The Arctic is warming faster than the rest of the world due to climate change. This has led to declining sea ice and opened up new opportunities for resource extraction and shipping lanes. Russia is heavily investing in Arctic infrastructure and military presence to take advantage of these opportunities and protect its economic and strategic interests in the region. It is building new military bases, ports, radar installations, and icebreakers. Russia controls over half of the Arctic coastline and sees the region as important for its natural resources and geopolitical position.

1. 1
ARCTIC
The Arctic is warming faster than the rest of the globe. In the past 100 years, average Arctic
temperatures have increased at almost twice the global average rate. Average Northern
Hemisphere temperatures during the second half of the 20th century were very likely higher than
during any other 50-year period in the last 500 years. In 2012, Arctic sea ice reached its smallest
extent in recorded history, 1.3 million square miles. The reduction in ice extent has led to an
increase in human activity, in resource extraction, fishing, and tourism.
Climate change has led to melting ice in the Arctic Ocean and thus produce new circumstances in
the region. In addition to opening access to hydrocarbon deposits that the Arctic region is
abundant, open access and new transport capabilities, because in the summer months that region
becomes almost passable for marine traffic, thus the relations between America and Asia as well
as Europe and Asia is considerably shortened.
New opportunities
The Arctic Region has regained importance since the end of the Cold War, as the retreat of sea
ice allows for the potential extraction of resources. The United States Geological Survey
estimates undiscovered conventional oil and gas resources at approximately 90 billion barrels of
oil, 1,669 trillion cubic feet of natural gas, and 44 billion barrels of natural gas liquids.
These deposits equate to about 30 percent of the world’s undiscovered natural gas resources, 13
percent of the world’s undiscovered oil resources, and 20 percent of the world’s liquid natural gas
resources. In total, approximately 22 percent of the world’s undiscovered hydrocarbon reserves
could potentially be found in the Arctic Region.
In time, the Northern Sea Route, Transpolar Route, and Northwest Passage will offer shorter
transit routes between ports in the Pacific and Atlantic.
"Before we can make decisions about our future use of oil and gas and related decisions about
protecting endangered species, native communities and the health of our planet, we need to know
what's out there," said USGS Director Mark Myers. "With this assessment, we're providing the
same information to everyone in the world so that the global community can make those difficult
decisions."
Exploration for petroleum has already resulted in the discovery of more than 400 oil and gas
fields north of the Arctic Circle. These fields account for approximately 40 billion barrels of oil,
more than 1,100 trillion cubic feet of gas, and 8.5 billion barrels of natural gas liquids.
Nevertheless, the Arctic, especially offshore, is essentially unexplored with respect to petroleum.
Arctic opens to sail much faster than expected. According to our calculations, already in mid-
2020, not how we thought 2030. will appear the zone in which will be free shipping - said the
head of the service of the US Navy, Admiral Jonathan White.

2. 2
Only four cargo vessels sailed the whole route in 2010, but this number has increased markedly
each year: to thirty-four in 2011; forty-six in 2012; and seventy-one in 2013. Indeed, Russia is
investing billions of dollars in Arctic infrastructure to realize a "Suez of the north." By
comparison, more than 17,000 ships pass through the Suez Canal annually.
According to estimates of experts, with an investment of $ 5 billion in 5 years in the region could
produce up to 35 million tons of oil a year. The geographical position creates favorable
conditions for the transport of raw materials to other countries in Europe, USA, Canada, and over
the North sea road - in Japan and the countries of the Asia-Pacific region (for them it is
essentially closer than transport raw materials from the Persian Gulf, West Africa and South
America).
In addition, the Arctic is not only rich with sites of energy. This region produces nearly half the
world's fish production.
Melting ice and increasing mobility, is also encouraged research and development capacities of
countries interested in the Arctic region.Arctic coastal states (arctic coastal states) - Russia,
Canada, Norway, Denmark (Greenland) and the United States for some time trying to find a
common and complementary solution for the new situationHowever, despite these and other
Arctic countries (Finland, Iceland, Sweden), which have limited domain participate in the
creation of Arctic policy, is more and more noticeable interest of other countries whose shores
are not coming to the Arctic Ocean, that wants to prosper in different ways, taking into account
the current situation in the region.
International law
Under international law, international waters including the North Pole and the region of the
Arctic Ocean surrounding it, are not owned by any country. The five surrounding Arctic
countries are limited to an exclusive economic zone (EEZ) of 200 nautical miles (370 km; 230
mi) adjacent to their coasts. The waters beyond the territorial waters of the coastal states are
considered the "high seas" (i.e. international waters). The sea bottom beyond the exclusive
economic zones and confirmed extended continental shelf claims are considered to be the
"heritage of all mankind" and administered by the UN International Seabed Authority.
Upon ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), a country
has a ten-year period to make claims to an extended continental shelf which, if validated, gives it
exclusive rights to resources on or below the seabed of that extended shelf area.
Norway (ratified the convention in 1996), Russia (ratified in 1997), Canada (ratified in 2003) and
Denmark (ratified in 2004) launched projects to provide a basis for seabed claims on extended
continental shelves beyond their exclusive economic zones. The United States has signed, but not
yet ratified the UNCLOS.
Within the last seven years 11 countries (Poland (2006), Russia (2008), Finland (2009), France
(2009), Sweden (2010), Iceland (2011), Spain (2011), Denmark (2012), Singapore (2012),

3. 3
Canada (2012) and Japan (2013) have realized the need to appoint their own Arctic ambassadors.
These ambassadors are used for analysis and situational assessments in the emerging “grand
Arctic game,” with the ultimate aim of exploiting mineral resources and using the Arctic route for
shipping cargo from Europe to Asia. Some researchers predict that 30 million tones of cargo will
be shipped via the Northern Sea Route to 2020.
Though the United States has not acceded to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the
Sea (UNCLOS), the United States has long considered its provisions related to traditional ocean
uses as reflecting customary international law. It serves as the legal framework for important
rights and obligations in the ArcticOcean including the delineation of the outer limits of the
continental shelf, protection of the marine environment, freedom of navigation, military survey,
andmarine scientific research for the region.
The Arctic Council
A series of meetings initiated by Finland in 1989 eventually led to the creation of the Arctic
Council in 1996. The Council has become the primary intergovernmental “high level forum” for
cooperation in the Arctic region. It addresses a wide range of issues, including regional
development, the environment, emergency response, climate change, and natural resource
extraction. It has eight member countries: Canada, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Russia,
Sweden, and the United States.
The Council has six working groups devoted to various issues: (1) the Arctic
ContaminantsAction Program; (2) the Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Program; (3)
Conservation of ArcticFlora and Fauna; (4) Emergency Prevention, Preparedness and Response;
(5) Protection of theArctic Marine Environment; and (6) the Sustainable Development Working
Group.
Each member state is represented by a Senior Arctic Official (SAO), who is usually drawn
fromthat country’s foreign ministry. The SAOs hold meetings every six months. The Council
convenes ministerial-level meetings every two years, at the end of each chairmanship, while the
working groups meet more frequently. The Council has a two-year rotating chairmanship.
Thus far, member nations have signed two legally binding instruments: a search and rescue
agreement in 2011, and a marine oil pollution preparedness and response agreement in 2013.
But Arctic cooperation takes place in a variety of other forums. For instance, Nordic nations—
Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Finland, and Iceland—also partner in the Arctic via the Nordic
Council. Nineteen countries are party to the International Arctic Science Committee, a
nongovernmental organization dedicated to research.
Observe status
Observer status is open to non-Arctic states approved by the Council at the Ministerial Meetings
that occur once every two years. Permanent observers have no voting rights in the Council.
Observer states receive invitations for most Council meetings.

4. 4
In May 2014, six non-Arctic nations (China, Italy, Japan, South Korea, Singapore and India)
obtained permanent Arctic Council observer status. This was the first expansion of non-Arctic
nation observers since the AC was formed in 1996 (when six non-Arctic nations were granted
observer status: France, Germany, the United Kingdom, Netherlands, Poland and Spain).
Additionally, the European Union (EU) will likely become an official observer in the near future.
Arctic Council expansion reflects the internal recognition by AC permanent members that
including observers increases the council’s global prestige and resources and strengthens the
AC’s de facto position as the international coordination body for Arctic matters. Observer states
receive invitations for most Council meetings.
Ad hoc observer states
Ad hoc observer states need to request permission for their presence at each individual meeting;
such requests are routine and most of them are granted. There are six ad hoc members, not
including the European Union.
Ilullissat Declaration
The Ilulissat Declaration was adopted 28 May 2008 by representatives of the five countries
bordering the Arctic Ocean (United States, Russia, Canada, Norway and Denmark), at a
conference which held in Ilulissat in Greenland.
The conference dealt with issues of Arctic Ocean from the point climate change, the protection of
the marine environment, maritime safety, and division of emergency responsibilities if new
shipping routes are opened. One of the chief goals written into the declaration was blockage of
any "new comprehensive international legal regime to govern the Arctic Ocean".
http://www.oceanlaw.org/downloads/arctic/Ilulissat_Declaration.pdf
Russia
As Arctic importance grows, so too does Russia’s importance. Russia is the dominant Arctic
power, based on its extensive and sustained commitment to the expansion of land claims, port
facilities, infrastructure and population, all of which go far beyond those of any other Arctic
nation. More than 60 percent of Arctic land area is in Russia, and over 80 percent of the Arctic’s
population lives in Russia. Russia controls access to roughly half of the Arctic continental shelf,
an area essential for Arctic research, exploration and operations. Russia also has the biggest
Arctic military footprint of any nation and is expanding this footprint. Additionally, as new
waterways open in the Arctic, Russia will gain new access and transit opportunities to better
nurture and develop its regional ambitions.
Melting ice has opened up new transit routes and revealed previously inaccessible oil and mineral
deposits. Facing a year of harsh economic constraints, securing exploitable energy reserves
remains a top priority for Moscow. The planned militarization of the Arctic is already underway,
and funding is secured through 2015 (the Ministry of Defense was the only Kremlin ministry not
to be curtailed in the most recent budget.) With Russia aiming to consolidate its strength by the

5. 5
end of the year, surrounding countries are already reassessing their positions in the face of an
overwhelming regional force.
Russia is interested in the Arctic for a number of reasons, though natural resources and pure
geopolitical imperatives are the major driving forces behind Moscow's thinking. The Arctic
contains an estimated 30 percent of the world's undiscovered natural gas and 13 percent of its
undiscovered oil reserves. The Northern Sea Route from East Asia to Europe via the Arctic
Ocean provides another economic opportunity for developing infrastructure in northern Russia.
Ambitious document, "The Foundations of the Russian Federation State Policy in the Arctic to
2000" was approved byt hen President Medvedev in September2008
Russia wants to protect its economic interests and thousands of kilometers long coastline Arctica.
Militarizing the Arctic will be a key imperative for the Russian military throughout 2015.
“In 2015, the Defense Ministry’s main efforts will focus on an increase of combat capabilities of
the armed forces and increasing the military staff in accordance with military construction plans.
Much attention will be given to the groupings in Crimea, Kaliningrad and the Arctic,”
Gerasimov said.
*Russia’s Chief of General Staff Valery Gerasimov
According to the Russian Ministry of Defense, Soviet-era bases in the Arctic are being
reactivated in response to NATO's renewed interest in the region. The airstrip on the archipelago
of Novaya Zemlya is being renovated to accommodate modern and next generation fighter
aircraft in addition to advanced S400 air defense systems.
Part of the Northern Fleet will also be based on the island chain, which is ideally positioned for
operations in the Arctic region. The Northern Fleet represents two-thirds of the entire Russian
Navy, which is the only navy in the world to operate nuclear-powered icebreaker ships.
In addition, Moscow announced the formation of a new 6,000-soldier military group in the far
north consisting of two motorized infantry brigades located in the Murmansk area and the Yamal-
Nenets autonomous region. It is estimated that Russia in the Arctic have 56 aircraft and 122
helicopters.
Radar and ground guidance systems are also planned for Franz Josef Land, Wrangel Island and
Cape Schmidt. The Federal Security Service plans to increase the number of border guards on
Russia's northern perimeter as well.
Russia has access to more than three dozen icebreakers and is constructing what is projected to be
the world’s most powerful icebreaker. While many other nations (including China) are
commissioning new icebreakers.

6. 6
From 38 000 kilometers of the Arctic borders the coast, up to 22,000 kilometers belongs to
Russia. Absolutely control of such a long border is almost impossible. Although Northern
Russian fleet its best and most numerous and it needs help. Therefore, the Russian army have in
its plans the formation of special "Arctic units" which will have a special technique.
Going into 2015, it is estimated that the Russian armed forces have around 56 military aircraft
and 122 helicopters in the Arctic region.
Strategic fleet
Strategic naval forces are an integral part of the Russian Navy, which is a separate service of the
Russia's Armed Forces. The current Commander-in-Chief of the Navy, Vice Admiral Viktor
Chirkov, was appointed to this post on 6 May 2012.
As of January 2015, the Navy included 11 strategic submarines of three different types, of which
8 had missiles on board. The operational submarines carried 128 sea-launched ballistic missiles
(SLBMs) with 512 nuclear warheads.
Number of submarines Warheads
Strategic submarines Number of SLBMs and Their type Total warheads
Project 667BDR (Delta III) 2 32 R-29R (SS-N-
18)
3 96
Project 667BDRM (Delta IV) 6(1) 80 R-29RM (SS-N-
23)
3 320
Project 941 (Typhoon) 1(2) - -
Project 955 3(3) 16 R-30
Bulava
6 96
Total 11 128 512
Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu stated that 14 military airfields on Russia's Arctic
seaboard would be operational by the end of the year. The Ministry of Defense also said some of
the 50 modernized MiG-31BM Foxhound interceptors expected by 2019 will be charged with
defense duties over the Arctic.
Last fall it was announced that Russia began to build a new military settlements in the north. It is
a typical settlements in the form of stars which will include facilities for living, administration,
sports courts, sauna and spaces for rest. The shape of the stars will allow soldiers and officers to
move into the complex without exposure to extremely low temperatures.

7. 7
Work progresses and in other areas. Earlier this month it was announced that Russia in the north
build two modern radar: the Wrangel Island and against Alaska.
The seriousness of Russia's return to the North in its own way tells news that Russia is building
Arctic helicopter. It is a modified version of the multi-purpose helicopter MI-8 This helicopter
will be able to operate in the worst conditions of winter, snow and very low temperatures.
Despite the economic problems plaguing Russia, the Ministry of Defense managed to escape the
significant budget cuts levied against most other ministries. In fact, the Kremlin has increased
defense spending by 20 percent.
At the end of 2014, Russia established a unified strategic command based around the existing
command architecture of the Northern Fleet. The force structure successfully facilitates a military
reach across the islands of Russia's northern territories, allowing for better oversight and control
of the trade route from China to Norway. This structure also serves the purpose of monitoring —
and potentially checking — any military moves by any other power in the region.
Along with the Baltic states and their respective environs, the Barents Sea is under constant
surveillance by Russian fighter jets. Russia's dominance in the region was further solidified
when, in late December, Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a new military doctrine. In
stark contrast to previous dictums, the Arctic region was officially put on the list of Russian
spheres of influence for the first time. The same recognition applies to Russia's maritime
doctrine, which has two major geopolitical imperatives: a thrust toward the Black Sea and
dominion of the near Arctic.
Russia may consider protecting its national interests in the Arctic with military means if
necessary, the country’s defense minister said, pointing to the increasing interest in the region’s
resources by countries with no direct access to the Arctic.
“The constant military presence in the Arctic and a possibility to protect the state’s interests by
the military means are regarded as an integral part of the general policy to guarantee national
security,” said Sergei Shoigu.
“It’s not a secret that the Arctic is turning into one of the world centers for producing
hydrocarbons and is an important junction for transport communications,” he said. “Some
developed countries that don’t have direct access to the polar regions obstinately strive for the
Arctic, taking certain political and military steps in that direction.” He also noted that countries
that are adjacent to the Arctic are all trying to expand their presence.
Norway is a leader when it comes to promoting NATO's role in the Arctic; it is the only country
in the world that has its permanent military headquarters above the Arctic Circle. The
Norwegians have invested extensively in Arctic defense capabilities, but, in terms of size and
means, they are dwarfed by Russia.

8. 8
Russia's Perception of the Arctic
Russia appears to be gearing up for any eventuality in the Arctic, but its policy-makers are
beginning to debate whether Russian pressure in the Arctic serves as a geopolitical pivot that
could alter the regional balance of power. The emergence of a dominant Arctic player will
certainly affect trans-Atlantic trade routes and commitments, relations between Russia and the
northern European countries and relations between Russia and China.
Although Russia faces a raft of internal and external problems such as a strained economy,
matters in Ukraine and pressure from the international community, the Kremlin remains wedded
to its pursuit of the Arctic. This has forced Russia's neighbors to reassess their own military
presence in places like the Barents Sea, as well as territorial claims to disputed parts of the Arctic
Circle.
The countries' foreign ministers, Sergei Lavrov of Russia and Borge Brende of Norway, met Jan.
20 in Russia and discussed, among other things, collaboration in the Barents region. The stakes
are high given the area's natural resources and potential growth in maritime traffic, and tensions
will likely grow as Russia tries to strengthen its influence in the region.
Norway and Russia are the most relevant actors in the region because of their dominance in its oil
and natural gas sector. With dwindling oil and natural gas reserves in the south, the defense of
Norwegian interests above the Arctic Circle has become increasingly important for Oslo — as
has Norway's relationship with Russia. Nordic countries and Russia view each other with
suspicion, but as neighbors they also see the benefits of economic cooperation. For instance,
Norway emphasizes its NATO membership and strong defense ties with other Nordic countries
while at the same time collaborating with Russia in the energy sphere. In turn, Russia benefits
from this collaboration by getting access to Norway's technical expertise, particularly in deep-sea
drilling.
The two leaders in exploring for oil and natural gas in the Barents region are Norway and Russia.
Norway's Statoil has worked with Russian natural gas company Gazprom and agreed in 2012 to
step up collaboration with Russian oil firm Rosneft in order to jointly explore Norwegian and
Russian territory in the region. In 2010, Russia and Norway settled a border dispute in the
Barents Sea that had lasted for four decades. Since then, oil and natural gas exploration,
particularly in the border region, has increased. In addition, fields that cross the border will be
jointly developed.
Conclusion
Russia has opted for a strong approach to "northern politics" from the more strategic reasons but
also from the need to take the best position in relation to the partners, and neighbors within the
Arctic Ocean. In Moscow they believe that the comparative advantages which they have need to

9. 9
use to strengthen not only geo-strategic position of Russia, but also its economy, particularly
production of strategic raw materials, oil and gas.
Russia have enormous advantage to achieve this goal and it is a fact that Russia have the longest
line of demarcation with Arctic Oceans and the possibility of establishing trade routes from Asia
to Europe with its Northern border.The Russian Ministry of Regional Development believes that
the Northeast Passage, due to the large melting of the ice, could become very attractive for the
passage of ships. In the next six years, according to Russian estimates, the transport of goods in
this way could increase from 1.26 to 28.8 million tons
Additionally it should be noted that the fifth Russian territory lies in the Arctic zone where only
about 2.3 million people, or 0.63 per square kilometer.
According to the direct orders of the President of Russia Vladimir Putin, the Russian troops are
deployed across the northern areas of Murmansk to Chukotka region, where they stored wealth of
the Russian part of the Arctic-which is estimated at 30 billion dollars.
According to the direct orders of the President of Russia Vladimir Putin, the Russian troops are
deployed across the northern areas of Murmansk to Chukotka region, where they stored wealth of
the Russian part of the Arctic-which is estimated at 30 billion dollars.
China
Climate change has led to melting ice in the Arctic Ocean and thereby produce new
circumstances in the region. In addition to opening access to hydrocarbon deposits with which
Arctic region is rich, opened access and new transport possibilities, because in the summer
months that region becomes passable, which are relations between America and Asia is
considerably shortened. This attracted the attention of not only the country which have coast out
to the Arctic Ocean, but also other countries, especially major energy users such as China.
This raises an issue which is explicitly set FrédéricLasserre professor of geography at Université
Laval (Quebec City): "Did the Chinese interest in the Arctic rooted in science, in economy,
specifically in resources or transport potential, or may be explained in the context of global
political ambitions that practiced Beijing?"
http://opencanada.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/05/China-and-the-Arctic-Frederic-
Lasserre1.pdf
In the last 10 years China has steadily expanded its Arctic presence and is increasingly speaking
out on Arctic issues. In the last 20 years, China has accumulated memberships in all Arcticrelated
regional associations it is entitled to participate in; applied to be an observer at the Arctic Council

10. 10
(ongoing status from 2013); and become an active participant in all international organizations
whose responsibilities cover the Arctic Ocean.
The Arctic is central to China’s future strategic oil and mineral needs. Access to polar resources,
as well as Arctic sea and air routes, is crucial to China’s future economic, political, and military
expansion as a global great power. China is engaged in a five-year assessment (2011-2016) of
polar resources and governance that will help refine its existing polar strategy, policy direction,
and organizational arrangements.
In 2011 Chen Lianzeng, vice minister of the State Oceanic Administration, stated that the overall
goal of China’s current five year polar plan was to increase China’s “status and influence” in
polar affairs to better protect its “polar rights”
In that field the main objectives of China is to acquire more rights in the Arctic Council from
those which they have now as an observer.But since China knows that a territorial position within
the Arctic is impossible, it wants to have the next best thing: the absolute maximum amount of
influence over Arctic affairs that any non-Arctic state could possibly have.
Chinese polar initiative is based on the assumption that the Arctic is an international zone, which
is important for everyone, and therefore requires greater participation in decision-making on all
issues. In certain sense China is trying to enter Council in a roundabout way, by insisting on the
issues of environmental monitoring and care of indigenous peoples.
On the other hand, China is already involved in numerous activities in the Arctic. Yet from
Ukraine in 1993 has bought an icebreaker and has signed an agreement with the Finnish company
Aker Arctic Technology for the construction of another modern icebreaker, which should be built
in 2016. Despite the fact that China is non-Arctic nations, China will soon have the same number
of icebreakers as Norway and the United States. At the same time, China spends about 60 million
dollars a year on polar research, and building a China-Nordic Arctic Research Center in
Shanghai.
Energy trade between China and Russia is on a constant rise. At the beginning of 2013 were
signed the first major cooperative agreement between the China National Petroleum Corp
(CNPC) with Russian Rosneft on research in the area of Pechora and Barents Seas.
That same year, CNPC has agreed a partnership with Novatek-TV, the largest independent
producer of natural gas in Russia and took a 20% stake in Yamal project that includes research in
the rich gas reserves Arctic South Tambey.
China is the largest consumer and importer of energy resources in the world but its vast
geographical distance from the Arctic limits Beijing’s opportunity – at least in contrast to Arctic
Council members (Canada, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Russia, Sweden and the U.S.)
Nevertheless, China was the first Asian state to show interest and it has begun efforts to become a
full member of the Arctic Council. Beijing argues that under the United Nations Convention on

11. 11
the Law of the Sea the Arctic Ocean is a shipping commons, and that climate change has negative
consequences for Chinese food security, particularly with the flooding of its coastal regions.
China consumes energy on an unmatched scale, and its hunger is only forecast to grow. This
makes the Arctic a natural area of Chinese concern.
Beyond raw numbers, the Arctic offers China diversity, security and savings. Despite significant
inroads with Russia, China is largely dependent on oil imports from the volatile Middle East that
must pass through the chokepoint of the Strait of Malacca in Southeast Asia. In 2011,
approximately 85 percent of China’s oil imports transited this passage. The source and travel path
for these resources, and China’s current lack of alternatives, are not ideal. Arctic energy sources
and shipping lanes provide attractive diversity and security.
Arctic shipping would also substantially reduce transport costs. The distance from Shanghai to
Hamburg along the Northern Sea Route over Russia is approximately 30 percent shorter than the
comparable route through the Suez Canal. Such a reduction in shipping time and distance will
yield large savings on fuel and increase China’s export potential to Europe. In 2013, 71 vessels
sailed the Northern Sea Route, moving 1,355,897 tons. This is a substantial increase over the four
vessels that did so in 2010. China hopes to send 15 percent of its international shipping through
the Arctic by 2020.
What Are China’s Strategic Interests in the Arctic?
• Security (traditional and non-traditional):
China has economic, political, and military security interests in the Arctic.
• Resources:
China wants access to Arctic minerals and hydrocarbons, fishing, tourism, transport routes, and
bioprospecting.
• Science and technology:
Access to the Arctic is essential for the roll-out of the Beidou navigational system, China’s space
science program, and accurate weather forecasting in China.
What Are China’s Arctic Rights and Where Can It Exercise Influence?
o Scientific and economic activities
o Observer status at the Arctic Council
o Access to Arctic seas for scientific research, transport, tourism, fishing
o Access to cross-Arctic air routes
o Participate in international decisionmaking on Arctic matters that come under international
governance

12. 12
o Bid for mineral rights and other economic opportunities
o Potentially bid for deep-sea mineral rights
Protection of Arctic (NATO)
Russia’s increasing militarization of the Arctic comes at an interesting time. In April, the United
States will assume chairmanship of the Arctic Council, a forum that focuses on environmental
preservation, climate change, and the welfare of indigenous populations. This will place the
United States in the unique position of promoting and facilitating cooperation with all Arctic
nations while monitoring Russia’s northern military expansion with its NATO partners.
However, NATO’s Vision 2020, an outline of the organization’s most important strategic
concepts, does not mention the Arctic. NATO also does not have an Arctic strategy. There is a
wide discrepancy in the amount that Arctic nations prioritize the formulation of a unified
strategy: Norway wrote its first High North Strategy in 2006, while the United States did not
develop a national strategy until 2013.
Magnus Nordenman, Deputy Director of the Brent Scowcroft Center on International Security at
the Atlantic Council, explains that, “There is no consensus on (a direct Arctic presence) among
the Allies. While Norway would very much like to see a NATO role in the Arctic, Canada is
more skeptical of that approach. Denmark finds itself somewhere in between. The argument
whether NATO in the Arctic would provide additional stability, or become an additional irritant,
in the NATO-Russia relationship is not yet settled.”
NATO’s lack of an Arctic strategy means that member nations are continuing to develop their
own northern defense policies. Canadian Forces are constructing a series of Northern Operations
Hubs that will allow them to stockpile equipment and facilitate rapid troop movement, and is
forging agreements with foreign governments to create an international system of hubs.
On more than one occasion, NATO has stated its intention not to militarize the Arctic, despite
increasing provocations from Russia. In a speech delivered in May 2013, former NATO
Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen made it clear that, “The Arctic… rewards
cooperation, not confrontation.”
Denmark has had a specialized military command for its Arctic territories since 2012, and the
United States has more than 22,000 soldiers, sailors, airmen and Marines stationed in Alaska.
Iceland’s President, ÓlafurGrímsson, has emphasized the importance of Arctic security in several
international speeches. And Finland and Sweden signed a Memorandum of Understanding with
NATO in the September NATO summit in Wales, allowing for a closer partnership between the
Arctic countries. Finland’s shipbuilding expertise could assist NATO countries in the future with
oil spills, emergency response, and defense in Arctic waters.

13. 13
Like Russia, NATO countries have carried out several exercises in the Arctic in the past few
years. The biannual, Norwegian-led Exercise Cold Response in March 2014 brought 16,000
soldiers from 16 countries to Harstad, North Norway to practice high-intensity operations in
extreme conditions. American and Danish forces have also cooperated in Canada’s annual
Operation Nanook since 2010.
Exercise Arctic Zephyr, a search and rescue exercise held alternately between the United States
Northern Command (NORTHCOM) and U.S. European Command (EUCOM), will take place in
2015.
What NATO offers
• In an address at the Halifax International Security Forum in 2013, Former U.S. Secretary of
Defense Chuck Hagel conveyed a message of hope that the U. S. and NATO will “strengthen
our military-to-military ties with other Arctic nations. This includes Russia, with whom the
United States and Canada share common interests in the Arctic, creating the opportunity to
pursue practical cooperation between our militaries and our nations and promote greater
transparency.”
The creation of a joint task force on the Arctic could both formalize the sharing of information
and increase transparency to the Russians without appearing confrontational, and could provide
maritime assistance in emergency situations. Individual Allies such as Denmark, Norway, and
Canada are more active with their militaries in the Arctic and provide situational awareness to the
rest of the Allies through briefings and information sharing.
NATO members could also invest in a long-range intelligence and surveillance system that would
provide more information across the expanse of the Arctic. And the Arctic Security Forces
Roundtable, an informal, semi-annual meeting of military officials from Arctic and Allied
countries, could evolve into a more formal and structured way for Arctic militaries to coordinate.
Security: North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD)
• The North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD), designed for defense and
deterrence against Soviet bombers and missiles, has provided for the joint defense of North
American airspace since 1957.
• In 2006 the United States and Canada recognized the need to modernize the agreement, and
decided to eliminate the requirement to renew it at regular intervals.
• In what is being called “NORAD Next,” U.S. and Canadian officials have begun to address
the issue of how to improve Arctic and maritime domain awareness through NORAD,

14. 14
acknowledging that the melting ice-cover will make the region more accessible to maritime
traffic.
• Russia’s resumption of bomber patrols in last year over the high Arctic, up to Canadian, U.S.,
and Norwegian aerospace boundaries, are a reminder of the need to maintain this deterrence
capability.
Canada
The Government of Canada has launched an ambitious Northern Strategy to respond to these
opportunities and challenges.
Our Northern Strategy lays out four areas where Canada is taking action to advance its interests
both domestically and internationally and to help unlock the North’s true potential: exercising
sovereignty; promotingeconomic and social development; protecting our environmental heritage;
and improving and devolving Northern governance.
In pursuing each of these pillars in our Arctic foreign policy, Canada is committed to exercising
the full extent of its sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction in the region.
Canadian High Arctic Research Station (CHARS)
The Canadian High Arctic Research Station (CHARS) will provide a world-class hub for science
and technology research in Cambridge Bay, Nunavut. CHARS will strengthen Canada’s position
internationally as a leader in polar science and technology in the Arctic.
“The North is a fundamental part of Canada’s heritage, future and identity, and we must continue
to assert our sovereignty over Canada’s Arctic,” said Prime Minister Harper. “This new station
will undertake science and technology (S&T) research that will support the responsible
development of Canada’s North, inform environmental stewardship, and enhance the quality of
life of Northerners and all Canadians.”
The new station will attract international scientists to work on science and technology issues in
Canada’s North and provide a technology development centre, traditional knowledge centre and
advanced laboratories. This station is being built by Canadians to serve the world, and engage
Northerners in cutting-edge science and technology.
On December 16, 2014 the Canadian High Arctic Research Station Act received Royal Assent.
Given our extensive Arctic coastline, our Northern energy and natural resource potential, and the
40 percent of our land mass situated in the North, Canada is an Arctic power.
Canada should take an active role in the conservation of resources, sustainable development and
environmental protection of this strategic Arctic region. Through such engagement and in
cooperation with other States will preserve its interests

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Excercising Sovereignty
In our Arctic foreign policy, the first and most important pillar towards recognizing the potential
of Canada’s Arctic is the exercise of our sovereignty over the Far North. Canada has a rich
history in the North, and Canada’s sovereignty is the foundation for realizing the full potential of
Canada’s North, including its human dimension.
Within the next decade, Canada will launch a new polar icebreaker. This will be the largest and
most powerful icebreaker ever in the Canadian Coast Guard fleet.
The Canada First Defence Strategy will give the Canadian Forces the tools it needs to provide an
increased presence in the Arctic. Through this strategy, Canada is investing in new patrol ships
/six to eight Arctic Offshore Patrol Ships (AOPS)/ that will be capable of sustained operation in fi
rst-year ice to ensure we can closely monitor our waters as they gradually open up and maritime
activity increases.
Canada is also expanding the size and capabilities of the Canadian Rangers, drawn
primarily from indigenous communities, that provide a military presence and Canada’s“eyes and
ears” in remote parts of Canada. A new Canadian Forces Arctic Training Centre is also being
established in Resolute Bay.
Canada and the United States work together to better monitor and control Northern airspace
through our cooperation in NORAD, the North American Aerospace Defence Command.
Canadian Forces will also take advantage of new technologies to enhance surveillance capacity of
our territory and its approaches.
• Canada and the United States should continue communicating with one another on matters
related to Arctic sovereignty to avoid political misunderstandings and ensure proper
surveillance and enforcement capabilities continue.
• Canada needs to ensure it meets NORAD, and the United States’, expectations in the Arctic,
while providing the resources it needs to expand its our Arctic domain awareness.
• Canada will need to balance its commitment to the Arctic Council with its commitment to its
own foreign policy and to NATO, specifically as relates to the situation in Ukraine.
• Canada’s vision for the Arctic may be at odds with its NATO commitments. The Harper
government does not see a role for the alliance in the region, placing it at odds with some of
its European allies - such as Norway, which has been pushing to expand NATO’s role in the
Arctic.
• Canada does not currently see a military threat in the region and, thus, does not see the need
to expand NATO’s role there.
New challenges
Canada in the last few decades has been a leader in the international polar policy based on
preserving the integrity of natural values of Arctica. Canada is the founder and leader of activities

16. 16
within the Arctic Council, where the country bordering the polar region needs to build
relationships of respect and understanding in the common interest. Dynamics of changes that take
place on the assessment on Artict which condition faster global warming and radical changes
from current expectations imposed greater care for our own resources and the region as a whole.
By opening opportunities for rapid exploitation of the enormous natural resources, particularly oil
and gas, and opening opportunities for commercial transit of ships has increased interest in the
region not only between countries but Arctic Counsel and some countries such as China
Getting back to the Arctic after decades of neglect of the region, Russia has launched a
comprehensive process of militarization under the cover of protecting their own resources and its
northern borders.
Due to the above Now is the time for CANADA policymakers to expand and institutionalize a
steady, long-term focus on the Arctic that recognizes the region for the economic and strategic
challenges and opportunities it presents today and tomorrow.
What is the response of Canada?
Build Foundations for Sustainable, Responsible Economic Expansion
Expand infrastructure, particularly temporary and shore capacity equipment (such as ports,
communications, refueling stations, vehicles, roads, floating platforms, undersea and aerial
autonomous vehicles) in the Arctic. This will raise the capacity to support research, commerce
and indigenous people’s development with services such as search and rescue operations and oil
spill preparedness and response, drastically reducing the chances of catastrophe and enabling
safer maritime operations. Such capacity will also enable transport of people, goods and
equipment to offshore vessels, even in harsh weather.
Build technical, public-private partnerships for developing shared infrastructure,
communications, satellites, weather and ice prediction and maritime domain awareness.
Develop Broad Cooperation With Russia on Arctic Resource Use
Recognize and leverage Russia as the current pre-eminent Arctic power. Strong, technical
working relationships with Russia are essential not only to maintain the Arctic as a “zone of
peace,” but also to facilitate maritime access and the sharing of financial, human and
technological resources. The Arctic Council is an opportune venue to hold Russia accountable for
commitments to Arctic development and to ensure that the Arctic develops consistent with shared
interests.
The answer to the growing military presence of Russia
Within the "NORAD Next" continue with the effective protection of airspace

17. 17
Develop sophisticated forms of surveillance and monitoring with the use of existing radar data
and experiences of NATO
Continue training of border ranger units in addition to creating good logistics for them.
Increase the number of specialized Arctic Offshore Patrol Ships (AOPs)
Work on the icebreaker that will ensure the safety of the fairway of the Canadian part of the
Arctic Ocean.
Potential threats airspace
• Patrollingof Russian militaryaircraftalong the demarcation linewith Canadainorder to
demonstrateforceandscouting;
• The use ofaircraft-drones(Russian and Chinese) that do not haveallowed accessfor the
purpose ofspyingand intelligenceandotherdata.
Answer of Canadian side
• Effective monitoring under the protection of airspace through NORAD.
• Developing a radar system in the framework of partnership relations in the framework of
NATO.
• Strengthening logistics and procurement of sophisticated equipment in units of the Royal
canadian Air Force to the north
Potential threats - Waterspace
• The danger of a nuclear submarine and the Russia Northern Fleet
Answer of Canadian side
Canada must focus its attention on strengthening diplomatic activities in order to attract the
interest of Polar policy put the issues of protection of natural resources, strengthening of
environmental awareness in the interests of the inhabitants of the North but also all citizens of
Canada. Such a policy can be implemented through active participation in all organizations, local,
regional and international importance dealing with Arctic policy. Canada should be in charge of
these activities to issues militarization of the region play in the background, and the holders of
such policies to account.