Annual Repot AJI 2010 - The Threat from Within

The Threat from Within
2010 Annual Report of the Alliance of Independent Journalists

The Threat is from Inside FA.indd 1 8/24/2010 11:33:25 AM

2010 Annual Report of the Alliance of Independent Journalists

Writer: Abdul Manan
Editor: Andrew Thornley
Cover dan Lay Out: J!DSG, www.jabrik.com

Publisher:
The Alliance of Independent Journalists
Jl. Kembang Raya No. 6 Kwitang Senen Jakarta Pusat 10420
Email: sekretariatnya_aji@yahoo.com
Website: www.ajiindonesia.org
Cetakan: Jakarta, Agustus 2010


Contents

Introduction................................................................................................................................................................ 5

Chapter I: Is it the Beginning of a Harsh Winter for Media Workers?.................................................. 7
A Short History of Media Workers Unions . .................................................................................................................. 8
Indosiar Case and Subsequent Demonstration............................................................................................................. 9
.
Union Busting of Suara Pembaruan....................................................................................................11

Chapter II: Not Dark, But Still A Blur .................................................................................................... 13
Molotov Terror against Media.................................................................................................................................... 17
The Murder of Prabangsa and the ‘New’ Deadliest Country........................................................................................ 19
Jakarta’s Fluctuating Statistics and Red Report Card. ................................................................................................. 21
.
2010 as a Good Beginning? ..................................................................................................................................... 24
Seven Media and the News of a Gambling Case ....................................................................................................... 26

Chapter III: Freed from the Storm of Crisis . ........................................................................................ 35
Advertising and the Optimism to Look at the Future. ................................................................................................. 36
.
The increasing number of media which are not as fast as circulation ......................................................................... 40
The Trend of TV, Radio, and Internet Advertising......................................................................................................... 42

Chapter IV: The Portrait of Indonesian Press Ethics............................................................................. 45
Infotainment and “its divorce” with Journalism.......................................................................................................... 46
Two interpretations on the rise of complaints to the Press Council.............................................................................. 49

Annex
Cases of Violance against Journalists (2009).............................................................................................................. 53
Journalists Who Died and are Missing in Indonesia (1996-2010) ............................................................................... 59
Address the Alliance of Independent Journalists (aji)................................................................................................. 61


Tabel Contents

Table 2.1 Supporting Environment for Press Freedom ............................................................................................. 15

Table 2.2 Anatomy of 2009 Violence Cases............................................................................................................. 22

Table 2.3 The Ranking of Red Categorized Provinces (2007-2009)........................................................................... 23

Table 3.1 Media Advertising Revenue (2005-2010)................................................................................................. 36

Table 3.2 The Advertising Revenue in the First Quarter of 1999 to 2010.................................................................. 38

Table 3.3 The Advertising Revenue in First Quarter of 2010 Compared to the Previous Quarter ............................... 38

Table 3.4 Main Media Advertising Revenue
(newspaper, magazine, television, internet, outdoor media) in US$ Million................................................ 39

Table 3.5 Global advertising expenditure by medium US$ million,
current prices Currency conversion at 2007 average rates......................................................................... 40

Table 3.6 Share of Total Advertising expenditure by Medium 2006-2010 (%)........................................................... 40

Table 3.7 The Growth of Number of Media and Circulation (2008 – 2010).............................................................. 41

Table 3.8 10 biggest cities based on circulation figures (2010)................................................................................ 41
.

Table 3.9 Media statistics....................................................................................................................................... 42
.

Table 3.10 The Growth of Internet Users in Indonesia (2000-2010)........................................................................... 44

Table 4.1 Public Complaints to the Press Council (2007-2009)................................................................................ 50


Introduction

THE world of journalism in Indonesia today has become sharper in facing the
contradiction of freedom and social responsibility. In the midst of the victory of press
freedom over the last decade, we are witnessing a sharp focus on the “responsibility” of
media ethics as a means of freedom of expression.
From 442 complaints to the Press Council in 2009, written or oral, the matter of violation
of ethics has become important. Sensational news coverage, which twists the facts, as well
as the weakness in accuracy of media reports, have become of serious note for the Press
Council. This includes the blurring of the line between “fact” and “gossip” in a number of
mass media products.
During ten years of reform, a large opportunity has been open for anyone establishing
media and conducting journalistic work. Thus, we see that the media industry is growing,
the way of communication has become more advanced, and that competition also seems
more exciting.
On the other side, the attitude of the profit-orientated media industry has given journalism
a bad reputation. We see how competition for ratings and circulation indeed threaten the
heart of the media: credibility.
Needless to say, it is not a problem that competition increases circulation, ratings, or
visits. The problem is: has competition resulted in the increase of journalism quality? Media
businesses are greedy for profit, and justify their various ways with “as long as it sells”, which
can end with the gambling of public trust in those media. If credibility is at stake, then
qualified journalism should be the answer.
This 2010 AJI Annual Report, which is published each year to coincide with the
celebration of the organization’s birth, on August 7, tries to record the dynamics of the
national press. From August 2009 until the middle of 2010, AJI has noted many important
things.
Although Indonesia is often praised as having the best press freedom in South East
Asia, our ranking is still low. The ranking of press freedom in Indonesia, for example, is still
decreasing in 2010. Reporters sans Frontieres (RSF), a nonprofit institution based in Paris,
ranked Indonesia 57th in 2002, which then greatly decreased to 117th (in 2004). Up until
2010, Indonesia cannot reach the top 100 again.
The decreasing of Indonesia’s position, according to RSF, is because the Indonesian

5



government still uses “outdated laws” against the press. In South East Asia today, Indonesia’s
ranking is below Papua New Guinea and Timor Leste. Following, in terms of ranking, are
Cambodia, the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei Darussalam, Vietnam,
Laos, and Burma.
In 2009, for example, we almost got “a nightmare” should the State Secrets Bill have
been endorsed by the DPR. That is because the Bill threatens room for openness, which
is guaranteed by the Law on the Openness of Public Information. Moreover, cases of
defamation and violence against journalists are still stuck in the last year.
On the other hand, we also see how Indonesia is affected by global crises. Their affects have
not been as dramatic as in America or Europe. The print media in Indonesia still can survive.
Media business statistics in 2007-2010 showed that there were no negative symptoms in the
national newspaper industry, although there was no significant leap in circulation.
Serious concern needs to be directed to the dramatic growth of social media through
internet networks in Indonesia, such as Facebook, and Twitter microblogs. As of March 2010,
there are 19.5 millions users of Facebook in Indonesia. At the end of 2008, that medium was
only reaching 200,000 users across the archipelago.
In November 2009, there were about 1.4 million users of Twitter in Indonesia. Today,
Google Ad Planner notes 4.6 million visitors of Twitter in Indonesia. Of course, these social
media have become more important because the ability in information distribution is fast
and massive. Indeed, the content of the mainstream media is also using this facility.
One important note is that the social media have become new media for information
exchange. It is no longer one-way as with traditional “journalism”. Through the internet, a
piece of information can skyrocket to every corner of the world, or also be flung. It can be
counterbalanced, opposed, or forgotten.
Indeed, the upheaval of social media, for example, is welcomed today by the mainstream
media. And, it can be vice versa. From political matters such as Bibit-Chandra to the case
of the pornographic video of famous celebrities Ariel-Luna-Tari, those work in this new
pattern. The development of information technology also forces “old media” to be side by
side with “new media”.
This year, as in previous years, Indonesia has noted a lot of things from the dynamic
of development. Nowadays, information has a new way to live and thrive. It is absolutely
important to look for a kind of “virtue”, or what benefit can be derived by the public from
those new media.
Although the world of information technology changes, there is one thing that remains
constant: “content is king”. This means that the public, which is now enjoying great authority—
including freedom of expression in social media—will determine which journalism is
qualified, or not qualified. The most trusted journalistic work, which represents common
sense (logic) and the public’s feeling (ethics), will by itself pass that complicated test.

Nezar Patria
President, Alliance of Independent Journalists

6


Chapter I
Is it the Beginning of a Harsh Winter
for Media Workers?

• A Short History of Media Workers
• Union Indosiar Case and After that Demonstration
• Union Busting of Suara Pembaruan

MEDIA workers nowadays are facing a different challenge from previous generations.
Media workers not only face threatening regulations or outsiders like officials and a particular
group of society. Media workers often face a threat from inside, as from the management
or the capital owner. Often, the capital owner tries to inject personal interests or business
relations and politics to disturb the independence of the newsroom. Another problem is that
the capital owner also often practices anti-union actions or union busting.
The Alliance of Independent Journalists has actually long detected the danger from “the
inside”. Born as a resistance against the government’s repression in 1994, AJI has made the
issue of a union and journalists’ welfare as the priority program in the 1997 Congress, when
AJI still operated clandestinely as an underground movement, because the New Order still
held power.
As a member of the International Federation of Journalists, which also made the issue
of media workers’ welfare as the main issue of the struggle, AJI also realizes that media
conglomeration that has occurred in the United States of America and Europe will, in turn,
occur in Indonesia. Like it or not, the coming of a media conglomeration era in Indonesia,
and its follow-on effects, is just a matter of time.
When the crisis hit Indonesia in 1997, which ended up with mass termination of
employment, some Indonesian press workers began to realize the importance of welfare
issues, besides the press freedom issue itself. When mass media became an industry, some
workers begin to turn to the union as their forum to struggle for their rights as workers.
Although, admittedly, the media workers’ awareness to struggle for welfare through media
unions is very late compared with workers in other industrial sectors.
The global financial crisis wagged its tail back to Indonesia in 2008. At that time, AJI was
anxiously waiting: don’t let the crisis, which led to mass termination of employment in some
places in the world, also sweep away the media industry in Indonesia. The anxiety was not
without reason. The result of AJI’s monitoring, from November 2008 to April 2009, revealed
that at least 100 media workers were fired. The number is increasing with time.

7



Until the first semester of 2010, the Labor Union Division of the Alliance of Independent
Journalists recorded mass termination of employment, nuanced union busting (the
crackdown of labor unions), towards 217 workers of Indosiar television station. The mass
termination of employment was also experienced by 144 workers of Berita Kota daily after
the newspaper was acquired by the Kompas Gramedia Group (KKG). Besides that, there
were still about 50 workers of Suara Pembaruan evening daily and media groups from other
Lippo Group entities fired.
The mass termination of employment also haunted the television station employees of
ANTV. The General Chairman of ANTV Employee Union, Aries Budiono, stated that the
management of ANTV processed the termination of employment for about 100 employees.
“We received information that not more than 100 employees are in the mass layoffs. But,
until now, it keeps processing,” said Aries Budiono as quoted in Jurnalparlemen.com, on
March 17, 2010.

A Short History of Media Workers Unions
IT is not easy to find references about the history of the press industry in relation with
the life of media workers unions. Generally, the historical record of the Indonesian press
talks more about the struggle against tyranny, so that it touches less on aspects of economy,
welfare, and the labor union’s struggle.
The first press in Indonesia was Bataviasche Nouvelles, published in Batavia (1745). This
newspaper was published in the period of Willem Baron van Imhoff, General Governor of
VOC (1743-1750)1. But, the oldest reference to media workers unions newly emerged in the
1970s, when journalists in Tempo magazine established a Board of Employees. For example,
compare this with the establishment of the Nederland Indische Onderwys Genootschap
(NIOG) or Union of Dutch East Indies Teachers in 1879.
The young history of media workers unions in Indonesia definitely was not caused by a
lack of labour disputes in this industrial sector in earlier periods. According to David T. Hill2,
one of the rational explanations for limited labour disputes in mass media is because media
management has usually been owned by the senior editor – meaning that the owner and the
manager are the same person. This phenomenon does, at least, provide some explanation as
to why the labour issue did not resonate until the beginning of the New Order era.
Another reason is that the motivation of a person working in mass media is very different
to that of one who works in other industrial sectors. There was a spirit of idealism and
voluntarism shown by media workers in the years after independence, when this sector was
actually not only carrying out “idealism”, due to the arrival of capital interests.
After the birth of the Board of Tempo Employees, around 14 years later there emerged
other similar organizations. They were: Kerukunan Warga Karyawan Bisnis Indonesia
(1992), Serikat Pekerja PT Bina Media Tenggara-Jakarta Post (1993), Dewan Karyawan
Forum (1997), and Dewan Karyawan PT Abdi Bangsa-Penerbit Republika (1997)3.

1 Abdurrahman Surjomihardjo and Leo Suryadinata, Pers di Indonesia: Ikhtisar Perkembangan Sampai 1945, in Beberapa Segi perkembangan Sejarah

Pers di Indonesia, Kompas, 2002, pp. 25.
2 David T. Hill, Merenungkan Sejarah, Menghadapi Masa Depan, in Heru Hendratmoko (ed.), 5 tahun AJI: Tetap Independen, AJI, 1999, pp. 13.

3
Although the ”embryo” of the labor union was only in five media, this did not mean that others had no concern for the issue of welfare. It is only a

8


Chapter I Is it the Beginning of a Harsh Winter for Media Workers?

The media workers union emerged after 1998, when the growth of media also reached
a previously unimagined number. From 1998 to 2002, there were 19 established labour
unions4. They were the Association of Kompas Employees, the Board of Tabloid KONTAN
Employees (1998); the Board of ANTV Labour, Surabaya Post’s Labour Union, the
Association of Solo Pos Employees (1999); Communication Forum of Pos Kota Employees
(2000); Labour Union of Detik.com, Labour Union of KBR 68H, Labour Union of Neraca
Daily, Association of Surya Group Employees, Forum of SWA Employees, SCTV Labour
Union, Association of Warta Kota Employment, Waspada’s Press Labour Union (2001);
Labour Union of Berita Kota, Board of Jake’s FM Workers, ANTARA’s Labour Union, and
Labour Union of Sinar Harapan (2002). Then, there was SP Serikat Pekerja Indosiar.
However, if the comparison is between the amount of media and the emergence of
media workers unions recently, the amount of media workers unions is still far from ideal.
Just imagine, in the same period, the amount of publications grew from 289 in 1997 to 1,687
in 1999.
In fact, seen from the side of need and relevance, the existence of media workers unions
in the reform era cannot be doubted anymore. Understandably, in this era, the role of capital
is also more strongly enforced in the media industry. The face of media companies is no
longer the same as in the previous era, when media were generally established and owned
by a few editors.
After 1998, the ownership trend instead tended to focus to some conglomerates that
have no history in struggling for media independence and newsroom independence. What
has occurred is the centralization of media in the hands of people who have strong interests
in other business sectors. Media businesses operate according to the logic of capital: manage
to get a huge profit and maintain the business interests and the politics of the capital owner.
Since that, various problems of manpower are continuing to punish media workers, starting
from outsourcing, networking systems, contract labour systems, and the like.
The awareness of ever-bigger challenges in addition to various complicated manpower
problems triggered the idea to form a federation of media workers unions. Facilitated by the
Alliance of Independent Journalists, on July 25 2009, eight media workers unions agreed
to join and establish the Federation of Independent Media Workers Unions. Those joining
this federation include: the Board of Tempo Employees, the Forum of SWA Employees,
the Forum of Smart FM Employees, the Labour Union of 68H, the Association of Solo
Employees, Sekar Indosiar, and the Association of RCTI Employees.

Indosiar Case and Subsequent Demonstration
MONDAY, January 11, 2010. Hundreds of Indosiar employees held a demonstration
in front of their office, in Damai street, West Jakarta. “A lot of Indosiar employees who have
worked for five years still get a base salary below Rp 350,000. Overtime money on holidays

matter of the way, and the choice of strategy in struggle is different. Gatra Magazine established a cooperative in 1995. Long before, in 1978, there was
also Sinar Karya cooperative to handle the welfare of Suara Pembaruan Daily’s employees. Of course, a cooperative is not the same as a labor union.
The five media workers unions only in newspapers are still a small number, if compared with the amount of press that was published at that time. In
the 1970s, when the Board of Tempo’s Employees was established, there were at least more than 1,000 daily and weekly newspapers. The existence
of one labour union is clearly a very small number, because it is only more or less 1 % of the existing publishing.
4 ata based on the monitoring of Labor Union Division in AJI Indonesia, in 2006.
D

9



is only Rp 40,000. It violates the Law on Employment,” said the Head of Sekar Indosiar, an
Employee Union, Dicky Irawan, in his oration.
The mass were in black Indosiar uniform, with red headbands on which were written
“Salary Increases”. They also brought a lot of posters, and among others were written, “6
Years No Salary Raise”, “Don’t Fool Us”, and “Where is Your Promise?” To complete the
action, the mass brought 29-inch TV sets with blur and no picture screen. The television was
covered with a poster, “15 Years of Indosiar.”
The demonstration happened after a proposal letter for salary raises sent by employees
was not replied to by the management. In a meeting with the employees’ representatives, the
board of Indosiar directors stated that they could not raise salaries.
From Damai street, the mass was then in a convoy to Wisma Indocement, on Jenderal
Sudirman street, which was Indosiar’s headquarters.
Actions on that day did not run smoothly. There was an effort to cut off the actions. But,
there was a bigger threat which had already obscured the protesters. After that demonstration,
some of Sekar Indosiar’s personnel got a letter of dismissal.
The activists of Sekar Indosiar did not accept the dismissal. Facilitated by Commission
IX of the DPR RI and the Labour Department of DKI Jakarta Province, Sekar negotiated
with the management of Indosiar. The result of the bipartite meeting on Thursday, February
18, 2010, on one hand gave a breath of fresh air to Indosiar’s employees. The management
promised to comply with all provisions in the law of employment. But, in front of members
of Commission IX of DPR, Indosiar management clearly stated that they would layoff 200
employees in the near future.
That nightmare became true on Wednesday, February 24, 2010. Some of Sekar Indosiar’s
members were called by Indosiar’s personnel department. They were forced to sign a letter
of dismissal under the guise of the company’s restructuring that led to rationalization.
Previously, the management offered a program of “withdrawal with honour” until
the deadline on February 12, 2010. Employees who took the program were promised an
additional bonus. However, the management made a special selection for that program.
Those who agreed generally were the members of Sekar Indosiar. The applicants who were
not Sekar’s members were never called, or their process would be very long. At the same
time, the management also suspended all administrators of Sekar Indosiar.
That unilateral management action forced Sekar Indosiar to seek legal action with a civil
claim against Indosiar’s management to the West Jakarta District Court. “The exception of
the defendant’s legal advisor is rejected, and the West Jakarta District Court is authorized to
adjudicate this case,” said the Chief Judge Jannes Aritonang when reading the verdict said
on last July 1, 2010. The applause from the attendance reverberated. A member of Sekar
Indosiar did a prostration of gratitude in the courtroom.
The judge made history. The union busting case had been in trial for the first time in the
public court. This judge’s decision became an important breakthrough in the trial of an anti-
union busting case. Usually, the public court judges rejected and stated the same claim as the
operational territory of the industrial relations tribunal.

10


Chapter I Is it the Beginning of a Harsh Winter for Media Workers?

Union Busting of Suara Pembaruan
THAT Thursday afternoon, on March 13, 2010, should be a turning point which gave
hope to Budi Laksono, a Chairman of Suara Pembaruan’s Labour Union. The Industrial
Relations Tribunal (Pengadilan Hubungan Industrial/ PHI) of Jakarta decided that the
layoff case (PHK) by PT Media Interaksi Utama (MIU) toward Budi was unlawful and void
as a matter of law.
Budi, who had been working for 18 years in Suara Pembaruan, was fired shortly after
establishing a labor union in his office. A number of Suara Pembaruan’s employees agreed to
form a labor union to anticipate the management’s various plans, following the company’s
ownership status.
The reaction of the company’s management was as had been predicted by Budi and
friends. Management asked the employees who became the union’s administrators to choose
whether they joined with the labor union or stayed with the company. They who chose being
active in the labor union received sanction. Some of them were downgraded from editor to
reporter and some others had salaries lowered.
Budi and friends had complained about the management’s treatment to the East Jakarta
Department of Labor. Mediation in the Department of Labor favored Budi and his colleagues,
and demanded the company to re-employ them. But, the company did not comply with the
recommendation from the Department of Labor, until this case was finally brought to the
Industrial Relations Tribunal.
Budi was the last man standing in this case. Initially, Budi brought the union busting
case in Suara Pembaruan to the court with full support from about 30 of his fellow workers.
However, in the middle of the long series of court hearings, management kept approaching
Budi and friends. Management offered them severance pay as much as twice the statutory
provisions. One by one of Budi’s friends accepted the layoff offering and severance pay from
the company. When the judge lowered the gavel in the last hearing, there was only Budi who
stood still in the courtroom to fight for his rights as a worker.
When reading the verdict, the Chairman of panel of judges PHI Jakarta, Sapawi, stated
that the working relationship between PT MIU and Budi was not over yet. Budi had to be
re-employed as previously, as a reporter in Suara Pembaruan, an afternoon daily newspaper.
“The act of layoff is unlawful as a matter of law,” said Sapawi who was accompanied by two
judges.
According to the judge, the unilateral dismissal of Budi contravened the provision in
Law No. 13 of 2003 on Labor Affairs. Besides asking Budi to be rehired, the Panel of Judges
punished PT MIU to pay Budi’s salary since March 2009 and pay forced money (dwangsom)
in the amount of IDR 200.000 per day for negligence of Suara Pembaruan’s management.
Responding to the decision of the Panel of Judges, Budi Laksono felt relief. During this
time, the chairman of PT MIU always boasted that the company could not be defeated
because it had a lot of money. “Apparently, there is still justice in this country, which cannot
be bought. This decision breaks the company’s arrogance,” said Budi.
lll

11



BUDI’S long legal struggle resulted in a positive end. However, Budi’s effort to obtain his
rights still took a long time. It is because the company where he worked is adamant that the
termination complied with regulations. “We will appeal,” said the lawyer of Suara Pembaruan, Andi
Simangunsong, as quoted by Tempo Magazine, edition of March 29 to April 4, 2010.

12


Chapter II
Not Dark,
But Still A Blur

• Molotov Terror against the Media
• The Murder of Prabangsa and The ‘New’ Deadliest Country
• Jakarta’s fluctuating Statistics and Red Report Card
• Seven Media and the News of Gambling Case
• Again and Again, Threatening Regulations

THE issue of a free press in Indonesia frequently becomes part of officials’ favorite rhetoric.
On some occasions, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono mentions the important role of
the Indonesian press. For example, when receiving the chairman of Globe Media Group,
the President mentioned that the Indonesian press was one of the freest presses in Asia1.
On another occasion, the President also mentioned that press was “a powerful element’.
However, the President also demanded that the press’ authority and power had to be used
properly, in a constructive way, and with full responsibility.
So then, are the President’s notes a hidden sign that there is something “inappropriate”
and “unconstructive” with our press recently? And, what do our officials have in mind when
they are talking about a free press? Is this based on some indicators that can be objectively
tested, or is it just a hasty judgment after seeing a number of realities regarding the Indonesian
press all this time? Certainly, only the President and governmental officials can definitely
answer this line of questions.
In fact, Indonesian Press regulations nowadays are indeed better than during the New
Order era. Since 1999, there has been no obligation for newspapers to have a license. In
the past, the license was named the Press Publication Business License (Surat Izin Usaha
Penerbitan Pers/ SIUPP), issued by the Ministry of Information. In addition, Law No.
40 of 1999 ensures that the press in Indonesia cannot be subjected to censorship and
banishment.

1 President: Indonesian Press is the Freest in Asia, in Antara, January 06, 2009. The news writer inaccurately interpreted Andi Malarangeng’s statement.

Because, in the body of the news, Andi mentioned that the Indonesian press is one of the most free in Asia. If it was intentional, of course nothing
is wrong. Based on the data of Reporter Sans Frontiers (RSF) in 2008, Indonesia ranked 111, which was defeated by other Asian countries, such as
Timor Leste (ranking 65), South Korea (ranking 47), Taiwan (ranking 36), and Japan (ranking 29). In 2009, Indonesia’s ranking was better: 101. In Asia,
Indonesia’s position still could not defeat Timor Leste (74), Taiwan (59), Hongkong (48), and Japan (17). The Vice President Jusuf Kalla, in the open
dialog on “The Presidential candidate’s commitment to build press freedom”, in Jakarta, on June 22, 2009, also mentioned that the Indonesian press
was the best in Asia. See JK: Indonesia Press is the Most Free in Asia, Jakarta, in CyberNews, June 22, 2009.

13



Nevertheless, government policies have not changed much, relatively, for television and
radio media. The license for broadcasting media is still required, because the two media,
television and radio, are using frequencies in very limited amounts and also including in the
public sphere. However, since the reform era, there are much more demands for broadcast
media licenses compared to the preceding era.
In broadcasting, one situation different from ten years ago is the existence of the Indonesian
Broadcasting Commission (Komisi Penyiaran Indonesia/ KPI). The Commission, which
was established in 2001, originally had the authority to issue licenses for broadcasting media.
Yet, the authority of the KPI for issuing licenses was discharged after this Commission was
involved in an authority dispute with the Ministry of Communication and Information. The
Constitutional Court, who judged that authority dispute, decided that the government had
the right to issue licenses for broadcast media. Finally, the Broadcasting Commission has
simply become more of a recommender—in addition to the function of supervising the
content of broadcasts.
Another fact indicating the era of free press is a tendency towards the increasing of
complaints to the Press Council regarding news coverage. Most of the public complaints
contain reports of alleged violations of the Journalistic Code of Ethics. From the practical
side of journalism, the amount of complaints to the Press Council reflects the amount
of violations to the code of ethics, which can also be regarded as the “inappropriate” and
“unconstructive” side of press freedom.
Even so, in terms of public awareness, the amount of complaints to the Press Council
can even be interpreted as something positive. Those trends can be read as the blossoming
of a new public trust towards a more elegant resolution of news coverage disputes. Law No.
40 of 1999 states how to resolve news coverage disputes in a “way unthreatening to press
freedom”, that is by using the right to reply, right of rectification, and mediation in the Press
Council.
In order to measure press freedom in Indonesia more accurately, let us take a look at
how the international rating agencies make a country’s rank of press freedom. The Freedom
House’s Board of Jury, for instance, formulates three primary conditions in measuring a
country’s press freedom. They are political environment, legal environment, and economic
environment. For more details, see the following table of questions.

14


Chapter II Not Dark, But Still A Blur

Table 2.1 Supporting Environment for Press Freedom

LEGAL ENVIRONMENT POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT ECONOMIC ENVIRONMENT
1. Do the constitution or other basic
1. o what extent are media outlets’
T 1. o what extent are media owned
T
laws contain provisions designed news and information content or controlled by the government,
to protect freedom of the press determined by the government or and does this influence their
and of expression, and are they a particular partisan interest? diversity of views?
enforced?
2. Is access to official or unofficial
2. s media ownership transparent,
I
2. Do the penal code, security
sources generally controlled? thus allowing consumers to judge
laws, or any other laws restrict the impartiality of the news?
reporting, and are journalists 3. Is there official or unofficial

punished under these laws? censorship? 3. s media ownership highly
I
concentrated, and does it
3. re there penalties for libeling
A 4. Do journalists practice self-
influence diversity of content?
officials or the state, and are they censorship?
enforced? 4. re there restrictions on the
A
5. Do people have access to media
means of journalistic production
4. Is the judiciary independent, and
coverage that is robust and and distribution?
do courts judge cases concerning reflects a diversity of viewpoints?
the media impartially? 5. re there high costs associated
A
6. re both local and foreign
A with the establishment and
5. Is freedom of information
journalists able to cover the news operation of media outlets?
legislation in place, and are freely?
journalists able to make use of it? 7. re journalists or media outlets 6. o the state or other actors try
D
A to control the media through
6. Can individuals or business
subject to extralegal intimidation allocation of advertising or
entities legally establish and or physical violence by state subsidies?
operate private media outlets authorities or any other actor?
without undue interference? 7. o journalists receive payment
D
from private or public sources
7. re media regulatory bodies, such
A whose design is to influence their
as a broadcasting authority or journalistic content?
national press or communications
council, able to operate freely and 8. oes the economic situation
D
independently? in a country accentuate media
dependency on the state, political
8. Is there freedom to become
parties, big business, or other
a journalist and to practice influential political actors for
journalism, and can professional funding?
groups freely support journalists’
rights and interests?

From the above list of questions formulated by Freedom House, it is shown that there are
a lot of aspects that must be tested, examined, and answered honestly when we are measuring
a country’s press freedom.
For instance, we can take just the legal aspect. The first question that must be examined
is, does the Constitution protect press freedom? And, the next critical question: is that
constitutional protection enforced? It is well known that there are a lot of laws that are good
on paper, but not always followed in practice in the field.
Just in the legal aspect, there are at least eight questions that need to be answered. There
are questions as to what laws can penalize journalists, are courts independent enough in
handling media cases, are there regulations concerning the freedom of information, are
people freely establishing media without interference, are there independent bodies for
governing media, and can journalists freely perform their profession?
In the political aspect, there are also many questions. The questions that must be answered
are whether there is interference from the government or other partisan interests in the
content of the news coverage, access to sources, censorship practice and pre-censorship;
whether the public have access to media coverage in order to ensure their various views.
There is also the question about treatment of local and foreign journalists. And, another
important question is whether journalists and media are subject to intimidation and physical
violations from state officials or other actors.
The last aspect is economy. The important question that must be answered is about the

15



influence of the media owners or the government towards the diversity of news or broadcast
content. Also, there is the question of transparency of ownership and whether it is concentrated
only in some groups. Then, there are questions concerning its affects on the diversity of point
of views, the possibility of restrictions in media production and distribution, the efforts to
control media through the allocation of cost and advertising, and whether there is an effort
to influence journalists’ news and media through money payments.
In the calculation of Freedom House, those three environmental conditions contribute
an average value of 30 percent, except the legal aspect which has a value 10 percent higher.
That is the parameter which finally determines whether the status of a country is free, partly
free, or not free.
Reporters Sans Frontiers (RSF), a global research organization which promotes press
freedom, also uses roughly the same parameters in making the index of a country’s press
freedom, although not as strictly classified as Freedom House.
There was criticism towards a number of those parameters, which were considered to
more greatly reflect conditions or values of the states making the rankings: Freedom House
is headquartered in Washington, United States, and Reporter Sans Frontiers is based in Paris,
France. But let us take a look at the standards of assessment for other continents. Africa, for
example, is through African Media Barometer (AMB). The indicators they use are also more
or less the same in principle, although there are differences in some cases.
By using the check list according to Freedom House and Reporter Sans Frontiers, the
statement of President Yudhoyono that the Indonesian press is one of the best in Asia does
have merit. Based on 2009 RSF Data, Indonesia ranked 101 out of 175 surveyed countries.
The index of Indonesian Press freedom in 2009 had become better than the 2008 index,
which ranked Indonesia 111. But, with the 101 rating, Indonesia was still defeated by Timor
Leste (74) and Papua New Guinea (56). On top of Indonesia there were also other Asian
countries, such as Japan (17), Hong Kong (48), Taiwan (59), Kuwait (60), South Korea
(69), United Arab Emirates (87), Israel (93), and Qatar (94).
Besides the press freedom rankings, which are not too crucial, from 2009 until the early
semester of 2010, there were a number of occurrences that genuinely threatened press
freedom in Indonesia. Anak Agung Prabangsa, a journalist of the local Radar Bali daily
newspaper, was killed sadistically. His body was found floating in the waters of the Lombok
Starit, on February 16, 2009.
The killing case of Prabangsa has become an ugly blot on the history of Indonesia’s
press in the past two years. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), an international
organization which actively campaigns for journalists’ safety, put Indonesia in the “Deadliest
Country” list, ranked 14th out of 20 countries.
After that, in the early morning on July 7, 2010, two Molotov cocktails and one firecracker
were thrown by an unidentified person into the office of Tempo Magazine. This attack
represents a bad sign for the life of the press in 2010.
On July 26, 2010, press workers in Indonesia were also shocked by the death of senior
journalist from Kompas, Muhammad Saifullah, in his service home in Balikpapan, East
Kalimantan. (At the time of writing this report, the cause of the Saifullah’s death is still under
police investigation).

16



The series of those events mark a strong signal that violence against journalists has not
subsided yet. It confirms the statistics of violent cases recorded by the Advocacy Division
of the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) Indonesia. From January until December
2009, AJI recorded 37 violence cases. Although the number decreased compared with 2008,
in which 58 violent cases were recorded, the amount of violence in 2009 was still above 2004
(27 cases) and 1996 (13 cases).
From the regulatory aspect, 2009 almost produced “a nightmare” which fortunately did
not become a reality. In 2009, if not opposed by the media community and other civil society,
the government and House of People’s Representatives (DPR) almost legitimized the State
Secrets Bill. From the previous discussion, it is clear that the State Secrets Bill diminishes the
openness which is provided for by the Law on the Openness of Public Information.
Another important thing to note in 2009 is that there are still a lot of defamation cases.
In AJI Indonesia’s note, there are at least two critical defamation cases: the defamation court
case brought by the former Chief of Regional Police of South and West Sulawesi, Sisno
Adiwinoto, and civil action from Raymond Teddy towards Rajawali Citra Televisi Indonesia
(RCTI), a news portal of Kompas Cyber Media, Kompas Daily, Warta Kota Daily, a news
portal of detik.com, Suara Pembaharuan Daily, and Seputar Indonesia Daily.
With so many serious threats towards Indonesian press freedom during 2009 and in early
2010, the increase in the index of Indonesian press freedom in 2009 may not be due to the
significant improvement of the press freedom climate in this country. It may have occured
because the press conditions in other surveyed countries are also worsening.

Molotov Terror against Media
THE Molotov cocktail thrown by a stranger in front of Tempo Magazine’s office on July
7, 2010 was clearly not a usual incident for a country not at war. In addition, the Molotov
attack happened not long after Tempo Magazine sold out editions as a result of unidentified
persons.
Tempo magazine’s June 28 to July 4, 2010 edition, entitled “Police Officers’ Fat Account”,
covers a main report on some police generals who have suspicious bank accounts. On average,
balances in their accounts are far above salary accumulation of people who have a regular
police career. Tempo, for example, revealed a police officer holding a position as general
inspector had an account of IDR 54 billion. Whereas, the National Police Command’s Head
of Criminal Investigation Agency, General Commissioner Ito Sumardi, stated that National
Police Chief, the highest official in the institution, received a salary of only about IDR 23
million, including various benefits.
The cover of the edition of Tempo Magazine at that time was an illustration, not a
photograph. That is, a person in police officer uniform taking three pink piggy banks for a
walk. Apparently, the cover of Tempo magazine—and its main report—made the top brass
at the National Police Headquarters in Trunojoyo street, South Jakarta, outraged.
“Don’t picture us like that. That’s a forbidden animal. Why is it pictured like us?” said
National Police Chief, General Bambang Hendarso Danuri, to journalists after the celebration
of the 64th anniversary of the National Police in the Police Mobile Brigade Headquarters,
Kelapa Dua, Depok, West Java. The National Police Chief did not show his anger openly.

17



But, he said, “Of course, our officers who were on duty in the border region, working in the
hinterland, must have felt piqued when seeing that.”
The reaction from National Police Headquarters was not only offense. They reported
Tempo magazine to the National Police’s Criminal Investigation Agency—an agency
within its own institution. The National Police Headquarters reported Tempo as violating
Article 207 and 208 of the Criminal Code regarding institutional insult. “We choose legal
action. Then, let the legal process resolve it,” said the spokeperson of the National Police
Headquarters, Edward Aritonang.
The police’s strong reaction provoked solidarity for Tempo Magazine. “Nowadays is not an
era for press silencing and criminalization,” said the Rector of Paramadina University, Anies
Baswedan, who initiated a statement of support from public figures in Tempo Magazine’s
office, Proklamasi street, Central Jakarta. A member of the House of Representatives,
Nursyahbani Katjasungkana, who also came to give support, said that the police should be
thankful to Tempo magazine. “It must be interpreted as an expression of love in support of
the clean police,” said Nursyahbani.
The Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) Indonesia, in the action statement issued
on the same day as the police reported Tempo Magazine, also deplored the police’s action
that used articles of the KUHP (criminal code), rather than using the mechanism provided
by the Press Law. “It is very unfortunate, when the police use colonial ways to silence Tempo,”
said Margiyono, coordinator of Advocacy at AJI Indonesia. According to AJI, the National
Police should use the report of Tempo Magazine as a mirror to further increase their quality
and professionalism in upholding the law, instead of disputing the media that wrote about
the findings of the alleged depravity of their institution. The police, said AJI, must not be as
the proverb “ugly face, broken mirror”.
In the midst of “the tumult” of news on the police’s anger toward Tempo Magazine
and the solidarity that followed, there occurred the throwing of the Molotov cocktail,
at around 02.45 am Western Indonesian Standard Time (WIB), on July 6, 2010, at
Tempo Magazine’s office. The Molotov cocktail was successfully extinguished at that
moment by the security guards who were on guard in Tempo’s office building. No serious
damages were caused by the bombs. Shortly after the bombing incident, the police
hurried to repulse the possible involvement of their institution in the bombing incident
. However, the case was already making the flow of support toward Tempo Magazine more
widespread. Demonstrations condemned the bombing were held in several cities. The
International Federation of Journalists, an international journalist organization headquartered
in Brussels, Belgium, demanded a serious investigation towards the attack. As did the RSF
based in Paris, France.
In the middle of the flow of national and international criticism, the National Police
finally looked at the mechanism stipulated in Law No. 40 of 1999 on the Press. The police
filed a complaint against Tempo Magazine to the Press Council. Not even one week later, the
Press Council succeeded in mediating between the National Police and Tempo. Both parties
agreed to reconcile and stop processing the news coverage dispute through legal means.
However, demands for the police to reveal the perpetrators of and motive for throwing
the Molotov cocktail at the Tempo’s office have not subsided. Moreover, two days after the
Molotov throwing, an activist from Indonesia Corruption Watch, Tama S. Langkun, became
the victim of persecution in Duren Tiga region, South Jakarta. There is a similarity of activity

18



by Tempo and Tama before the violence: Tempo Magazine wrote a report about some police
generals’ suspicious accounts; and Tama also reported a police general who had an unusual
account to the Corruption Eradication Commission (Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi/
KPK).
As in the case of the Molotov cocktail thrown at Tempo Magazine, the police also strongly
refuted that their institution was involved in the attack against Tama. But, the public did
not all of sudden believe the objection. In addition, until the end of July 2010, the police
investigation of both cases still has not shed any light yet. The press community and civil
society in general, including international organizations such as IFJ, are still waiting for the
police to fulfill their promise.

The Murder of Prabangsa and the ‘New’ Deadliest Country
THE Molotov cocktail thrown at Tempo Magazine’s office is a bad and dangerous sign
for the free press. Undoubtedly, this kind of open intimidation is a very clear threatening
message. But, what had happened with Anak Agung Prabangsa was far worse. The body of
this journalist of Radar Bali Daily newspaper was found floating in the waters of the Lombok
Strait, West Nusa Tenggara Barat, on February 16, 2009.
Prabangsa began his career as a journalist of Nusa Daily in 1997, before finally moving
to Radar Bali Daily in 2003, until he was befallen by this tragic incident. With the murder
of Prabangsa, there are at least six murdered journalists in the last 14 years in Indonesia.
Allegedly, they were murdered because of carrying out their profession as journalists.
The family and management of Radar Bali Daily had reported Prabangsa to the Denpasar
District Police because he was missing form his home in Denpasar since February 11, 2009.
Strangely, Prabangsa’s motorcycle was found in his home village in Taman Bali, Bangli
regency.
Prabangsa’s family in Taman Bali confirmed Prabangsa’s arrival. After that, he went to
an unknown destination. The officer from the Karangasem District Police who removed
the victim’s body believed that it was Prabangsa’s body after seeing the press card issued by
Radar Bali Daily in Prabangsa’s pocket. When it was found, the victim’s body had swollen,
his head cracked, his tongue protruding, with a torn left ear, his chest and neck bruised, and
missing one eyeball.
Initially, the police only confirmed that Prabangsa was murdered, not because of accident
or other accidental causes. But, the police did not find any indication that the murder
was related to Prabangsa’s profession as a journalist. “The results of the investigation are
narrowing. Viewed from the motive side, at the time of death the victim was not conducting
a news investigation. Besides that, he was an editor, not like all of you,” said the Head of the
Bali Regional Police, Teuku Asikin Husein, to the journalists who were interviewing him on
February 18, 2009.
Later, the police began to find a clear indication when receiving testimony from Prabangsa’s
fellow colleagues. The deceased had complained that he was frequently threatened, although
he did not clarify who threatened him.
The police then began to discover the linkage between Prabangsa’s death with the

19



news he had written. It was about the direct assignment of a project supervisor for some
developments in Bangli Education Department, with a value of IDR 4 billion. This finding
led the police to a half-built house in Merdeka Bangli street, owned by Nyoman Susrama,
who then became the suspect of this murder case.
In that house, the police found blood-stained pants of one of the suspects. In a Kijang
car, police also found a bloodstain. The police had a firm belief after the Denpasar Center
of Laboratory ensured that the two samples were both blood group AB, meaning that
they matched with Prabangsa’ blood group. On May 25, 2009, the police announced that
Susrama along with six other men were suspects. They are Komang Gede, Nyoman Rencana,
I Komang Gede Wardana as known as Mangde. “His motive was pain and suffering,” said the
Head of Bali Regional Police, Teuku Asikin Husein.
The perpetrators, according to the police, shared a role in taking the life of Prabangsa.
Komang Gede, an accounting staff in the development project of an international kindergarten
in Bangli, was to pick up the victim. Mangde and Rencana acted as the executors and brought
the victim’s body to the Padangbai waters. Dewa Sumbawa was Susrama’s driver. While
Endy, a driver and an employee in the Sita water company, was assigned to clean the victim’s
blood.
According to the police, they were arrested in their houses, after the 100th day of the
victim’s death. The exhibits were the blood spills in Susrama’s house, a green Toyota Kijang
Rover numbered AB-8888-MK with blood spots in six points. The police also seized a
metallic soft green Honda Grand Civic numbered DK-322-YD, blue jeans, a car carpet, and
a white sack.
Deadliest Countries in
From the suspects’ testimony, according to the police, 2009
Prabangsa was murdered in Susrama’s house in Banjar Petak,
Bebalang, Bangli, on February 11, 2009, around 16.30-22.30 local Philippines 33

time. Prabangsa was persuaded to go to the house in Banjar Petak, Somalia 9

and then executed by being beaten with wooden sticks. After that, Iraq 4

Prabangsa’s body was thrown into the sea at Padangbai beach. Pakistan 4
Mexico 3

The judge reinforced the police’s conviction. In the court on Russia 3

February 15, 2010, the judge sentenced Nyoman Susrama with Afghanistan 2

life imprisonment. That verdict was lower than the demand of Sri Lanka 2
Nigeria 1
prosecutor, which was the death sentence. The panel of judges, led
Venezuela 1
by Djumain, SH, stated that Susrama was guilty of violating Article
Nepal 1
340 of KUHP and Article 55 paragraph 1.1 of KUHP regarding joint Turkey 1
pre-meditated murder. “The murder was sadistically done, which Azerbaijan 1
was in opposition to the teaching of ahimsa,” said Djumain2. Indonesia 1
El Salvador 1
The judge believed that the motive for the killing was the Colombia 1
reporting in Radar Bali daily written by Prabangsa on December Israel and the Occupied 1
3, 8, and 9, 2008 about the projects of the Bangli Education Palestinian Territory

Department, especially the international kindergarten and Madagascar 1

elementary school projects. Susrama was a chairman of the Iran 1

project’s Development Committee, valued at millions of rupiahs. Kenya 1

Bahan: CPJ, 2009

2 Koran Tempo Daily, Susrama Sentenced to Life Imprisonment, February 16, 2010

20



Prabangsa’s death marked a poor record for Indonesia in the eyes of the world. Moreover,
Prabangsa was not the first journalist who died because of his profession. The mystery of the
previous two journalists’ killing cases hads not even been solved. In the murder case of Fuad
Muh. Syafrudin, a journalist in Berita Nasional Daily, on 1996, the perpetrator was never
brought to the court until now. While the body of Ellyudin Telambanua, a journalist in Berita
Sore Medan Daily, was not found until now. In the CPJ database, Ellyudin was categorized as
a missing journalist case.
Prabangsa’s case made Indonesia included in the list of deadliest countries for journalists.
In the list released by CPJ, Indonesia is in 14th place of those considered as the deadliest for
journalists. Indonesia’s position is in parallel with Columbia, Nigeria, Venezuela, Sri Lanka,
Nepal, Turkey, Azerbaijan, and El Salvador. This list will be a poor record for the Indonesian
press for some time to come.

Jakarta’s Fluctuating Statistics and Red Report Card
FROM the statistical side, cases of violence against journalists3 have fluctuated over the
last 14 years. If the comparison is the situation before 1998, the graphics are far different. The
repressive government and the strict media regulations in the New Order era were factors
that led to a small amont of media at that time. Journalists also worked in a very careful way
(read: full of fear). Consequently, the occurrence of physical violence against journalists was
not much. Look at the case data at the end of the New Order era. In 1996, there were only 13
cases of violence against journalists and the media.
In 1997, when the power of the New Order era became increasingly unstable, and the
media began to critically question the attitudes of the power holders, the amount of cases of
violence against journalists increased to 43. The highest numbers were in 1998 (41 cases),
1999 (74 cases), 2000 (122 cases), and 2001 (95 cases).
After that, the amount of cases of violence went up and down. In 2004, there were only
27 cases, then in 2005 (43 cases), 2006 (53 cases), 2007 (75 cases), and 2008 (59 cases).
Although the trend was up and down, until 2010, statistics relating to cases of violence
dropped to the lowest number, as recorded during the New Order era.
It is not easy to definitely describe the cause of the up and down statistics of cases
of violence against journalists and the media. For some people, venting their anger with
violence is considered an “easier” and “cheaper” way than having to deal with the court4.
It is necessary to have extensive research to answer why violence is often used by people
who are not satisfied with media coverage. A member of the Press Council, Agus Sudibyo5,
mentions this peculiar phenomenon as a problem in the transition era, when there were a lot
of anomalous events; some were good, but many were bad.

3 t the least, there are nine categories in violence against journalists: (1) killing, (2) imprisonment, (3) attacking, (4) kidnap, (5) censorship, (6)
A
expulsion, (7) harassment, (8) threat, or (9) legal claim.
4 here is a point of view that the quality of Indonesian media coverage is decreasing compared with the New Order era. There is an explosion in numbers
T
of newspapers, television, radio, dotcom and other various media organizations. People compete to publish newspapers. But, the number of journalists
and editors who understand journalism well is still inadequate. The effect is a lot of news made with poor procedures. More people feel unsatisfied
by media. “Violence way is easier and cheaper to reflect disappointment toward news coverage, than the complicated legal way,” said Solahuddin,
Secretary general of AJI Indonesia. See Pantau, A Black Spot of Journalism, no date.
5 Interview of Agus Sudibyo, … July 2010.

21



Throughout 2009, based on the monitoring results of AJI Indonesia’s Advocacy Division,
cases of violence were dominated by physical violence against journalists. The amount is 18
of 37 cases. After that, there are lawsuit cases (7 cases) and expulsion and prohibition of
coverage (3 cases). It is different with the situation in 2008, when from 59 violence cases, 18
were threats, 9 cases were expulsion and prohibition of coverage, and 3 cases were censorship.
From the perpetrator side, there is also a difference. In 2008, 20 of 59 violence cases were
conducted by mass supporters during elections of regional heads. The second and third
most common perpetrators of violence were government officials and police, respectively
11 perpetrators. While in 2009, the most common perpetrators are government officials (7
cases), cadres of the parties (4 cases), and police (3 cases). From the side of perpetrators of
violence, the similarity between 2008 and 2009 is on the police who became the third most
common perpetrators in both years.

Table 2.2 Anatomy of 2009 Violence Cases

Region Perpetrator Type of Action
DKI Jakarta (6 cases) Government officials (7 cases) Physical violence (18 cases)
East Java (6 cases) Cadres of the political parties (4 Lawsuit or legal claim (7 cases)
cases)
South Sulawesi (5 cases) Police (3 cases) Expulsion and prohibition of coverage
(3 cases)
North Sumatra (3 cases) Prosecutors and Judges (3 cases) Demonstration (3 cases)
West Nusa Tenggara (2 cases) A group from society (3 cases) Censorship (2 cases)
Central Java (2 cases) Security or security officers (3 Hostage (2 cases)
cases)
Bali (2 cases) Hoodlums (2 cases) Harassment and intimidation (1 case)
Papua (2 cases) College students (2 cases) Murder (1 cases)
West Kalimantan (1 case) An employee of a company (2
cases)
East Nusa Tenggara (1 case) Unidentified person (1 case)
West Java (1 case) Indonesia Military Forces (1 case)
North Maluku (1 case) Businessman (1 case)
Banten (1 case) Doctor (1 case)
South Sumatera (1 case) Teacher (1 case)
Jambi (1 case)
North Sulawesi (1 case)
Riau Islands (1 case)
37 cases 37 37

The perpetrators of the physical violence against journalists, which was prevalent in
2009, are quite diverse. There are officers of the Indonesian Military Forces (TNI), citizens,
and—ironically, also—college students. The triggers of these cases are also not the same.
There is the one who refuses for his or her accident case to be reported. But, there is also
one because of the perpetrator’s closed stance, because he or she does not want his or her
incident to be exposed by the journalist.
In the beating case of a local television station journalist in Palembang, Pal TV, Yudi
Saputra, the perpetrator, did not want his family’s traffic accident to be covered by the media.
While the violence that was experienced by Norik, a journalist of Indosiar TV station, was
conducted by a member of the Indonesian Military Air Force who did not like Nonik taking
pictures of a plane that had crashed.
Another interesting violence case to be noted is the case of Septianda Perdana, a
journalist of Antara Sumut media online. He became the victim of violence by students of

22



HKBP Nommensen University, Medan, on April 21, 2009. The students were angry because
they did not want to be covered when they were in a fight. In this case, Perdana received
harsh treatment and was stoned by the students.
In Papua, violence occurred as a reaction to the restriction of coverage access for foreign
journalists. It is an old policy that has been maintained by local officials and often ends up
with the journalist’s expulsion. Three journalists from NRC Handelsblad, Netherlands—
Gabriel, Pieter, and Ronald—were arrested after covering demonstration activities about
Papuan Independence in front of the Papuan House of People’s Representative’s office, on
March 24, 2009.
Those three journalists were in a group with the pioneer of the Independent Papua
Organization’s establishment, Nikolaus Youwe, who was visiting Jakarta and Papua a couple
of days earlier. When Nikolaus’ group returned to the Netherlands, those three journalists
were still in Jayapura and covering Papuan independence demonstrations. That was when
they were arrested. The Class I Immigration officer of Jayapura, Hendiartono, said that the
officers arrested those three journalists because they violated coverage permission from the
Ministry of People’s Welfare Coordinator. “The permission is only to cover Nikolaus’ visit in
Papua,” said Hendiartono6.
AJI Indonesia protested the arrest. That afternoon, in a press release, Chairman of AJI
Indonesia, Nezar Patria, condemned the arrest and asked those three journalists to be freed
immediately. AJI evaluated that the Immigration officer’s attitude had obstructed journalistic
activities7. AJI also regretted the closure of Papua to foreign journalists, resulting in the
information flow from Papua to foreign countries becoming obstructed, minimal, and often
full of distortions. AJI urged the government to open the widest access for journalists from
any country to cover Papua.
In the statistics of cases of violence against journalists, one important note is also the
area where the cases occurred. In 2009, Jakarta again became the province with the most
violence cases against journalists. The previous year, 2009, Gorontalo placed this first
position because there were 11 cases of violence that occurred in the province, which was
relatively newly established. The return of Jakarta as the reddest province in Indonesia is
actually not too surprising. In 2008, Jakarta ranked first because 17 of 75 violence cases
occurred in this area.

Table 2.3 The Ranking of Red Categorized Provinces (2007-2009)

2007 2008 2009
Ranking 1 Jakarta (17 cases) Gorontalo (11 cases) DKI Jakarta (6 cases)
Ranking 2 East Java (14 cases) Jakarta (9 cases) East Java (6 cases)
Ranking 3 West Java (10 cases) East Java (6 cases) South Sulawesi (5 cases)
Ranking 4 The Province of Aceh (8 cases) East Nusa Tenggara (5 cases) North Sumatera (3 cases)
Ranking 5 North Sumatera (8 cases) North Maluku (5 cases) West Nusa Tenggara (2 cases)
Source: processed from data of Advocacy Division of AJI Indonesia

Not all violence against journalists and the media are in the form of physical violence.
Another violence such as through legal process was experienced by the Jakarta Globe (an

6 A news site, vivanews.com, Three Dutch Journalists Arrested by Immigration, March 24, 2009.
7 Tempo Interaktif, AJI Minta Jurnalis Belanda Dibebaskan, Tuesday, March 24, 2009.

23


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