The Christian Right has influenced the modern Republican Party since the 1960s. It originated as a "Southern Backlash" against Lyndon Johnson's support for civil rights, which caused conservative Southern Democrats to shift to the Republican Party. In the 1970s and 80s, the movement grew with the emergence of politically active evangelical preachers. Ronald Reagan successfully appealed to the Christian Right in 1980, reflecting their new influence over the Republican Party. However, the Christian Right lacks clear leadership and has failed to achieve some of its key policy goals, like overturning Roe v. Wade, despite Republican control of the presidency and Supreme Court.
Presentation developed for a series of lectures on the media and American politics for PS 101 American Government at the University of Kentucky, Spring 2007. Dr. Christopher S. Rice, Instructor.
I was the group leader in this project to analysis the Broadway industry, conduct primary & secondary research and provide recommendations for Broadway. The leave behind was submitted for a Marketing Research course.
Presentation developed for a series of lectures on the media and American politics for PS 101 American Government at the University of Kentucky, Spring 2007. Dr. Christopher S. Rice, Instructor.
I was the group leader in this project to analysis the Broadway industry, conduct primary & secondary research and provide recommendations for Broadway. The leave behind was submitted for a Marketing Research course.
http://www.tomrichey.net
The new AP US History curriculum is placing increased emphasis on American Indian cultures prior to and immediately following European contact. This PowerPoint slide show is designed to accompany a lecture introducing high school and college US History students to the diverse array of Native American cultures that populated North America.
Running Head Week Two Annotated Bibliography Worksheet1Week.docxrtodd599
Running Head: Week Two Annotated Bibliography Worksheet
1
Week Two Annotated Bibliography Worksheet
3
Week Two Annotated Bibliography Worksheet
Keisha Thomas
POL201 American National Government
Mark Ladd
August 20, 2018
Topic: The Civil Rights Movement of 1964.
In 1964, the Civil Rights Act ended segregation in public places banning employment discrimination that was based on national origin, sex, religion, race or color. This is considered as one of the most crowning achievements as far as civil right movements are concerned. Despite the strong opposition from the southerners, it was signed into law by Lyndon B. Johnson who succeeded Kennedy. The topic is important to address since it played a vital role in the removal of the procedures and registration requirements that were biased against the underprivileged and minorities (Davis, 2016). Moreover, it also called for the nondiscrimination in fund distributions, public school desegregation as well as the broadening of Civil Rights Commission duties (Percy, 2018).
A. Source 1
Brown, R. L. (2017). Accountability, liberty, and the Constitution. In Bills of Rights (pp. 49-98). Routledge.
In his article Brown (2017) asserts that political accountability in constitutional theory has been misunderstood. This has led to the contribution of the model that places majority rule at the center of constitutional legitimacy requiring special justification for departures. The model offers the start point for much of the modern constitutional theory in the sense that judicial review is branded as a “deviant” institution. History suggests that in America, representation was not designed as a means of people to take part in government but rather as a means for people protecting themselves from the representative government of their own. This explains the reason why people understand the principle of political accountability as a way to protect themselves. People are allowed to check abuse of power as well as overseeing a political structure.
B. Source 2
Rosenbloom, D. H. (2016). 3a. Public Administrative Theory and the Separation of Powers. In The Constitutional School of American Public Administration (pp. 78-94). Routledge.
In public administration, there has been an experience of absent or weak theoretical core (Rosenbloom, 2016). The paper found out that the main problem affecting the public administrative theory emanates from three disparate approaches as to what public administration really is. These approaches are labeled “legal,” “managerial,” and “political”. On public administration, they influence each other in the sense that they overlap following the pattern of the constitutional separation of powers. These approaches are not likely to be synthesized without having to violate the values ingrained deeply in the U.S culture of politics (Rosenbloom, 2016).
C. Source 3
Pettit, B., & Sykes, B. L. (2015). Civil rights legislation and legalized exclusion: Mass incarceration and the masking of ine.
Making Divided Government Work (Manfred Ohrenstein)Wagner College
On Wednesday, March 21, 2012, Wagner College’s Hugh L. Carey Institute for Government Reform welcomed MANFRED OHRENSTEIN, former minority leader of the New York state senate, for a lecture entitled, “Making Divided Government Work.” The senator described the bipartisan collaboration between Democratic Governor Hugh L. Carey and a politically divided Legislature that successfully engineered the fiscal rescue of New York City in 1975-76. Ohrenstein also discussed how Albany’s example from that era could be applied today in Washington, where a kind of paralysis has been produced by hyperpolitical gridlock.
How Stephen Miller Seized the Moment to Battle Immigration B.docxpooleavelina
How Stephen Miller Seized the Moment to Battle Immigration
By Jason DeParle
The New York Times
August 27, 2019
WASHINGTON—When historians try to explain how opponents of immigration
captured the Republican Party, they may turn to the spring of 2007, when George W.
Bush threw his waning powers behind a legalization plan and conservative populists
buried it in scorn.
Mr. Bush was so taken aback, he said he worried about America “losing its soul,” and
immigration politics have never been the same.
That spring was significant for another reason, too: An intense young man with wary,
hooded eyes and fiercely anti-immigrant views graduated from college and began a
meteoric rise as a Republican operative. With the timing of a screenplay, the man and
the moment converged.
Stephen Miller was 22 and looking for work in Washington. He lacked government
experience but had media appearances on talk radio and Fox News and a history of
pushing causes like “Islamo-Fascism Awareness Week.” A first-term congresswoman
from Minnesota offered him a job interview and discovered they were reading the same
book: a polemic warning that Muslim immigration cold mean “the end of the world as
we know it.”
By the end of the interview, Representative Michele Bachmann had a new press
secretary. And a dozen years later, Mr. Miller, now a senior adviser to President Trump,
is presiding over one of the most fervent attacks on immigration in American history.
The story of Mr. Miller’s rise has been told with a focus on his pugnacity and paradoxes.
Known more for his enemies than his friends, he is a conservative firebrand from liberal
Santa Monica, Calif., and a descendant of refugees who is seeking to eliminate refugee
programs. He is a Duke graduate in bespoke suits who rails against the perfidy of so-
called elites. Among those who have questioned his moral fitness are his uncle, his
childhood rabbi and 3,400 fellow Duke alumni.
Less attention has been paid to the forces that have abetted his rise and eroded
Republican support for immigration — forces Mr. Miller has personified and advanced
in a career unusually reflective of its times.
Rising fears of terrorism after the Sept. 11 attacks brought new calls to keep immigrants
out. Declining need for industrial labor left fewer businesses clamoring to bring them in.
A surge of migrants across the South stoked a backlash in the party’s geographic base.
Conservative media, once divided, turned against immigration, and immigration-
reduction groups that had operated on the margins grew in numbers and sophistication.
Abandoning calls for minority outreach, the Republican Party chose instead to energize
2
its conservative white base — heeding strategists who said the immigrant vote was not
just a lost cause but an existential threat.
Arriving in Washington as these forces coalesced, Mr. Miller rode the tailwinds with zeal
and skill. Warning of terrorism and disturbed by multic ...
Body ImageCOLLAPSETop of FormI choose a study that was in .docxrichardnorman90310
Body Image
COLLAPSE
Top of Form
I choose a study that was in the personality and individual differences group that was titled “Personality and Body Image in Young Woman”. As a participant I was asked to answer a lot of questions about my body and how I felt about it.
For this study I believe that this research is applied. Why? Well first let’s see what the book says about applied research “applied research investigates issues that have implications for everyday life and provide solutions to everyday problems” (Stangor 2015). Although some may disagree about what type of research this, I believe that this is applied because it deals with everyday issues and people have been trying to find solutions for this problem for many years. Body image has been a battle in the world for many young women, some even dating back to pre-teen and teen years.
I believe that some of the strengths would be allowing woman to express body images completely anonymous without fear of someone knowing it was them. Also, it allows woman to recognize the body image issues that they have by “forcing” them to identify what they dislike about themselves. I think some of the limitations is it being anonymous (I know you are screaming but let me explain). I believe that this study being anonymous makes it seem like the woman is alone in this self-conscious world. When in fact there are many and I mean MANY women, who struggle with this. Another limitation is at the end there is no next step to take after you complete the study. Woman need to know what is next and what they can to help themselves.
Over all I believe that this study does make you do self-reflection.
Stangor, C. (2015). Research methods for the behavioral sciences (5th ed.). Stamford, CT: Cengage Learning
Bottom of Form
How Stephen Miller Seized the Moment to Battle Immigration
By Jason DeParle
The New York Times
August 27, 2019
WASHINGTON—When historians try to explain how opponents of immigration
captured the Republican Party, they may turn to the spring of 2007, when George W.
Bush threw his waning powers behind a legalization plan and conservative populists
buried it in scorn.
Mr. Bush was so taken aback, he said he worried about America “losing its soul,” and
immigration politics have never been the same.
That spring was significant for another reason, too: An intense young man with wary,
hooded eyes and fiercely anti-immigrant views graduated from college and began a
meteoric rise as a Republican operative. With the timing of a screenplay, the man and
the moment converged.
Stephen Miller was 22 and looking for work in Washington. He lacked government
experience but had media appearances on talk radio and Fox News and a history of
pushing causes like “Islamo-Fascism Awareness Week.” A first-term congresswoman
from Minnesota offered him a job interview and discovered they were reading the same
book: a polemic warning that Muslim immigration cold mean “the end of the world a.
!!FINAL COPY Capstone Research task, Callum Craigie
American Politics Major Essay, final copy
1. 1
Student no: 42779006
Callum Craigie
American Politics Major Essay:
Discuss the influence of the Christian Right on the modern Republican Party,
from President Reagan to President George W. Bush.
The Christian Right is influential towards the modern Republican Presidency as
social movement. The Democratic Lyndon Johnson Presidency led the creation
and future influence of the Christian Right upon the modern Republican Party.
The 1964 Civil Rights Act was the trigger for disenchanted Southern
conservatives to entrench a ‘Southern Backlash’ vote to the Republican Party in
the 1964 Presidential elections. The ‘Southern Backlash’ organised as a social
movement into the Christian Right with the growth of the liberal administrative
state and the emergence of politicised preachers. As a social movement the 1980
election victory of Reagan reflected how the Christian Right became influential
with the modern Executive of Office. Furthermore the election fallout of
President George H. W. Bush and the President Bill Clinton victory was the
reflection significantly influential the Christian Right had become upon the
Modern Republican parties hold of the Oval Office. The Christian Right lacks
further influence with no official leadership or successful political organisation.
Furthermore key policies of the Christian Right’s have failed to achieve success
under a modern Republican government.
2. 2
The Christian Right is influential towards the modern Republican Presidency, as
the modern Executive Office has become intertwined with social movements.
According to Arthur Schlesinger in his analysis of American leadership,
traditionally the executive office would shy away from close relationships with
controversial social movements and sometimes openly attack them1. However
the role of the executive changed into the 20th century, with the nation according
to Milkis and Tichenor receiving ‘glimpses’ of transformational possibilities.
Examples of Presidential collaborations with social movements are given during
the both Roosevelt, Wilson, Truman and Kennedy administrations2. Sidney
Milkis, Daniel Tichenor and Laura Blessing in a historical study of the rallying
forces for political transformations in American politics, conceives the
relationship between the modern Presidency and social movements to be
instrumental. The emergence of the modern Presidency was the ‘recast’ of the
role of the President as an executive. A modern Presidency in order to guarantee
their next term survival and primary elections will collaborate with social
movements3. Furthermore it is argued by Milkis, Tichenor and Blessing the
modern Executive power and social movements being intertwined, is
problematic. The Executive power in appealing to the social movement is
constrained constitutionally by the separation and division of powers4. The
1 Schlesinger. M. Arthur, ‘The Imperial Presidency’, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt,
2004, p. 542.
2 Milkis. M. Sidney and Tichenor. J. Daniel, ‘Reform’s Mating Dance: Presidents
Social Movements and Racial Realignments’, Journal of Policy History, vol. 23, no.
4, 2001, p. 451-490.
3 Milkis. M. Sidney, Tichenor. J. Daniel, Blessing. Laura, ‘The Rallying Force: The
Modern Presidency, Social Movements, and the Transformation of American
Politics’, Presidential Studies Quarterly 43, No. 3 September, Center for the Study
of the Presidency, 2013, p. 642.
4 Ibid.
3. 3
Christian Right is therefore problematically influential to the modern Republican
Presidency, as the role of the Executive has transformed to collaborate with
social movements.
It was the Democratic Lyndon Johnson Presidency’s collaboration with the social
movement of Civil Rights, which led the creation and future influence of the
Christian Right upon the modern Republican Party. Johnson in appealing to
another social movement been Civil Rights, proved to be a critical action to the
Democratic Party5. In launching the biggest Presidential wave of federal
expansion since Roosevelt Johnson’s in his Great Society programs of the 1960s,
clashed with the traditional American conceptions of rights. Traditionally
characters such as Strom Thurmond were popular within the Deep Southern
Democratic Party, on the grounds of his refusal of schoolhouse access of black
children6. However following the introduction of the Civil Rights Act of 1964
considerable backlash occurred within the demographic of Southern,
conservative, Christian and working class whites from the Democratic Party7.
The collaboration of Johnson with the Civil Rights social movement was the
trigger to disenchantment with Southern conservatives.
Christian Right influence after Johnson’s collaborations with Civil Rights caused
further backlash into Republican Party. Characters in the Republican Party with
5 Schoenberger. A. Robert, ‘The American Right Wing: Readings in Political
Behavior’, Hold, Rinehart and Winston INC, The University of Michigan, 1969, p.
247.
6 Busch. E. Andrew, ‘Regan’s Victory: The Presidential Election of 1980 and the
Rise of the Right’, University of Kansas, 2005, p. 9.
7 Ibid, p. 17.
4. 4
similar views to the previously mentioned Strum Thurmond, such as Barry
Goldwater gained the political momentum. The disenchanted Southern
conservatives voted for Barry Goldwater. Backlash flow into the Goldwater
Presidential campaign in 1964. The Republican Party gained several Deep South
states, for the first time since the civil war8. Busch in his analysis of factors that
led up to Reagan’s victory considers the Democrats although morally correct to
have “paid a heavy price for this position, alienating both southern whites and
white ethnic blue collar workers”9. The introduction of Civil Rights led to the
influx of disenchanted Democratic voters into Republican politics.
With the 1964 Civil Rights Act, 1964 Presidential elections and the following
Republican gain of disenchanted Southern conservatives the Republican Party
became a destabilised environment. The Republican convention of 1964 caused a
split among liberal and conservative Republicans over the civil rights issue,
drawn primarily along the dimension of federal intervention on the behalf of the
civil rights movement. A disenchanted group been the ‘Southern Backlash’, came
to infest and influence the previously liberal Republican Party10. Conservative
Republicans appealed to the ‘Southern Backlash’ destabilising the influence of
the liberals within the Republican Party.
The ‘Southern Backlash’ evolved into the Christian Right with the growth of the
liberal administrative state, following 1964 and the emergence of politicised
preachers. The ‘Southern Backlash’ demographic already been conservative
8 Ibid, p. 16.
9 Ibid, p. 16.
10 Schoenberger. A. Robert, 1969, p. 247.
5. 5
Christians became further radicalised with the social and political changes into
the 1970s. Christian fundamentalists, evangelicals and Pentecostals evolved or
contributed to organisations such as the fundamentalist American Council of
Christian Churches and the less absolutist National Association of Evangelicals11.
Previously the Christian fundamentalist, evangelicals and Pentecostal preachers
were political non participants or would vote Democratic, however the 1970s
was the emergence of politicised preachers12. The assembly of ‘Southern
Backlash’ with the emergence of politicised preachers caused gradual emergence
of a Christian Right in the 1970s.
The assembly of the emergence of politicised preachers that caused gradual
emergence of a Christian Right was in the rejection of the liberal political
changes of the 1970s. According to Diamond in her analysis of what forces led up
to Reagan’s emergence to the Presidency, preachers such as Jerry Falwell, James
Robison, Pat Robertson, and Jim Bakker entered politics in the 1970s in revolt
against of culturally liberal government policies that favoured ‘secular
humanism’ over their faith-based moralities13. Falwell and other Christian Right
preachers been particularly outraged by abortion. In 1973 following the Roe vs.
Wade Supreme Court decision, abortion was in legalised, causing considerable
public outcry for the Christian Right. Furthermore similar outrage was expressed
with threats to the tax-exempt status of some Christian schools, the Senate
11 Wuthnow. Robert and Liebman. Robert, ‘The New Christian Right:
Mobilization and Legitimization’, Transaction Publishers, 1983, p. 168-172.
12 Weyrich. Paul, ‘Building the Moral Majority’, August, 1979, p. 114-117. Cited
Story. Ronald and Laurie. Bruce, ‘The Rise of Conservatism in America: 1945-
2000’, Bedford St/ Martin’s Publishing, 2008.
13 Diamond. Sara, ‘Roads to Dominion: Right Wing Movements and Political
Power in the United States’, Guilford Press, 1995, p. 246.
6. 6
passage of the Equal Rights Amendment in 1972 and the emergence of other
social movements such as gay rights14. The Christian Right as a social movement
rejected liberal political change led by the new politicalised preachers.
Christian Right as a social movement became influential to the modern Executive
office in the 1976 elections, which led to the success of the modern Republican
Party. In 1976 Democratic nominee Jimmy Carter won office, with the support of
the Christian Right. Ronald Reagan ran for the Republican primaries in 1976
losing to Gerald Ford. Reagan appealed to the Christian Right in the primaries as
an advocate for Barry Goldwater15. Jimmy Carter was a ‘born again’ Southern
Baptist and won the support of the Christian Right in the 1976 election against
Gerald Ford. Reagan, the dark horse insurgent Republican candidate of 1976
later proved to be alternative for the Christian Right16. In Carter’s short time in
office, his administration angered Christian Right leaders on a variety of issues.
The Christian Right were once again disenchanted by the expansion of social
policies. These include the school prayer, abortion and particularly the
administration’s stance to deny tax-exempt status to religious schools that failed
to integrate racial minorities from their local communities17. The Christian Right
14 Pierson. Paul and Skocpol. Theda, ‘ The Transformation of American Politics:
Activist Government and the Rise of Conservatism’, Princeton University Press,
2007, p. 55.
15 Ibid, p. 96.
16 Reichley. A. James, ‘Religion in American Public Life’, Brookings Institution
Press, 1985, p. 78-79.
17 Diamond. Sara, ‘Not by Politics Alone: The Enduring Influence of the Christian
Right’, Guilford Press, 2000, p. 65-66. Edsall. B. Thomas and Edsall. D. Mary,
‘Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights and Taxes on American Politics’,
Norton, 1992, p. 132-134.
7. 7
was influenced the modern Republican Party with alternative candidate of
Reagan following the dissatisfaction of Carter’s expansion of social policies.
The 1980 election victory of Reagan reflected the Christian Right’s anxieties with
a shifting to a collaborative Executive Office. Reagan according to Milkis
appealed to the Christian Right in advancing a more centralised party system
that defied national consensus and enduring reform, with the promise of
conservatives gaining authority over liberals for control of the modern executive
office18. Reagan used the modern executive as an institution through the
emergence with a social movement, however appealing to a social movement
that previously evolved in the disenchantment of Johnson’s emergence with a
social movement. Hence the electoral success of the Republican Party in 1980 led
by Reagan was a “critical”, realignment of presidential contest”19. Following the
Reagan presidency Christian Right consistently has made up a third of all
registered voters, with half identifying to be Republican, and around 80 per cent
voting Republican up to 200420. The Christian Right following 1980 election
became influential into how the modern Republican’s won the Executive office.
The election of President George H. W. Bush and the following election of
President Bill Clinton, reflected the how influential the Christian Right became
upon Republican Presidential campaigns. In 1988 Bush senior gained the Oval
Office after been the Vice President to the Reagan administration, however only
maintaining one term. Bush senior unlike Reagan and Carter was not an avid
18 Milkis. M. Sidney, Tichenor. J. Daniel, Blessing. Laura, 2013, p. 643.
19 Ibid, p. 656.
20 Ibid, p. 643.
8. 8
campaigner of the Christian Right. Bush senior although in the Reagan
administration contrary to the Christian Right’s objectives was a moderate to
liberal Republican, endorsing abortion rights and the Equal Rights amendment.
The following 1992 election loss further explained how critical the Christian
Right and their objectives had come to influence the Republican hold on the Oval
Office. Following the Christian Right swing of President Reagan was the
emergence of the New Democrats. New organisations emerged with the Reagan
landslide, forming around the reform party initiatives. Examples such as the
Democratic Leadership Council founded in 1985 chaired by Bill Clinton,
advocated a ‘Third Way’ as an antidote to Reagan’s success21. Clinton unlike
previous Democratic candidate Michael Dukakis excised the ‘Third Way’. The
‘Third Way’ meant appealing to the Christian Right, promoting his Southern
Baptist religious beliefs and exploiting Bush’s Episcopalian beliefs22. The absence
of the Christian Right in Bush’s senior’s campaign meant the considerable
absence of votes, particularly in the Southern Baptist South23. In no longer
supporting the Bush senior administration, the Christian Right proved to be an
essential for Republican Presidential hold in the Oval Office.
The Christian Right lacks any official leadership or the organisation social
movement to influence within the Republican Party. In an analysis of the
Christian Coalition mainstream (an advocacy group formed in 1989 of
conservative Christians and evangelicals led by Pat Robertson), the Christian
21 Duncan. Russell and Goddard. Joseph, ‘Contemporary States and Societies:
Contemporary America’, Palgrave McMillian, Second Edition, 2005, p. 83.
22 Ibid, p. 112
23 Cooke. Alistair, ‘Letter From America’, The Penguin Group, 2004, p. 353.
9. 9
Right is considered by James Jasper to be an incorporation of the Republican
Party, rather than a social movement. Jasper defines a social movement to be the
“conscious, concerted, and relatively sustained efforts by organised groups…. To
change some aspect of their society by using extra-institutional means”24. An
attempted organisation of the Christian Right emerged in 1995 with Republican
senators, congresspersons; the Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich and
Christian Coalition leaders announcing a 10-point contract with the American
family. The media perceived the contract and leaders of the Christian Coalition
such as the executive director Ralph Reed to had gained immediate political
influence. Within the same month Time Magazine named Reed “The Right Hand
of God”, but later in 2006 the article was mocked the Washington Post to be a
shrinking organisation25. The 10-point contract proved to be a failed successful
organisation of individuals and groups. The Christian Coalition in 2001 had debts
exceeding its’ assets by $983000 and Pat Robertson resigned as its’ president26.
Jasper is therefore correct to proclaim the Christian Right as an incorporation of
the Republican Party, as the Republican element of the original organisation of
individuals and groups remains.
The Christian Right’s key policies have not been achieved under Republican
government. As previously stated, Falwell and other Christian Right preachers
24 Jasper. James, ‘The Art of Moral Protest: Culture, Biography and Creativity in
Social Movements’, University of Chicago Press, 1999, p. 5.
25 Cooperman. Alan and Edsall. Thomas, ‘Christian Coalition Shrinks as Debt
Grows’, The Washington Post, 10 April 2006.
26 Schnabel. L. Paul, ‘When Fringe Goes Mainstream: A Sociohistorical Content
Analysis of the Christian Coalition’s Contract with The American Family and the
Republican Party Platform’, Politics, Religion and Ideology, Vol. 14, No. 1, 2013, p.
110.
10. 10
were outraged by abortion. The 1973 ruling of Roe vs. Wade in the Supreme
Court decision legalised abortion27. Since the Reagan and George Bush Senior era
the Supreme Court has been under the influence of the Republican Party, with
majority of Supreme Court Justices been appointed by Republican Presidents.
Previous rulings such as the 2000 Bush vs. Gore Supreme Court decision reflect
the Republican Party’s control over the Supreme Court, with five conservative
out of nine Judges voting in Bush’s favour28. Controversially no rulings have
succeeded in the Supreme Court under Republican influence to overturn the
1973 Roe vs. Wade decision29. Therefore the Christian Right’s influence upon
modern Republican Party has to achieve key policy outcomes, with a Republican
controlled Supreme Court.
In conclusion the Christian Right has little influence on the modern Republican
Party. It is influential upon modern Republican politics, as it is the disenchanted
‘Southern Backlash’ demographic who rejected Johnson’s Civil Rights reforms. As
a social movement the Christian Right is influential, as it the collaboration of
modern Republican Presidency. The Carter and Reagan 1980 election’s reflected
this this, with Reagan appealing the Christian Right and winning the election.
Thus it became problematically influential to the modern Republican Presidency
survival in the Oval Office. As social movement however is an incorporation of
the Republican Party as it lacks any clear leaders ship and successful political
27 Scheidler. Ann, ‘An interview with Norma McCorvey: The “Roe” of “Roe vs.
Wade” and Sandra Cano, the “Doe’ of “Doe vs. Bolton”’, Chicago Pro-Life Action
League, Interview Audio transcript, April 20, 1996.
28 Toobin. Jeffery, ‘Too close to Call: The Thirty Six Day Battle to Decide the 2000
Election’, Random House Publishing, 2002, p. 66.
29 Doan. Alesha, ‘Opposition and Intimidation: The Abortion Wars and Strategies
of Political Harassment’, University of Michigan Press, 2007, p. 57.
11. 11
unification. Furthermore the Christian Right’s influence upon modern
Republican Party has failed to achieve their key policy outcomes such as
abortion. Thus the Christian Right is influential on the Modern Republican
Presidency holding the Oval office, however lacks the organisation and authority
to achieve its’ policies.
12. 12
Bibliography:
Books:
Busch. E. Andrew, ‘Regan’s Victory: The Presidential Election of 1980 and the
Rise of the Right’, University of Kansas, 2005.
Cooke. Alistair, ‘Letter From America’, The Penguin Group, 2004.
Diamond. Sara, ‘Roads to Dominion: Right Wing Movements and Political Power
in the United States’, Guilford Press, 1995.
Diamond. Sara, ‘Not by Politics Alone: The Enduring Influence of the Christian
Right’, Guilford Press, 2000.
Doan. Alesha, ‘Opposition and Intimidation: The Abortion Wars and Strategies of
Political Harassment’, University of Michigan Press, 2007.
Duncan. Russell and Goddard. Joseph, ‘Contemporary States and Societies:
Contemporary America’, Palgrave McMillian, Second Edition, 2005.
Edsall. B. Thomas and Edsall. D. Mary, ‘Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race,
Rights and Taxes on American Politics’, Norton, 1992.
Jasper. James, ‘The Art of Moral Protest: Culture, Biography and Creativity in
Social Movements’, University of Chicago Press, 1999.
13. 13
Pierson. Paul and Skocpol. Theda, ‘ The Transformation of American Politics:
Activist Government and the Rise of Conservatism’, Princeton University Press,
2007.
Reichley. A. James, ‘Religion in American Public Life’, Brookings Institution Press,
1985.
Schlesinger. M. Arthur, ‘The Imperial Presidency’, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt,
2004.
Schoenberger. A. Robert, ‘The American Right Wing: Readings in Political
Behavior’, Hold, Rinehart and Winston INC, The University of Michigan, 1969.
Toobin. Jeffery, ‘Too close to Call: The Thirty Six Day Battle to Decide the 2000
Election’, Random House Publishing, 2002.
Wuthnow. Robert and Liebman. Robert, ‘The New Christian Right: Mobilization
and Legitimization’, Transaction Publishers, 1983.
Journals:
Milkis. M. Sidney, Tichenor. J. Daniel, ‘Reform’s Mating Dance: Presidents Social
Movements and Racial Realignments’, Journal of Policy History, vol. 23, no. 4,
2001.
14. 14
Milkis. M. Sidney, Tichenor. J. Daniel, Blessing. Laura, ‘The Rallying Force: The
Modern Presidency, Social Movements, and the Transformation of American
Politics’, Presidential Studies Quarterly 43, No. 3 September, Center for the Study
of the Presidency, 2013.
Schnabel. L. Paul, ‘When Fringe Goes Mainstream: A Sociohistorical Content
Analysis of the Christian Coalition’s Contract with The American Family and the
Republican Party Platform’, Politics, Religion and Ideology, Vol. 14, No. 1, 2013.
New Paper Articles:
Cooperman. Alan and Edsall. Thomas, ‘Christian Coalition Shrinks as Debt
Grows’, The Washington Post, 10 April 2006.
Weyrich. Paul, ‘Building the Moral Majority’, The Conservative Digest, August,
1979, p. 114-117. Cited Story. Ronald and Laurie. Bruce, ‘The Rise of
Conservatism in America: 1945-2000’, Bedford St/ Martin’s Publishing, 2008.
Audio Recordings:
Scheidler. Ann, ‘An interview with Norma McCorvey: The “Roe” of “Roe vs.
Wade” and Sandra Cano, the “Doe’ of “Doe vs. Bolton”’, Chicago Pro-Life Action
League, Interview Audio transcript, April 20, 1996.