improvements in those with comorbid depression (Wolitzky-Taylor, Arch, Rosenfield, & Craske, 2012). Results such as these serve as tests of the theories underlying psychotherapy programs, and can lead to further developments of those theories. Conclusion Scholars of psychotherapy, and of CBTs in particu- lar, have repeatedly called over the past three decades for renewed interest in theory, and there are signs
  • 28. that the field is beginning to heed such calls. This renewed appreciation of the role of theory is driven by the confluence of a number of factors, including the growth of third-generation models of CBT that tend to emphasize linking technique to theory, and the development of refined statistical methods to study psychotherapy processes. Although the ideal role of theoretical knowledge in clinical practice is ultimately an empirical question, there are good reasons to hypothesize that a working knowledge of theory may lead to enhanced outcomes. Evaluating these questions will require a multifaceted research program, which will in turn depend on first addressing a number of conceptual issues regarding the nature of theories to be examined. The importance of examining the role of theory in clinical practice is underscored by recent initiatives to disseminate CBTs widely to front-line practitioners. Beginning in 2006 the U.K. governments have been implementing the Improving Access to Psychological Therapies program (Department of Health, 2011), which has committed hundreds of millions of dollars to training thousands of therapists to provide CBT to over 600,000 people with disorders such as depression and anxiety. In the U.S., the VA is implementing a similar initiative to train clinicians in CBT to improve access to effective treatment among military veterans (Ruzek, Karlin, & Zeiss, in press). Taking full advantage of these efforts will require not only further theoretical developments, but also a better understanding of the role of theory in clinical practice. References Aarons, G. A., Sommerfeld, D. H., Hecht, D. B., Silovsky, J. F.,
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  • 40. 591theory in cbt Wilson, G. T., & Franks, C. M. (Eds.). (1982). Contemporary behavior therapy: Conceptual and empirical foundations New York, NY: Guilford. Wolitzky-Taylor,K. B., Arch, J. J., Rosenfield,D.,&Craske,M.G. (2012). Moderators and non-specific predictors of treatment outcome for anxiety disorders: a comparison of cognitive behavioral therapy to acceptance and commitment therapy. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 80, 786–799. Worrell, M., & Longmore, R. J. (2008). Challenging Hofmann's negative thoughts: A rebuttal. Clinical Psychology Review, 28, 71–74. RECEIVED: November 12, 2012 ACCEPTED: March 1, 2013 Available online 13 March 2013 The Importance of Theory in Cognitive Behavior Therapy: A Perspective of Contextual Behavioral ScienceWhat Is “Theory”?Why Theory Probably Matters: The Case of ACTCall for ResearchTherapist SurveysEvaluation of Theories ThemselvesExperimental TrialsExamination of Mediators/ModeratorsConclusionReferences Paula Cortez Identifying Data: Paula Cortez is a 43-year-old Catholic Hispanic female residing in New York City, NY. Paula was born in Colombia. When she was 17 years old, Paula left Colombia and moved to New York where she met David, who later became her husband. Paula and David have one son, Miguel, 20 years old. They divorced after 5 years of marriage. Paula has a five-year-old daughter, Maria, from a different relationship. Presenting Problem: Paula has multiple medical issues, and there is concern about whether she will be able to continue to
  • 41. care for her youngest child, Maria. Paula has been overwhelmed, especially since she again stopped taking her medication. Paula is also concerned about the wellness of Maria. Family Dynamics: Paula comes from a moderately well-to-do family. Paula reports suffering physical and emotional abuse at the hands of both her parents, eventually fleeing to New York to get away from the abuse. Paula comes from an authoritarian family where her role was to be “seen and not heard.” Paula states that she did not feel valued by any of her family members and reports never receiving the attention she needed. As a teenager, she realized she felt “not good enough” in her family system, which led to her leaving for New York and looking for “someone to love me.” Her parents still reside in Colombia with Paula’s two siblings. Paula met David when she sought to purchase drugs. They married when Paula was 18 years old. The couple divorced after 5 years of marriage. Paula raised Miguel, mostly by herself, until he was 8 years old, at which time she was forced to relinquish custody due to her medical condition. Paula maintains a relationship with her son, Miguel, and her ex- husband, David. Miguel takes part in caring for his half-sister, Maria. Paula does believe her job as a mother is to take care of Maria but is finding that more and more challenging with her physical illnesses. Employment History: Paula worked for a clothing designer, but she realized that her true passion was painting. She has a collection of more than 100 drawings and paintings, many of which track the course of her personal and emotional journey. Paula held a fulltime job for a number of years before her health prevented her from working. She is now unemployed and receives Supplemental Security Disability Insurance (SSD) and Medicaid. Miguel does his best to help his mom but only works part time at a local supermarket delivering groceries. Paula currently uses federal and state services. Paula
  • 42. successfully applied for WIC, the federal Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children. Given Paula’s low income, health, and Medicaid status, Paula is able to receive in-home childcare assistance through New York’s public assistance program. Social History: Paula is bilingual, fluent in both Spanish and English. Although Paula identifies as Catholic, she does not consider religion to be a big part of her life. Paula lives with her daughter in an apartment in Queens, NY. Paula is socially isolated as she has limited contact with her family in Colombia and lacks a peer network of any kind in her neighborhood. Five (5) years ago Paula met a man (Jesus) at a flower shop. They spoke several times. He would visit her at her apartment to have sex. Since they had an active sex life, Paula thought he was a “stand-up guy” and really liked him. She believed he would take care of her. Soon everything changed. Paula began to suspect that he was using drugs, because he had started to become controlling and demanding. He showed up at her apartment at all times of the night demanding to be let in. He called her relentlessly, and when she did not pick up the phone, he left her mean and threatening messages. Paula was fearful for her safety and thought her past behavior with drugs and sex brought on bad relationships with men and that she did not deserve better. After a couple of months, Paula realized she was pregnant. Jesus stated he did not want anything to do with the “kid” and stopped coming over, but he continued to contact and threaten Paula by phone. Paula has no contact with Jesus at this point in time due to a restraining order. Mental Health History: Paula was diagnosed with bipolar disorder. She experiences periods of mania lasting for a couple of weeks then goes into a depressive state for months when not properly medicated. Paula has a tendency toward paranoia. Paula has a history of not complying with her psychiatric medication treatment because she does not like the way it makes her feel. She often discontinues it without telling her psychiatrist. Paula has had multiple psychiatric hospitalizations
  • 43. but has remained out of the hospital for the past 5 years. Paula accepts her bipolar diagnosis but demonstrates limited insight into the relationship between her symptoms and her medication. Paula reports that when she was pregnant, she was fearful for her safety due to the baby’s father’s anger about the pregnancy. Jesus’ relentless phone calls and voicemails rattled Paula. She believed she had nowhere to turn. At that time, she became scared, slept poorly, and her paranoia increased significantly. After completing a suicide assessment 5 years ago, it was noted that Paula was decompensating quickly and was at risk of harming herself and/or her baby. Paula was involuntarily admitted to the psychiatric unit of the hospital. Paula remained on the unit for 2 weeks. Educational History: Paula completed high school in Colombia. Paula had hoped to attend the Fashion Institute of Technology (FIT) in New York City, but getting divorced, then raising Miguel on her own interfered with her plans. Miguel attends college full time in New York City. Medical History: Paula was diagnosed as HIV positive 15 years ago. Paula acquired AIDS three years later when she was diagnosed with a severe brain infection and a Tcell count of less than 200. Paula’s brain infection left her completely paralyzed on the right side. She lost function in her right arm and hand as well as the ability to walk. After a long stay in an acute care hospital in New York City, Paula was transferred to a skilled nursing facility (SNF) where she thought she would die. After being in the skilled nursing facility for more than a year, Paula regained the ability to walk, although she does so with a severe limp. She also regained some function in her right arm. Her right hand (her dominant hand) remains semi-paralyzed and limp. Over the course of several years, Paula taught herself to paint with her left hand and was able to return to her beloved art. Paula began treatment for her HIV/AIDS with highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART). Since she ran away from the family home, married and divorced a drug user, then was in an
  • 44. abusive relationship, Paula thought she deserved what she got in life. She responded well to HAART and her HIV/AIDS was well controlled. In addition to her HIV/AIDS disease, Paula is diagnosed with Hepatitis C (Hep C). While this condition was controlled, it has reached a point where Paula’s doctor is recommending she begin a new treatment. Paula also has significant circulatory problems, which cause her severe pain in her lower extremities. She uses prescribed narcotic pain medication to control her symptoms. Paula’s circulatory problems have also led to chronic ulcers on her feet that will not heal. Treatment for her foot ulcers demands frequent visits to a wound care clinic. Paula’s pain paired with the foot ulcers make it difficult for her to ambulate and leave her home. Paula has a tendency not to comply with her medical treatment. She often disregards instructions from her doctors and resorts to holistic treatments like treating her ulcers with chamomile tea. When she stops her treatment, she deteriorates quickly. Maria was born HIV negative and received the appropriate HAART treatment after birth. She spent a week in the neonatal intensive care unit as she had to detox from the effects of the pain medication Paula took throughout her pregnancy. Legal History: Previously, Paula used the AIDS Law Project, a not-for-profit organi nization that helps individuals with HIV address legal issues, such as those related to the child’s father . At that time, Paula filed a police report in response to Jesus' escalating threats and successfully got a restraining order. Once the order was served, the phone calls and visits stopped, and Paula regained a temporary sense of control over her life. Paula completed the appropriate permanency planning paperwork with the assistance of the organization The Family Center. She named Miguel as her daughter’s guardian should something happen to her. Alcohol and Drug Use History: Paula became an intravenous drug user (IVDU), using cocaine and heroin, at age 17. David was one of Paula’s “drug buddies” and suppliers. Paula continued to use drugs in the United States for several years;
  • 45. however, she stopped when she got pregnant with Miguel. David continued to use drugs, which led to the failure of their marriage. Strengths: Paula has shown her resilience over the years. She has artistic skills and has found a way to utilize them. Paula has the foresight to seek social services to help her and her children survive. Paula has no legal involvement. She has the ability to bounce back from her many physical and health challenges to continue to care for her child and maintain her household. David Cortez: father, 46 years old Paula Cortez: mother, 43 years old Miguel Cortez: son, 20 years old Jesus (unknown): Maria’s father, 44 years old Maria Cortez: daughter, 5 years old