Being Text of the Annual Lecture Delivered by His Excellency, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, CON, Former Governor of Ekiti State and Former Chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum to the Society for International Relations Awareness (SIRA) on Wednesday 18 October, 2023, Abuja, Nigeria.
Shifts in Global Power Relations and Implications for AfricaKayode Fayemi
In my capacity as Visiting Professor, I delivered a keynote lecture on 'Shifts in Global Power Relations and Implications for Africa,' organised by the African Leadership Centre in the School of Global Affairs at King’s College London.
In my lecture, I discussed three interconnected arguments concerning shifts in global power relations and their implications for Africa. First, I emphasised the role of history in shaping these dynamics. Second, I talked about the pace, process, context, and implications of global power shifts. Finally, I highlighted Africa's centrality in reshaping the world and stressed the importance of it becoming a co-rule maker in the emerging new world order.
The world, including Africa, faces numerous conflicts and challenges, from tensions between Russia and Ukraine to crises in the Middle East and various conflicts within Africa. These issues underscore the necessity to reassess traditional assumptions in international governance. Climate change, pandemics, inequality, demographic shifts, and declining trust in governments further complicate the global landscape.
Scholars discuss the emergence of a multipolar global order which indicates a transition filled with doubts and fears. The need for enlightened leadership is important, but the current political space is dominated by narrow nationalism, xenophobia, and militarism. Some even suggest the world might be on the brink of a third world war.
Amidst this, existential threats extend beyond military conflicts to climate change, triggering fires, floods, hurricanes, and migrations. Africa, too, faces security challenges influenced by global dynamics. The continent experiences turbulence from external factors like the COVID-19 pandemic, economic crises, and climate change. Despite historical successes in collective responses to challenges, regional peace initiatives appear to be losing momentum.
Visionary leadership is essential for Africa to navigate the evolving global order. The continent's demographic advantage could be leveraged to collectively influence the new world order. The current geopolitical landscape, evident in voting patterns and attendance at international summits, indicates Africa's potential to play a key role. However, the continent needs to move beyond donor-recipient dynamics in engagements with other nations and establish a clear, shared agenda.
To address weaknesses in engaging with the changing world order, Africa must fill gaps in policy and leadership. Tackling structural drivers of conflict, particularly poverty and inequality, is necessary for sustainable peace. Investment in developing leadership capacities is essential for navigating this rapidly changing world.
New Media Essay. Media Essay General Paper H1 - GCE A Level ThinkswapSara Roberts
Traditional Media vs New Media Essay Example StudyHippo.com. Principles of New Media - Essay. Media Essay on adverts. - GCSE Media Studies - Marked by Teachers.com. Media Analysis Essay. Global Media Essay ARTS2092 - Global Media: Markets, Flows and .... Social media essay ideas. Top 130 Interesting Social Media Essay Topics .... Pros and Cons of Social Media Essay Essay on Pros and Cons of Social .... A Complete Guide To Prepare An Impressive Social Media Essay. PDF Review Essay: Understanding Digital Media and Society. Media studies essay. Media essay pre production pdf by kianlong - Issuu. Social Media Essay Essay on Social Media in 500-600 Words for School .... New Media Essay Digital amp; Social Media Social Media. The Implications of New Media Technologies Essay Example Topics and .... Write an essay on Social Media Essay Writing English - YouTube. Media Essay General Paper H1 - GCE A Level Thinkswap. Social Media Effect Essay Goresan. Media Essay - Editing by SophieLGill2000 - Issuu. What Are the Features of New Media? - PHDessay.com. Media essay. Essay influence of media on children essay on media. A level media essay help - Media Studies A Level by Carolina Fernandez. Media Essay News Mass Media Free 30-day Trial Scribd. New Media Technologies and the City Spaces - Essay. Three Major Ways Social Media Has Advanced Journalism - Free Essay .... media essay 1. Media essay by Isaacprah - Issuu. Essay Media. GCSE Coursework - Media Essay - A-Level Media Studies - Marked by ... New Media Essay New Media Essay. Media Essay General Paper H1 - GCE A Level Thinkswap
Paradoxes of Modernity in Latin AmericaAuthor(s) Anibal .docxaryan532920
Paradoxes of Modernity in Latin America
Author(s): Anibal Quijano
Source: International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, Vol. 3, No. 2 (Winter, 1989),
pp. 147-177
Published by: Springer
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20006945
Accessed: 25-05-2016 06:36 UTC
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact [email protected]
Springer is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to International Journal of
Politics, Culture, and Society
This content downloaded from 129.49.5.35 on Wed, 25 May 2016 06:36:41 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Paradoxes of Modernity in Latin America1
An?bal Quijano
University of San Marcos, Lima, Peru
The world crisis of capital has intensified the debate over contem?
porary society and culture. It is not only the economy that has been
called into question; indeed, the entire framework of knowledge, the
presuppositions of rationality in the relationships between peoples
themselves and with the world around them, the projects of histori?
cal meaning, the balance of fundamental human experiences, such
as capitalism and socialism as it actually exists?all perspectives
and all alternatives are open to critical appraisal once more.
The position and significance of Latin America in this debate are
fundamental. This is the case not only because Latin America has
been a victim of the most perverse effects of the crisis, but, more
significantly, because of the weight of its historical presence in the
construction of the culture of our time?because of the fecundity it
possesses for the reconstitution of that culture.
This surely explains the intensification of the Latin American
debate itself, although this may be denied by certain groups in
certain places whose exclusive concern is that of access to one or
another rungs of presently established power. Behind this facade,
nevertheless, genuine and critical questions are being posed whose
intellectual or pragmatic exploration surely will affect not only
Latin America. One of these questions?in one sense the most
decisive and central one?is the relationship between the private
and the public, because within this relationship virtually every area
of contemporary social existence is implicated. Beyond the circum?
stantial disputes on the Peruvian scene, the debate in question does
in fact encompass all the meaning and all the legitimacy of the
principal historical projects now available.
Modernity and "Modernization" in Latin America
The pressure to "modernize" has been exerted ...
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The Atlantic Monthly January 2002 THE HARD QUESVannaJoy20
The Atlantic Monthly | January 2002
THE HARD QUESTIONS
What Went Wrong?
By all standards of the modern world—economic development, literacy, scientific
achievement—Muslim civilization, once a mighty enterprise, has fallen low. Many in the
Middle East blame a variety of outside forces. But underlying much of the Muslim world's
travail may be a simple lack of freedom
B Y B E R N A R D L E W I S
. . . . .
n the course of the twentieth century it became abundantly clear that things had gone
badly wrong in the Middle East—and, indeed, in all the lands of Islam. Compared
with Christendom, its rival for more than a millennium, the world of Islam had
become poor, weak, and ignorant. The primacy and therefore the dominance of the
West was clear for all to see, invading every aspect of the Muslim's public and even—
more painfully—his private life.
Muslim modernizers—by reform or revolution—concentrated their efforts in three
main areas: military, economic, and political. The results achieved were, to say the
least, disappointing. The quest for victory by updated armies brought a series of
humiliating defeats. The quest for prosperity through development brought in some
countries impoverished and corrupt economies in recurring need of external aid, in
others an unhealthy dependence on a single resource—oil. And even this was
discovered, extracted, and put to use by Western ingenuity and industry, and is
doomed, sooner or later, to be exhausted, or, more probably, superseded, as the
international community grows weary of a fuel that pollutes the land, the sea, and the
air wherever it is used or transported, and that puts the world economy at the mercy of
a clique of capricious autocrats. Worst of all are the political results: the long quest for
freedom has left a string of shabby tyrannies, ranging from traditional autocracies to
dictatorships that are modern only in their apparatus of repression and indoctrination.
Many remedies were tried—weapons and factories, schools and parliaments—but
none achieved the desired result. Here and there they brought some alleviation and, to
limited elements of the population, some benefit. But they failed to remedy or even to
halt the increasing imbalance between Islam and the Western world.
There was worse to come. It was bad enough for Muslims to feel poor and weak after
centuries of being rich and strong, to lose the position of leadership that they had
come to regard as their right, and to be reduced to the role of followers of the West.
But the twentieth century, particularly the second half, brought further humiliation—
the awareness that they were no longer even the first among followers but were falling
back in a lengthening line of eager and more successful Westernizers, notably in East
Asia. The rise of Japan had been an encouragement but also a reproach. The later rise
of other Asian economic powers brought only reproach. The proud hei ...
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Shifts in Global Power Relations and Implications for AfricaKayode Fayemi
In my capacity as Visiting Professor, I delivered a keynote lecture on 'Shifts in Global Power Relations and Implications for Africa,' organised by the African Leadership Centre in the School of Global Affairs at King’s College London.
In my lecture, I discussed three interconnected arguments concerning shifts in global power relations and their implications for Africa. First, I emphasised the role of history in shaping these dynamics. Second, I talked about the pace, process, context, and implications of global power shifts. Finally, I highlighted Africa's centrality in reshaping the world and stressed the importance of it becoming a co-rule maker in the emerging new world order.
The world, including Africa, faces numerous conflicts and challenges, from tensions between Russia and Ukraine to crises in the Middle East and various conflicts within Africa. These issues underscore the necessity to reassess traditional assumptions in international governance. Climate change, pandemics, inequality, demographic shifts, and declining trust in governments further complicate the global landscape.
Scholars discuss the emergence of a multipolar global order which indicates a transition filled with doubts and fears. The need for enlightened leadership is important, but the current political space is dominated by narrow nationalism, xenophobia, and militarism. Some even suggest the world might be on the brink of a third world war.
Amidst this, existential threats extend beyond military conflicts to climate change, triggering fires, floods, hurricanes, and migrations. Africa, too, faces security challenges influenced by global dynamics. The continent experiences turbulence from external factors like the COVID-19 pandemic, economic crises, and climate change. Despite historical successes in collective responses to challenges, regional peace initiatives appear to be losing momentum.
Visionary leadership is essential for Africa to navigate the evolving global order. The continent's demographic advantage could be leveraged to collectively influence the new world order. The current geopolitical landscape, evident in voting patterns and attendance at international summits, indicates Africa's potential to play a key role. However, the continent needs to move beyond donor-recipient dynamics in engagements with other nations and establish a clear, shared agenda.
To address weaknesses in engaging with the changing world order, Africa must fill gaps in policy and leadership. Tackling structural drivers of conflict, particularly poverty and inequality, is necessary for sustainable peace. Investment in developing leadership capacities is essential for navigating this rapidly changing world.
New Media Essay. Media Essay General Paper H1 - GCE A Level ThinkswapSara Roberts
Traditional Media vs New Media Essay Example StudyHippo.com. Principles of New Media - Essay. Media Essay on adverts. - GCSE Media Studies - Marked by Teachers.com. Media Analysis Essay. Global Media Essay ARTS2092 - Global Media: Markets, Flows and .... Social media essay ideas. Top 130 Interesting Social Media Essay Topics .... Pros and Cons of Social Media Essay Essay on Pros and Cons of Social .... A Complete Guide To Prepare An Impressive Social Media Essay. PDF Review Essay: Understanding Digital Media and Society. Media studies essay. Media essay pre production pdf by kianlong - Issuu. Social Media Essay Essay on Social Media in 500-600 Words for School .... New Media Essay Digital amp; Social Media Social Media. The Implications of New Media Technologies Essay Example Topics and .... Write an essay on Social Media Essay Writing English - YouTube. Media Essay General Paper H1 - GCE A Level Thinkswap. Social Media Effect Essay Goresan. Media Essay - Editing by SophieLGill2000 - Issuu. What Are the Features of New Media? - PHDessay.com. Media essay. Essay influence of media on children essay on media. A level media essay help - Media Studies A Level by Carolina Fernandez. Media Essay News Mass Media Free 30-day Trial Scribd. New Media Technologies and the City Spaces - Essay. Three Major Ways Social Media Has Advanced Journalism - Free Essay .... media essay 1. Media essay by Isaacprah - Issuu. Essay Media. GCSE Coursework - Media Essay - A-Level Media Studies - Marked by ... New Media Essay New Media Essay. Media Essay General Paper H1 - GCE A Level Thinkswap
Paradoxes of Modernity in Latin AmericaAuthor(s) Anibal .docxaryan532920
Paradoxes of Modernity in Latin America
Author(s): Anibal Quijano
Source: International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, Vol. 3, No. 2 (Winter, 1989),
pp. 147-177
Published by: Springer
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20006945
Accessed: 25-05-2016 06:36 UTC
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact [email protected]
Springer is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to International Journal of
Politics, Culture, and Society
This content downloaded from 129.49.5.35 on Wed, 25 May 2016 06:36:41 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Paradoxes of Modernity in Latin America1
An?bal Quijano
University of San Marcos, Lima, Peru
The world crisis of capital has intensified the debate over contem?
porary society and culture. It is not only the economy that has been
called into question; indeed, the entire framework of knowledge, the
presuppositions of rationality in the relationships between peoples
themselves and with the world around them, the projects of histori?
cal meaning, the balance of fundamental human experiences, such
as capitalism and socialism as it actually exists?all perspectives
and all alternatives are open to critical appraisal once more.
The position and significance of Latin America in this debate are
fundamental. This is the case not only because Latin America has
been a victim of the most perverse effects of the crisis, but, more
significantly, because of the weight of its historical presence in the
construction of the culture of our time?because of the fecundity it
possesses for the reconstitution of that culture.
This surely explains the intensification of the Latin American
debate itself, although this may be denied by certain groups in
certain places whose exclusive concern is that of access to one or
another rungs of presently established power. Behind this facade,
nevertheless, genuine and critical questions are being posed whose
intellectual or pragmatic exploration surely will affect not only
Latin America. One of these questions?in one sense the most
decisive and central one?is the relationship between the private
and the public, because within this relationship virtually every area
of contemporary social existence is implicated. Beyond the circum?
stantial disputes on the Peruvian scene, the debate in question does
in fact encompass all the meaning and all the legitimacy of the
principal historical projects now available.
Modernity and "Modernization" in Latin America
The pressure to "modernize" has been exerted ...
Essay on Cultural Globalization
Essay on The History of Globalization
An Overview of Globalization Essay
Globalization : A Deeper Look At Globalization
Globalization : A Short History
Synthesis Essay On Globalization
The Realization Of Globalization
Personal Reflection on Globalization
Introduction Globalization
Essay about The Benefits of Globalization
Globalization : A Very Short Introduction
Globalization
Globalization: Countries
An Introduction to Globalization Essay
Globalization : A World Wide Movement Essay
Essay on Globalization
Globalization : A Clear Image Of Globalization
The Atlantic Monthly January 2002 THE HARD QUESVannaJoy20
The Atlantic Monthly | January 2002
THE HARD QUESTIONS
What Went Wrong?
By all standards of the modern world—economic development, literacy, scientific
achievement—Muslim civilization, once a mighty enterprise, has fallen low. Many in the
Middle East blame a variety of outside forces. But underlying much of the Muslim world's
travail may be a simple lack of freedom
B Y B E R N A R D L E W I S
. . . . .
n the course of the twentieth century it became abundantly clear that things had gone
badly wrong in the Middle East—and, indeed, in all the lands of Islam. Compared
with Christendom, its rival for more than a millennium, the world of Islam had
become poor, weak, and ignorant. The primacy and therefore the dominance of the
West was clear for all to see, invading every aspect of the Muslim's public and even—
more painfully—his private life.
Muslim modernizers—by reform or revolution—concentrated their efforts in three
main areas: military, economic, and political. The results achieved were, to say the
least, disappointing. The quest for victory by updated armies brought a series of
humiliating defeats. The quest for prosperity through development brought in some
countries impoverished and corrupt economies in recurring need of external aid, in
others an unhealthy dependence on a single resource—oil. And even this was
discovered, extracted, and put to use by Western ingenuity and industry, and is
doomed, sooner or later, to be exhausted, or, more probably, superseded, as the
international community grows weary of a fuel that pollutes the land, the sea, and the
air wherever it is used or transported, and that puts the world economy at the mercy of
a clique of capricious autocrats. Worst of all are the political results: the long quest for
freedom has left a string of shabby tyrannies, ranging from traditional autocracies to
dictatorships that are modern only in their apparatus of repression and indoctrination.
Many remedies were tried—weapons and factories, schools and parliaments—but
none achieved the desired result. Here and there they brought some alleviation and, to
limited elements of the population, some benefit. But they failed to remedy or even to
halt the increasing imbalance between Islam and the Western world.
There was worse to come. It was bad enough for Muslims to feel poor and weak after
centuries of being rich and strong, to lose the position of leadership that they had
come to regard as their right, and to be reduced to the role of followers of the West.
But the twentieth century, particularly the second half, brought further humiliation—
the awareness that they were no longer even the first among followers but were falling
back in a lengthening line of eager and more successful Westernizers, notably in East
Asia. The rise of Japan had been an encouragement but also a reproach. The later rise
of other Asian economic powers brought only reproach. The proud hei ...
An Introduction to Globalization Essay
World Hunger Essay
Essay about Communism
The Great Migration Essay
Emma Watson Speech Essay
Essay about Suicide
What is Stress? Essay
Cyber Bullying Essay example
Analysis Of Hooks Essay By Ann Hook
Hooks All About Love Hooks Analysis
Friendship Essay: What Makes A Good Friend?
Hooks Essay: Keeping Close To Home
Hook For Lord Of The Flies Persuasive Essay
Artificial Intelligence: An Overview
Hook Feminism Essay
Is Technology Ruining Our Friendships?
Informative Essay Hook
Loneliness Essay
National policy conference 2017 international relationsSABC News
The International Relations Discussion Document reflects on the ANC’s historic mandate of progressive internationalism that shaped South Africa’s current foreign policy outlook
Initially published on 9th December 2004 in Buzzle
Excerpt:
Practically speaking, there is no reason for anyone to discuss Germany's possible acceptance into the UN Veto Club, if the eventual conclusion is not accompanied by a similar decision to extend the same right to Italy, founding member of the G-8. The main opposition against Italy's adhesion to the UN Veto Council comes only from France, because Paris ponders on the impact that such a decision would have on the decision making process within the European Union itself! This proves clearly the malignant ways of the French diplomacy, and the vicious character of the French opposition to Italy’s entrance in the Veto Club. The only parallel among the already discussed cases can be found in the Chinese skepticism about Japan, but this is rather relevant of regional balance of power, which is a natural consideration among powers.
Contrarily, in the case of France, one country's manipulations and machinations within a regional international body (European Union) are being transposed within the context of deliberations taking place within the international body par excellence, affecting thus the clarity of the purpose and the transparence of the decision making within the UN. This consists in an unbearable political bias, and an absolutely reactionary attitude against the rest of the world.
France’s intrigues within the European Union encompass the formation of a bogus tripartite directory (France – Germany – England) in which an anti-British majority is pre-arranged; the same intrigues enable the later use of this scheme by Paris in order to impose disreputable and undignified policies to all the other member states of the European Union. This affair does indeed concern the rest of the world, and more particularly Africa and the Middle East where various administrations and numerous oppressed nations hold France as directly responsible for the calamities fallen upon them ever since the French started expanding outside their borders. It must therefore be made known to the perfidious and criminal authorities of Quai d’ Orsay that perpetuation of their attitude cannot be tolerated, even if it takes the form of a seemingly serious argumentation. As a matter of fact, within the body of a democratically organized international community, France's time is over.
France's continued colonialization of Africa's resources, politics, and economics through Apartheid type exploitation tracing back to the Berlin Conference. The continued incursions upon the continent in violation of international law and threat of military force to compel submission.
HY 1020, Western Civilization II 1 UNIT VII STUDY GUIDE .docxwilcockiris
HY 1020, Western Civilization II 1
UNIT VII STUDY GUIDE
The West in the Contemporary Era:
New Encounters and Transformations
Learning Objectives
Upon completion of this unit, students should be able to:
1. Identify the economic and political developments in the 1970s and
1980s that led to the fall of the Soviet Union.
2. Describe how the fall of the Communist superpower impacted
international structures, boundaries, and agreements developed during
the postwar era.
3. Describe the causes, outbreak, and outcomes of the notable revolutions
from 1989-1991 and identify their significance to Western culture and
politics.
4. List landmark events directly related to the Cold War era.
5. Define key political and economic terms related specifically to the late
20th century.
6. Describe the role technology played on the evolution from the modern to
postmodern era.
7. Describe catalysts for the rise in violence in Europe and the Middle East
at the end of the 20th century how it related to Western culture, and
eventual outcomes.
8. Discuss how conflicts in the 21st century are more open to cultural
elements, from religion to social media, and compare to the political
conflicts discussed in the 16th-20th centuries.
Unit Lesson
At the end of the 1960s, the threat of nuclear war receded with the onset of
détente, but that did not mean stability, as economic crisis heightened political
and social polarization. The renewal of the Cold War at the end of the 1970s
created further instability. The economic crisis of the 1970s challenged postwar
social democratic assumptions and discontented voters looked for radically new
answers, either in socialism, as in Spain, Portugal, and Greece, or in the New
Conservatism. New Conservatives did not emphasize social improvement but
instead promoted policies intended to create less governmental control and
more opportunity for individual achievement, which would privatize state-owned
businesses and dismantle the welfare state. They argued that the economic
crisis was due to the increase in spending on social services.
The détente policies of the early 1970s were reversed later that decade, and
Cold War tensions returned. Détente’s triumph came in 1975 when the United
States, Canada, and European nations signed the Helsinki Accords, recognizing
the existing borders and promising to safeguard human rights. On that wave of
U.S. influence, soon Soviet and Eastern European dissidents were publicizing
human rights abuses in their nations. The New Conservatives further increased
the Cold War tensions by reviving anti-communist rhetoric, accelerating the arms
build-up, and deciding to deploy nuclear weapons in Europeans countries; a
move that engendered widespread protest.
Reading
Assignment
Chapter 29:
The West in the
Contemporary Era: New
Encounters and
Transformations, pp. 29-
930, 932-935, 937-942,
943-949, 951-952, 964
Supplemental
Reading
.
HY 1020, Western Civilization II 1 UNIT VII STUDY GUIDE .docxadampcarr67227
HY 1020, Western Civilization II 1
UNIT VII STUDY GUIDE
The West in the Contemporary Era:
New Encounters and Transformations
Learning Objectives
Upon completion of this unit, students should be able to:
1. Identify the economic and political developments in the 1970s and
1980s that led to the fall of the Soviet Union.
2. Describe how the fall of the Communist superpower impacted
international structures, boundaries, and agreements developed during
the postwar era.
3. Describe the causes, outbreak, and outcomes of the notable revolutions
from 1989-1991 and identify their significance to Western culture and
politics.
4. List landmark events directly related to the Cold War era.
5. Define key political and economic terms related specifically to the late
20th century.
6. Describe the role technology played on the evolution from the modern to
postmodern era.
7. Describe catalysts for the rise in violence in Europe and the Middle East
at the end of the 20th century how it related to Western culture, and
eventual outcomes.
8. Discuss how conflicts in the 21st century are more open to cultural
elements, from religion to social media, and compare to the political
conflicts discussed in the 16th-20th centuries.
Unit Lesson
At the end of the 1960s, the threat of nuclear war receded with the onset of
détente, but that did not mean stability, as economic crisis heightened political
and social polarization. The renewal of the Cold War at the end of the 1970s
created further instability. The economic crisis of the 1970s challenged postwar
social democratic assumptions and discontented voters looked for radically new
answers, either in socialism, as in Spain, Portugal, and Greece, or in the New
Conservatism. New Conservatives did not emphasize social improvement but
instead promoted policies intended to create less governmental control and
more opportunity for individual achievement, which would privatize state-owned
businesses and dismantle the welfare state. They argued that the economic
crisis was due to the increase in spending on social services.
The détente policies of the early 1970s were reversed later that decade, and
Cold War tensions returned. Détente’s triumph came in 1975 when the United
States, Canada, and European nations signed the Helsinki Accords, recognizing
the existing borders and promising to safeguard human rights. On that wave of
U.S. influence, soon Soviet and Eastern European dissidents were publicizing
human rights abuses in their nations. The New Conservatives further increased
the Cold War tensions by reviving anti-communist rhetoric, accelerating the arms
build-up, and deciding to deploy nuclear weapons in Europeans countries; a
move that engendered widespread protest.
Reading
Assignment
Chapter 29:
The West in the
Contemporary Era: New
Encounters and
Transformations, pp. 29-
930, 932-935, 937-942,
943-949, 951-952, 964
Supplemental
Reading
.
The Concession of Asaba International Airport: Balancing Politics and Policy ...Kayode Fayemi
Today, I had the opportunity to review Professor Sylvester Monye's latest book, "The Concession of Asaba International Airport: Balancing Politics and Policy Execution.” The review was attended by former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, GGFR, Governor Sheriff F. Oborevwori of Delta State, former Senate President, H.E Dr Abubakar Bukola Saraki CON, former SGF Boss Mustapha, CFR, and former President Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, GCFR, who chaired the event.
The book offers a master class in policy management in a complex political environment and sheds light on the challenges and intricacies involved in such a monumental project. It was a privilege to gain insight into the experiences and perspectives shared in the book, and I believe it offers valuable lessons for future policymakers and governments undertaking similar endeavours.
Congratulations to Professor Monye on this insightful and thought-provoking work.
Uncommon Grace The Autobiography of Isaac FolorunsoKayode Fayemi
I had the honour of presenting my reflections on the autobiography of Professor Isaac Folorunso Adewole, titled "Uncommon Grace." As someone deeply invested in documentation and history, I found Professor Adewole's decision to narrate his journey from humble beginnings to occupying one of the highest offices in the land both inspiring and invaluable.
In this eloquently written memoir, Professor Adewole provides a comprehensive account of his life, from his ancestral roots to his time as Minister of Health in Nigeria. The unique aspect of this autobiography is that he portrayed himself authentically without taking the help of third-party narratives, which is often seen in accounts of high-ranking officials.
His upbringing was greatly influenced by his father's commitment to education. He became a prominent figure in advocating for the rights of the underprivileged through trade unionism. His story is one of unwavering determination, resilience, and faith. His experiences, including both successes and struggles, provide priceless lessons on leadership, perseverance, and the alignment of personal values with public service.
While reading "Uncommon Grace," I was struck by the deep leadership lessons that are embedded within its chapters. Professor Adewole stresses the importance of inclusivity, servant leadership, and planning, which are all highly relevant in today's complex world. His commitment to accountability, as well as his primary responsibility as a researcher, serves as a guiding light for aspiring leaders across various disciplines.
During his tenure as the Vice Chancellor of the University of Ibadan, he led with visionary leadership and transformative impact. His accomplishments have been meticulously documented in the book, which can serve as a blueprint for rejuvenating institutions and promoting academic excellence.
In the latter part of his autobiography, Professor Adewole shares his experiences as a Minister, detailing the challenges he faced while serving the public with integrity and courage. His reflections on the complexities of public service, coupled with his commitment to the well-being of the nation, offer practical insights for policymakers and citizens alike.
I have carefully read "Uncommon Grace" and it is more than just a memoir. It is a timeless book that is hard to put down once you start reading. While intellectuals may continue to debate whether uncommon grace was made possible by uncommon preparation or the other way around, I applaud Professor Adewole for sharing his ideas, knowledge, and experience with the public. I highly recommend this book to everyone.
If this Giant Must Walk: A Manifesto for a New NigeriaKayode Fayemi
Yesterday in Lagos, I had the honour of delivering a lecture titled “If this Giant Must Walk; Manifesto for a New Nigeria“ at the Inaugural Memorial Lecture of Prince Emeka Obasi, founder and publisher of Business Hallmark and the inspirational figure behind the Public Policy Research and Analysis Centre - promoters of the revered Zik Leadership and Governance Awards.
My lecture focused on the challenges of nation-building in Nigeria and how we can approach them in a way that promotes progress and unity. I discussed the many sources of concern about our country’s future prospects, including violent conflicts, revisionist contestations of the Amalgamation Act of 1914, discontent with the Nigerian economy, and dysfunctions in the federal system.
Central to my lecture was the call to address these challenges by crafting a new manifesto for Nigeria. This manifesto, I proposed, should champion integrity, compassion, character, competence, and commitment to national unity and progress within a framework of democratic governance and cultural diversity. I firmly believe that by doing so, we can guide Nigeria to stride forward with pride and purpose.
I want to thank the Board and Management of the Public Policy Forum for their kind invitation to speak at this important event and for their commitment to promoting public policy research and analysis in Nigeria. My gratitude also to the late Prince Emeka Obasi, a true inspiration and a builder of bridges across divides, for his contributions to the country. My thoughts are with his family and loved ones.
Governance and Nation-Building in Nigeria: Some Reflections on Options for Po...Kayode Fayemi
I had the honour of delivering the Keynote Address at the 34th Annual Conference of the Nigerian Political Science Association (NPSA) in Lokoja. The conference theme, "Governance and Nation-Building in Nigeria: Some Reflections on Options for Policy," is relevant and timely.
The challenges of nation-building are manifesting worldwide, including our continent and country. Violent conflicts and subterranean discord and discontent are prevalent, and the revival of irredentist ethno-regional and religious identities further complicates the situation. I believe that the conference was a great opportunity to discuss these challenges and reflect on practical policy options.
I salute the President of the NPSA, Professor Hassan Saliu, for his leadership and the Executive Committee's effort to mobilize the membership despite a paucity of resources and the prevailing tough economic times. I am optimistic that the NPSA will continue to thrive, and I urge all of us to work towards the continued stability and unity of our country.
Leadership in Difficult Times- Strategies for Overcoming Challenges - Reflect...Kayode Fayemi
I had the honour of delivering a keynote lecture titled "Sustainable Leadership Strategies for a Troubled Nation: Reflections of a Scholar-Politician" at the Induction Ceremony for postgraduate students in the Public Governance and Leadership Programme at the Abuja Leadership Centre, University of Abuja.
In my presentation, I focused on demystifying leadership in the African governance context and highlighted the role of leadership in promoting a just and sustainable peace. While acknowledging significant investments in leadership development in Africa, I emphasised the limitations of focusing solely on individual leaders without a robust institutional framework. Successful leadership, I argued, involves teamwork within a well-established infrastructure, addressing complex interplays of policies, politics, and power.
I stressed that leadership goes beyond placing the right individuals in office; it requires managing socio-political currents, consensus-building, and addressing structural drivers of conflict, such as poverty and inequality. Leaders must invest in managing diversity, leading by example, and addressing root causes to promote just peace. I highlighted the importance of a well-thought-out plan when transitioning from campaigning to governing and the need for policies to align with a sustainable and well-consulted plan.
The following outlines strategies that, in my belief, can contribute to the improvement of good governance in our challenging environment. First, understand that leadership is teamwork, not a solo effort. Two, pay attention to the big picture with a nuanced understanding of societal dynamics and focus on solutions; three, have a realistic plan based on wide consultations but be flexible; four, think through how to put a team together and also fund your promises to the electorate; five, don't ignore your civil service or suffocate your government with external consultants; six, own your communication and engage the electorate constantly; seven, change in government is often incremental, not revolutionary. What makes incremental change enduring is sustainability. Eight, sustainability rests on seamless succession and succession planning since governance is a continuum.
Timeless Aketi - Tribute to Arakunrin OluwaRotimi AkeredoluKayode Fayemi
Bisi and I attended the Service of Songs and Night of Tributes held in honour of our dear friend and former Governor of Ondo State, Arakunrin OluwaRotimi Akeredolu. Aketi was exceptional – a sagely intellectual, a dogged lawyer and activist, and a patriotic nation builder. He was one of the most iconic leaders in our region and country before succumbing to his last fight.
Many will fondly remember him as an irrepressible defender of the defenceless and a loud, often undiplomatic voice of the voiceless. As Chairman of the South West Governors Forum, he led from the front in the establishment of the Western Security Network - popularly known as Amotekun. As a patriot and a nationalist, he never lost sight of our common goal - the quest for public good and the building of a prosperous, united, safe, and secure nation.
However, the unanswered question lingers: how can death snatch such a person so full of life from the uncompleted work of national rebirth and renewal? I’ve asked myself the same question repeatedly because every death diminishes us. We all wish Aketi were here with us, but we take solace in the memories we shared, the kindness and wisdom he shared with all and sundry, the service he rendered to the good people of Ondo State, and the necessary battles he fought on behalf of a better Nigeria.
Nigeria has been shortchanged by the loss of this consistent advocate of justice, fairness, and equity. But the struggle must continue, as he would have wanted. Our nation has lost a gem; indeed, one of the brightest in our firmament – I have lost my friend.
Adieu Aketi. Goodnight!
Nation-building is very fragile in Africa Kayode Fayemi - The Africa ReportKayode Fayemi
In this interview with The Africa Report, I discussed the need for electoral reforms, engagement, and dialogue with political rivals, proportional representation in our electoral system, and substantial political actions to address challenges. Additionally, I reflected on recent coups in West Africa, election challenges, overreliance on the judiciary for political decisions, and assessed Buhari's presidency.
Africa in the Turbulence of a World in Search of DirectionKayode Fayemi
Being Text of the Annual Lecture Delivered by His Excellency, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, CON, Former Governor of Ekiti State and Former Chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum to the Society for International Relations Awareness (SIRA) on Wednesday 18 October, 2023, Abuja, Nigeria.
Last week, I had the honour of addressing the topic "How to Make Nigeria Work" during the 60th birthday celebration of my dear friend and comrade, Professor Udenta Udenta.
However, it was intriguing to witness the diverse reactions to my speech, which regrettably, have been misrepresented and sensationalised in the media. The sensationalised portions of my presentation have also sparked counterarguments from analysts and critics who did not listen to my full speech and only depended on media snippets. In light of these developments and to ensure an accurate record, I find it necessary to clarify my statements.
I have no doubt in my mind that I have not exhausted all the factors that can make Nigeria work for the benefit of all her citizens and residents. However, I also have no doubt that the subsequent conversation by analysts will not only add new points but also amplify some of the points I have highlighted, rather than misconstrue or sensationalise them.
CHALLENGE OF DEMOCRATIC LEADERSHIP- Continuity and Change in Nigeria - Kayode...Kayode Fayemi
In continuation of my engagement as a Visiting Professor at the African Leadership Centre, I participated in a roundtable discussion on ‘The Challenge of Leadership: Continuity & Change in Nigeria,’ moderated by Prof Funmi Olonisakin at King's College, University of London. I shared my insights on democratic leadership, the challenges our democracy faces, the false dichotomies between civil society and political society, and the implications of Nigeria's political economy of oil.
Nigeria serves as a complex case study in the journey towards democracy. In the past two decades, our democracy has undergone significant changes, but opinions on progress varies between pessimism and optimism. Meeting the high expectations set after 1999 has been challenging, and we must shift our mindset to see progress as an ongoing struggle.
It is important not to generalise stagnation across all sectors, as there are pockets of progress throughout the country. Rather than solely focusing on outcomes, we should assess the quality and content of democratic and governance reforms. Long-term change requires recognising the cumulative impact of small, incremental shifts, including often overlooked partial reforms at the sub-national level with lasting effects. Transformation rarely happens through a single dramatic shift but results from a complex mix of evolving factors.
Despite the challenges, there are individuals dedicated to reforming Nigeria's governance. The question remains: can we achieve significant improvements even with good intentions and an increase in reform-minded individuals in politics?
CHALLENGE OF DEMOCRATIC LEADERSHIP: Continuity and Change in NigeriaKayode Fayemi
In continuation of my engagement as a Visiting Professor at the African Leadership Centre, I participated in a roundtable discussion on ‘The Challenge of Leadership: Continuity & Change in Nigeria,’ moderated by Prof Funmi Olonisakin at King's College, University of London. I shared my insights on democratic leadership, the challenges our democracy faces, the false dichotomies between civil society and political society, and the implications of Nigeria's political economy of oil.
Nigeria serves as a complex case study in the journey towards democracy. In the past two decades, our democracy has undergone significant changes, but opinions on progress varies between pessimism and optimism. Meeting the high expectations set after 1999 has been challenging, and we must shift our mindset to see progress as an ongoing struggle.
It is important not to generalise stagnation across all sectors, as there are pockets of progress throughout the country. Rather than solely focusing on outcomes, we should assess the quality and content of democratic and governance reforms. Long-term change requires recognising the cumulative impact of small, incremental shifts, including often overlooked partial reforms at the sub-national level with lasting effects. Transformation rarely happens through a single dramatic shift but results from a complex mix of evolving factors.
Despite the challenges, there are individuals dedicated to reforming Nigeria's governance. The question remains: can we achieve significant improvements even with good intentions and an increase in reform-minded individuals in politics?
Reflections of a Scholar-Politician on the Leadership-Peace Nexus and Praxis ...Kayode Fayemi
I delivered a keynote talk at the African Leadership Centre's Postgraduate Conference held at King's College, University of London. It was an honour to have this opportunity to engage with fellow scholars and address the important topic of the leadership-peace nexus in Africa from the perspective of a Scholar-Politician.
Throughout my presentation, I focused on demystifying leadership in the African governance experience and exploring the role of leadership in fostering a just and sustainable peace. I also delved into the relationship between democracy, leadership, and peace in Africa, as well as the crucial role of regional organisations such as the African Union and ECOWAS in peacebuilding. Lastly, I shared my personal journey of transitioning from academia to politics as a scholar-politician, offering insights from my insider experience.
This topic holds great significance to me, as it has shaped my own journey and deepened my understanding of the challenges our societies face. I firmly believe that leadership plays a crucial role in matters of peace, security, and stability. However, it is not enough to engage in theoretical discussions alone; we must also focus on practical implementation. Drawing from my personal experience, I highlighted the importance of bridging the gap between academia, activism, and politics, and leveraging insider knowledge to drive positive change.
My full presentation can be found in the attached document.
Reflections of a Scholar-Politician on the Leadership-Peace Nexus and Praxis ...Kayode Fayemi
I delivered a keynote talk at the African Leadership Centre's Postgraduate Conference held at King's College, University of London. It was an honour to have this opportunity to engage with fellow scholars and address the important topic of the leadership-peace nexus in Africa from the perspective of a Scholar-Politician.
Throughout my presentation, I focused on demystifying leadership in the African governance experience and exploring the role of leadership in fostering a just and sustainable peace. I also delved into the relationship between democracy, leadership, and peace in Africa, as well as the crucial role of regional organisations such as the African Union and ECOWAS in peacebuilding. Lastly, I shared my personal journey of transitioning from academia to politics as a scholar-politician, offering insights from my insider experience.
This topic holds great significance to me, as it has shaped my own journey and deepened my understanding of the challenges our societies face. I firmly believe that leadership plays a crucial role in matters of peace, security, and stability. However, it is not enough to engage in theoretical discussions alone; we must also focus on practical implementation. Drawing from my personal experience, I highlighted the importance of bridging the gap between academia, activism, and politics, and leveraging insider knowledge to drive positive change.
My full presentation can be found in the attached document.
More Related Content
Similar to Africa in the Turbulence of a World in Search of Direction
National policy conference 2017 international relationsSABC News
The International Relations Discussion Document reflects on the ANC’s historic mandate of progressive internationalism that shaped South Africa’s current foreign policy outlook
Initially published on 9th December 2004 in Buzzle
Excerpt:
Practically speaking, there is no reason for anyone to discuss Germany's possible acceptance into the UN Veto Club, if the eventual conclusion is not accompanied by a similar decision to extend the same right to Italy, founding member of the G-8. The main opposition against Italy's adhesion to the UN Veto Council comes only from France, because Paris ponders on the impact that such a decision would have on the decision making process within the European Union itself! This proves clearly the malignant ways of the French diplomacy, and the vicious character of the French opposition to Italy’s entrance in the Veto Club. The only parallel among the already discussed cases can be found in the Chinese skepticism about Japan, but this is rather relevant of regional balance of power, which is a natural consideration among powers.
Contrarily, in the case of France, one country's manipulations and machinations within a regional international body (European Union) are being transposed within the context of deliberations taking place within the international body par excellence, affecting thus the clarity of the purpose and the transparence of the decision making within the UN. This consists in an unbearable political bias, and an absolutely reactionary attitude against the rest of the world.
France’s intrigues within the European Union encompass the formation of a bogus tripartite directory (France – Germany – England) in which an anti-British majority is pre-arranged; the same intrigues enable the later use of this scheme by Paris in order to impose disreputable and undignified policies to all the other member states of the European Union. This affair does indeed concern the rest of the world, and more particularly Africa and the Middle East where various administrations and numerous oppressed nations hold France as directly responsible for the calamities fallen upon them ever since the French started expanding outside their borders. It must therefore be made known to the perfidious and criminal authorities of Quai d’ Orsay that perpetuation of their attitude cannot be tolerated, even if it takes the form of a seemingly serious argumentation. As a matter of fact, within the body of a democratically organized international community, France's time is over.
France's continued colonialization of Africa's resources, politics, and economics through Apartheid type exploitation tracing back to the Berlin Conference. The continued incursions upon the continent in violation of international law and threat of military force to compel submission.
HY 1020, Western Civilization II 1 UNIT VII STUDY GUIDE .docxwilcockiris
HY 1020, Western Civilization II 1
UNIT VII STUDY GUIDE
The West in the Contemporary Era:
New Encounters and Transformations
Learning Objectives
Upon completion of this unit, students should be able to:
1. Identify the economic and political developments in the 1970s and
1980s that led to the fall of the Soviet Union.
2. Describe how the fall of the Communist superpower impacted
international structures, boundaries, and agreements developed during
the postwar era.
3. Describe the causes, outbreak, and outcomes of the notable revolutions
from 1989-1991 and identify their significance to Western culture and
politics.
4. List landmark events directly related to the Cold War era.
5. Define key political and economic terms related specifically to the late
20th century.
6. Describe the role technology played on the evolution from the modern to
postmodern era.
7. Describe catalysts for the rise in violence in Europe and the Middle East
at the end of the 20th century how it related to Western culture, and
eventual outcomes.
8. Discuss how conflicts in the 21st century are more open to cultural
elements, from religion to social media, and compare to the political
conflicts discussed in the 16th-20th centuries.
Unit Lesson
At the end of the 1960s, the threat of nuclear war receded with the onset of
détente, but that did not mean stability, as economic crisis heightened political
and social polarization. The renewal of the Cold War at the end of the 1970s
created further instability. The economic crisis of the 1970s challenged postwar
social democratic assumptions and discontented voters looked for radically new
answers, either in socialism, as in Spain, Portugal, and Greece, or in the New
Conservatism. New Conservatives did not emphasize social improvement but
instead promoted policies intended to create less governmental control and
more opportunity for individual achievement, which would privatize state-owned
businesses and dismantle the welfare state. They argued that the economic
crisis was due to the increase in spending on social services.
The détente policies of the early 1970s were reversed later that decade, and
Cold War tensions returned. Détente’s triumph came in 1975 when the United
States, Canada, and European nations signed the Helsinki Accords, recognizing
the existing borders and promising to safeguard human rights. On that wave of
U.S. influence, soon Soviet and Eastern European dissidents were publicizing
human rights abuses in their nations. The New Conservatives further increased
the Cold War tensions by reviving anti-communist rhetoric, accelerating the arms
build-up, and deciding to deploy nuclear weapons in Europeans countries; a
move that engendered widespread protest.
Reading
Assignment
Chapter 29:
The West in the
Contemporary Era: New
Encounters and
Transformations, pp. 29-
930, 932-935, 937-942,
943-949, 951-952, 964
Supplemental
Reading
.
HY 1020, Western Civilization II 1 UNIT VII STUDY GUIDE .docxadampcarr67227
HY 1020, Western Civilization II 1
UNIT VII STUDY GUIDE
The West in the Contemporary Era:
New Encounters and Transformations
Learning Objectives
Upon completion of this unit, students should be able to:
1. Identify the economic and political developments in the 1970s and
1980s that led to the fall of the Soviet Union.
2. Describe how the fall of the Communist superpower impacted
international structures, boundaries, and agreements developed during
the postwar era.
3. Describe the causes, outbreak, and outcomes of the notable revolutions
from 1989-1991 and identify their significance to Western culture and
politics.
4. List landmark events directly related to the Cold War era.
5. Define key political and economic terms related specifically to the late
20th century.
6. Describe the role technology played on the evolution from the modern to
postmodern era.
7. Describe catalysts for the rise in violence in Europe and the Middle East
at the end of the 20th century how it related to Western culture, and
eventual outcomes.
8. Discuss how conflicts in the 21st century are more open to cultural
elements, from religion to social media, and compare to the political
conflicts discussed in the 16th-20th centuries.
Unit Lesson
At the end of the 1960s, the threat of nuclear war receded with the onset of
détente, but that did not mean stability, as economic crisis heightened political
and social polarization. The renewal of the Cold War at the end of the 1970s
created further instability. The economic crisis of the 1970s challenged postwar
social democratic assumptions and discontented voters looked for radically new
answers, either in socialism, as in Spain, Portugal, and Greece, or in the New
Conservatism. New Conservatives did not emphasize social improvement but
instead promoted policies intended to create less governmental control and
more opportunity for individual achievement, which would privatize state-owned
businesses and dismantle the welfare state. They argued that the economic
crisis was due to the increase in spending on social services.
The détente policies of the early 1970s were reversed later that decade, and
Cold War tensions returned. Détente’s triumph came in 1975 when the United
States, Canada, and European nations signed the Helsinki Accords, recognizing
the existing borders and promising to safeguard human rights. On that wave of
U.S. influence, soon Soviet and Eastern European dissidents were publicizing
human rights abuses in their nations. The New Conservatives further increased
the Cold War tensions by reviving anti-communist rhetoric, accelerating the arms
build-up, and deciding to deploy nuclear weapons in Europeans countries; a
move that engendered widespread protest.
Reading
Assignment
Chapter 29:
The West in the
Contemporary Era: New
Encounters and
Transformations, pp. 29-
930, 932-935, 937-942,
943-949, 951-952, 964
Supplemental
Reading
.
Similar to Africa in the Turbulence of a World in Search of Direction (9)
The Concession of Asaba International Airport: Balancing Politics and Policy ...Kayode Fayemi
Today, I had the opportunity to review Professor Sylvester Monye's latest book, "The Concession of Asaba International Airport: Balancing Politics and Policy Execution.” The review was attended by former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, GGFR, Governor Sheriff F. Oborevwori of Delta State, former Senate President, H.E Dr Abubakar Bukola Saraki CON, former SGF Boss Mustapha, CFR, and former President Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, GCFR, who chaired the event.
The book offers a master class in policy management in a complex political environment and sheds light on the challenges and intricacies involved in such a monumental project. It was a privilege to gain insight into the experiences and perspectives shared in the book, and I believe it offers valuable lessons for future policymakers and governments undertaking similar endeavours.
Congratulations to Professor Monye on this insightful and thought-provoking work.
Uncommon Grace The Autobiography of Isaac FolorunsoKayode Fayemi
I had the honour of presenting my reflections on the autobiography of Professor Isaac Folorunso Adewole, titled "Uncommon Grace." As someone deeply invested in documentation and history, I found Professor Adewole's decision to narrate his journey from humble beginnings to occupying one of the highest offices in the land both inspiring and invaluable.
In this eloquently written memoir, Professor Adewole provides a comprehensive account of his life, from his ancestral roots to his time as Minister of Health in Nigeria. The unique aspect of this autobiography is that he portrayed himself authentically without taking the help of third-party narratives, which is often seen in accounts of high-ranking officials.
His upbringing was greatly influenced by his father's commitment to education. He became a prominent figure in advocating for the rights of the underprivileged through trade unionism. His story is one of unwavering determination, resilience, and faith. His experiences, including both successes and struggles, provide priceless lessons on leadership, perseverance, and the alignment of personal values with public service.
While reading "Uncommon Grace," I was struck by the deep leadership lessons that are embedded within its chapters. Professor Adewole stresses the importance of inclusivity, servant leadership, and planning, which are all highly relevant in today's complex world. His commitment to accountability, as well as his primary responsibility as a researcher, serves as a guiding light for aspiring leaders across various disciplines.
During his tenure as the Vice Chancellor of the University of Ibadan, he led with visionary leadership and transformative impact. His accomplishments have been meticulously documented in the book, which can serve as a blueprint for rejuvenating institutions and promoting academic excellence.
In the latter part of his autobiography, Professor Adewole shares his experiences as a Minister, detailing the challenges he faced while serving the public with integrity and courage. His reflections on the complexities of public service, coupled with his commitment to the well-being of the nation, offer practical insights for policymakers and citizens alike.
I have carefully read "Uncommon Grace" and it is more than just a memoir. It is a timeless book that is hard to put down once you start reading. While intellectuals may continue to debate whether uncommon grace was made possible by uncommon preparation or the other way around, I applaud Professor Adewole for sharing his ideas, knowledge, and experience with the public. I highly recommend this book to everyone.
If this Giant Must Walk: A Manifesto for a New NigeriaKayode Fayemi
Yesterday in Lagos, I had the honour of delivering a lecture titled “If this Giant Must Walk; Manifesto for a New Nigeria“ at the Inaugural Memorial Lecture of Prince Emeka Obasi, founder and publisher of Business Hallmark and the inspirational figure behind the Public Policy Research and Analysis Centre - promoters of the revered Zik Leadership and Governance Awards.
My lecture focused on the challenges of nation-building in Nigeria and how we can approach them in a way that promotes progress and unity. I discussed the many sources of concern about our country’s future prospects, including violent conflicts, revisionist contestations of the Amalgamation Act of 1914, discontent with the Nigerian economy, and dysfunctions in the federal system.
Central to my lecture was the call to address these challenges by crafting a new manifesto for Nigeria. This manifesto, I proposed, should champion integrity, compassion, character, competence, and commitment to national unity and progress within a framework of democratic governance and cultural diversity. I firmly believe that by doing so, we can guide Nigeria to stride forward with pride and purpose.
I want to thank the Board and Management of the Public Policy Forum for their kind invitation to speak at this important event and for their commitment to promoting public policy research and analysis in Nigeria. My gratitude also to the late Prince Emeka Obasi, a true inspiration and a builder of bridges across divides, for his contributions to the country. My thoughts are with his family and loved ones.
Governance and Nation-Building in Nigeria: Some Reflections on Options for Po...Kayode Fayemi
I had the honour of delivering the Keynote Address at the 34th Annual Conference of the Nigerian Political Science Association (NPSA) in Lokoja. The conference theme, "Governance and Nation-Building in Nigeria: Some Reflections on Options for Policy," is relevant and timely.
The challenges of nation-building are manifesting worldwide, including our continent and country. Violent conflicts and subterranean discord and discontent are prevalent, and the revival of irredentist ethno-regional and religious identities further complicates the situation. I believe that the conference was a great opportunity to discuss these challenges and reflect on practical policy options.
I salute the President of the NPSA, Professor Hassan Saliu, for his leadership and the Executive Committee's effort to mobilize the membership despite a paucity of resources and the prevailing tough economic times. I am optimistic that the NPSA will continue to thrive, and I urge all of us to work towards the continued stability and unity of our country.
Leadership in Difficult Times- Strategies for Overcoming Challenges - Reflect...Kayode Fayemi
I had the honour of delivering a keynote lecture titled "Sustainable Leadership Strategies for a Troubled Nation: Reflections of a Scholar-Politician" at the Induction Ceremony for postgraduate students in the Public Governance and Leadership Programme at the Abuja Leadership Centre, University of Abuja.
In my presentation, I focused on demystifying leadership in the African governance context and highlighted the role of leadership in promoting a just and sustainable peace. While acknowledging significant investments in leadership development in Africa, I emphasised the limitations of focusing solely on individual leaders without a robust institutional framework. Successful leadership, I argued, involves teamwork within a well-established infrastructure, addressing complex interplays of policies, politics, and power.
I stressed that leadership goes beyond placing the right individuals in office; it requires managing socio-political currents, consensus-building, and addressing structural drivers of conflict, such as poverty and inequality. Leaders must invest in managing diversity, leading by example, and addressing root causes to promote just peace. I highlighted the importance of a well-thought-out plan when transitioning from campaigning to governing and the need for policies to align with a sustainable and well-consulted plan.
The following outlines strategies that, in my belief, can contribute to the improvement of good governance in our challenging environment. First, understand that leadership is teamwork, not a solo effort. Two, pay attention to the big picture with a nuanced understanding of societal dynamics and focus on solutions; three, have a realistic plan based on wide consultations but be flexible; four, think through how to put a team together and also fund your promises to the electorate; five, don't ignore your civil service or suffocate your government with external consultants; six, own your communication and engage the electorate constantly; seven, change in government is often incremental, not revolutionary. What makes incremental change enduring is sustainability. Eight, sustainability rests on seamless succession and succession planning since governance is a continuum.
Timeless Aketi - Tribute to Arakunrin OluwaRotimi AkeredoluKayode Fayemi
Bisi and I attended the Service of Songs and Night of Tributes held in honour of our dear friend and former Governor of Ondo State, Arakunrin OluwaRotimi Akeredolu. Aketi was exceptional – a sagely intellectual, a dogged lawyer and activist, and a patriotic nation builder. He was one of the most iconic leaders in our region and country before succumbing to his last fight.
Many will fondly remember him as an irrepressible defender of the defenceless and a loud, often undiplomatic voice of the voiceless. As Chairman of the South West Governors Forum, he led from the front in the establishment of the Western Security Network - popularly known as Amotekun. As a patriot and a nationalist, he never lost sight of our common goal - the quest for public good and the building of a prosperous, united, safe, and secure nation.
However, the unanswered question lingers: how can death snatch such a person so full of life from the uncompleted work of national rebirth and renewal? I’ve asked myself the same question repeatedly because every death diminishes us. We all wish Aketi were here with us, but we take solace in the memories we shared, the kindness and wisdom he shared with all and sundry, the service he rendered to the good people of Ondo State, and the necessary battles he fought on behalf of a better Nigeria.
Nigeria has been shortchanged by the loss of this consistent advocate of justice, fairness, and equity. But the struggle must continue, as he would have wanted. Our nation has lost a gem; indeed, one of the brightest in our firmament – I have lost my friend.
Adieu Aketi. Goodnight!
Nation-building is very fragile in Africa Kayode Fayemi - The Africa ReportKayode Fayemi
In this interview with The Africa Report, I discussed the need for electoral reforms, engagement, and dialogue with political rivals, proportional representation in our electoral system, and substantial political actions to address challenges. Additionally, I reflected on recent coups in West Africa, election challenges, overreliance on the judiciary for political decisions, and assessed Buhari's presidency.
Africa in the Turbulence of a World in Search of DirectionKayode Fayemi
Being Text of the Annual Lecture Delivered by His Excellency, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, CON, Former Governor of Ekiti State and Former Chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum to the Society for International Relations Awareness (SIRA) on Wednesday 18 October, 2023, Abuja, Nigeria.
Last week, I had the honour of addressing the topic "How to Make Nigeria Work" during the 60th birthday celebration of my dear friend and comrade, Professor Udenta Udenta.
However, it was intriguing to witness the diverse reactions to my speech, which regrettably, have been misrepresented and sensationalised in the media. The sensationalised portions of my presentation have also sparked counterarguments from analysts and critics who did not listen to my full speech and only depended on media snippets. In light of these developments and to ensure an accurate record, I find it necessary to clarify my statements.
I have no doubt in my mind that I have not exhausted all the factors that can make Nigeria work for the benefit of all her citizens and residents. However, I also have no doubt that the subsequent conversation by analysts will not only add new points but also amplify some of the points I have highlighted, rather than misconstrue or sensationalise them.
CHALLENGE OF DEMOCRATIC LEADERSHIP- Continuity and Change in Nigeria - Kayode...Kayode Fayemi
In continuation of my engagement as a Visiting Professor at the African Leadership Centre, I participated in a roundtable discussion on ‘The Challenge of Leadership: Continuity & Change in Nigeria,’ moderated by Prof Funmi Olonisakin at King's College, University of London. I shared my insights on democratic leadership, the challenges our democracy faces, the false dichotomies between civil society and political society, and the implications of Nigeria's political economy of oil.
Nigeria serves as a complex case study in the journey towards democracy. In the past two decades, our democracy has undergone significant changes, but opinions on progress varies between pessimism and optimism. Meeting the high expectations set after 1999 has been challenging, and we must shift our mindset to see progress as an ongoing struggle.
It is important not to generalise stagnation across all sectors, as there are pockets of progress throughout the country. Rather than solely focusing on outcomes, we should assess the quality and content of democratic and governance reforms. Long-term change requires recognising the cumulative impact of small, incremental shifts, including often overlooked partial reforms at the sub-national level with lasting effects. Transformation rarely happens through a single dramatic shift but results from a complex mix of evolving factors.
Despite the challenges, there are individuals dedicated to reforming Nigeria's governance. The question remains: can we achieve significant improvements even with good intentions and an increase in reform-minded individuals in politics?
CHALLENGE OF DEMOCRATIC LEADERSHIP: Continuity and Change in NigeriaKayode Fayemi
In continuation of my engagement as a Visiting Professor at the African Leadership Centre, I participated in a roundtable discussion on ‘The Challenge of Leadership: Continuity & Change in Nigeria,’ moderated by Prof Funmi Olonisakin at King's College, University of London. I shared my insights on democratic leadership, the challenges our democracy faces, the false dichotomies between civil society and political society, and the implications of Nigeria's political economy of oil.
Nigeria serves as a complex case study in the journey towards democracy. In the past two decades, our democracy has undergone significant changes, but opinions on progress varies between pessimism and optimism. Meeting the high expectations set after 1999 has been challenging, and we must shift our mindset to see progress as an ongoing struggle.
It is important not to generalise stagnation across all sectors, as there are pockets of progress throughout the country. Rather than solely focusing on outcomes, we should assess the quality and content of democratic and governance reforms. Long-term change requires recognising the cumulative impact of small, incremental shifts, including often overlooked partial reforms at the sub-national level with lasting effects. Transformation rarely happens through a single dramatic shift but results from a complex mix of evolving factors.
Despite the challenges, there are individuals dedicated to reforming Nigeria's governance. The question remains: can we achieve significant improvements even with good intentions and an increase in reform-minded individuals in politics?
Reflections of a Scholar-Politician on the Leadership-Peace Nexus and Praxis ...Kayode Fayemi
I delivered a keynote talk at the African Leadership Centre's Postgraduate Conference held at King's College, University of London. It was an honour to have this opportunity to engage with fellow scholars and address the important topic of the leadership-peace nexus in Africa from the perspective of a Scholar-Politician.
Throughout my presentation, I focused on demystifying leadership in the African governance experience and exploring the role of leadership in fostering a just and sustainable peace. I also delved into the relationship between democracy, leadership, and peace in Africa, as well as the crucial role of regional organisations such as the African Union and ECOWAS in peacebuilding. Lastly, I shared my personal journey of transitioning from academia to politics as a scholar-politician, offering insights from my insider experience.
This topic holds great significance to me, as it has shaped my own journey and deepened my understanding of the challenges our societies face. I firmly believe that leadership plays a crucial role in matters of peace, security, and stability. However, it is not enough to engage in theoretical discussions alone; we must also focus on practical implementation. Drawing from my personal experience, I highlighted the importance of bridging the gap between academia, activism, and politics, and leveraging insider knowledge to drive positive change.
My full presentation can be found in the attached document.
Reflections of a Scholar-Politician on the Leadership-Peace Nexus and Praxis ...Kayode Fayemi
I delivered a keynote talk at the African Leadership Centre's Postgraduate Conference held at King's College, University of London. It was an honour to have this opportunity to engage with fellow scholars and address the important topic of the leadership-peace nexus in Africa from the perspective of a Scholar-Politician.
Throughout my presentation, I focused on demystifying leadership in the African governance experience and exploring the role of leadership in fostering a just and sustainable peace. I also delved into the relationship between democracy, leadership, and peace in Africa, as well as the crucial role of regional organisations such as the African Union and ECOWAS in peacebuilding. Lastly, I shared my personal journey of transitioning from academia to politics as a scholar-politician, offering insights from my insider experience.
This topic holds great significance to me, as it has shaped my own journey and deepened my understanding of the challenges our societies face. I firmly believe that leadership plays a crucial role in matters of peace, security, and stability. However, it is not enough to engage in theoretical discussions alone; we must also focus on practical implementation. Drawing from my personal experience, I highlighted the importance of bridging the gap between academia, activism, and politics, and leveraging insider knowledge to drive positive change.
My full presentation can be found in the attached document.
Common Ground: Leading Charge at the SubnationalKayode Fayemi
It was a delight to attend the unveiling of a photo book titled "Common Ground: Leading Charge at the Subnational." This beautifully curated collection, masterfully crafted by Ayo Ogunro, my personal photographer, captures the period from 2019 to 2022 when I had the honour of serving as the chairman of the Nigerian Governors Forum (NGF). The book was introduced to the public during a farewell dinner held for outgoing governors in Abuja.
Within the pages of this exquisite coffee table book lie the moments that defined our tenure and contributed to its success. It artfully portrays how the policies and agenda formulated at the NGF, with the unwavering support of my fellow governors and my Deputy, H.E Aminu Tambuwal of Sokoto State, made a substantial impact on poverty reduction, national economic recovery, governance reforms, as well as infrastructural and sustainable development across our dear nation.
I firmly believe that effective governance and meaningful public engagement rely on meticulous record keeping and documentation. Therefore, I extend my thanks to Ayo Ogunro for his skilful dedication in capturing and preserving my experiences during my time in office. Through his exceptional work, we have immortalised the transformative journey we undertook, ensuring that its legacy endures for generations to come.
Sub National Governance in Nigeria - The Ekiti Example - Copy.docxKayode Fayemi
I had the honour of delivering the Founders’ Day Lecture titled “Sub-National Governance in Nigeria: The Ekiti Example” at the Western Delta University in Delta State.
Reflecting on my experience of governing at the sub-national level, having left office just six months ago, this event provided an opportunity to address the challenge of management at all levels in Nigeria.
There are many assumptions about what happens in the states and local governments, even in academic environments. Although people in government may appear omniscient from the outside, they often feel stretched beyond breaking point by the weight of expectations and the sheer complexity of meeting them.
During election campaigns, contestants often make grandiose claims about their vision and ability to solve problems. However, once in office, they realize that governing involves finding real solutions to real problems that affect real people. Good intentions are not enough, and people demand results with the urgency of now.
Leveraging City-Basin Governance to Boost Water Security in African Municipal...Kayode Fayemi
I had the honour of speaking at a Ministers-Mayors Dialogue, titled "A City-Basin Approach to Water Security in Africa: Solutions and Commitments," which was organised by the United Cities and Local Governments of Africa (UCLG-Africa) and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) during the UN's 2023 Water Conference in New York.
This event provided an opportunity to discuss how city-basin governance can be leveraged to enhance water security in African municipalities and unlock their potential to achieve SDG 6 through the Action Plan of Mayors, Local and Regional Governments for Water Security.
Please refer to this document for my full presentation.
Alternative Politics, Political Alternatives, and Innovative Social Change in...Kayode Fayemi
Being Text of a Keynote Address Delivered by HE Dr Kayode Fayemi, CON, at the Conference on Redesigning Democracy Held at the University of Oxford on Thursday 20 October, 2022.
role of women and girls in various terror groupssadiakorobi2
Women have three distinct types of involvement: direct involvement in terrorist acts; enabling of others to commit such acts; and facilitating the disengagement of others from violent or extremist groups.
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हम आग्रह करते हैं कि जो भी सत्ता में आए, वह संविधान का पालन करे, उसकी रक्षा करे और उसे बनाए रखे।" प्रस्ताव में कुल तीन प्रमुख हस्तक्षेप और उनके तंत्र भी प्रस्तुत किए गए। पहला हस्तक्षेप स्वतंत्र मीडिया को प्रोत्साहित करके, वास्तविकता पर आधारित काउंटर नैरेटिव का निर्माण करके और सत्तारूढ़ सरकार द्वारा नियोजित मनोवैज्ञानिक हेरफेर की रणनीति का मुकाबला करके लोगों द्वारा निर्धारित कथा को बनाए रखना और उस पर कार्यकरना था।
‘वोटर्स विल मस्ट प्रीवेल’ (मतदाताओं को जीतना होगा) अभियान द्वारा जारी हेल्पलाइन नंबर, 4 जून को सुबह 7 बजे से दोपहर 12 बजे तक मतगणना प्रक्रिया में कहीं भी किसी भी तरह के उल्लंघन की रिपोर्ट करने के लिए खुला रहेगा।
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In a May 9, 2024 paper, Juri Opitz from the University of Zurich, along with Shira Wein and Nathan Schneider form Georgetown University, discussed the importance of linguistic expertise in natural language processing (NLP) in an era dominated by large language models (LLMs).
The authors explained that while machine translation (MT) previously relied heavily on linguists, the landscape has shifted. “Linguistics is no longer front and center in the way we build NLP systems,” they said. With the emergence of LLMs, which can generate fluent text without the need for specialized modules to handle grammar or semantic coherence, the need for linguistic expertise in NLP is being questioned.
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Africa in the Turbulence of a World in Search of Direction
1. Africa in the Turbulence of a World in Search of Direction
By
Dr J. 'Kayode Fayemi
Being Text of the Annual Lecture Delivered by His Excellency, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, CON,
Former Governor of Ekiti State and Former Chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum to the
Society for International Relations Awareness (SIRA) on Wednesday 18 October, 2023, Abuja,
Nigeria.
Protocols
1. Allow me to start by celebrating the leadership and members of the Society for
International Relations Awareness (SIRA) for putting this platform together and, in so
doing, providing us with an opportunity to step out of our everyday preoccupations with
our national affairs and shifting our gaze to the global scene where a lot is also going
on that matters for us as a country, a continent, and a people. There is a way in which
amidst the many and ever more complex domestic challenges which our country has
been grappling with these past decades, our individual and collective energies and
attention have been trained much more on our internal affairs, to the neglect of the
equally many and increasingly complex developments in the world around us and what
they mean for our own prospects.
2. This occasion reminds me of a culture of public engagement on international affairs
that was once strongly embedded in our national system in the first three decades of
our independence. As a student during that period, the culture of public engagement
with international affairs played an important role in shaping my world outlook, just as
it did for many in my generation. As a precocious Secretary - General of both ANUNSA
(All Nigeria United Nations Students Association) and YUSSAN(Youth United in
Solidarity for Southern Africa in Nigeria) at the University of Lagos, I spent a good deal
of my late teenage years volunteering at ANC and SWAPO Keffi offices in Ikoyi, Lagos
under the tutelage of late Comrades Mark Shope and Herman Ithete, both Chief
Representatives of ANC and SWAPO in Nigeria at the time. From consciousness
about the crime that was apartheid, awareness of the imperative of completing the
liberation of Africa from colonial domination, and alertness to the costs of the East-
West Cold War on our continent to pride about the position and role of Nigeria as the
most populous black nation on earth, the quest for a revival of the pan-African ideal,
and the need for a new world order, we were all the richer for the public political
2. education which we gained through various campus clubs, professional associations,
and dedicated media columns and programmes that brought the world to us in real
time and vivid terms.
3. The sterling work which the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs carried out in
accordance with its mandate also played a vital role in cementing that culture that
ensured that happenings around Africa and across the world did not seem as remote
and of no concern to us as they may have appeared. We learnt, as students, about the
theoretical basis for the organic interfaces between domestic and foreign policy; for the
ordinary Nigerian citizen, the blend between the two was almost taken as given, and it
ensured that while we were proud of the many elite diplomats who were doing our
country, continent, and the African world proud, foreign policy was not in any way
narrowed to an elite affair.
4. In, therefore, accepting the invitation which the inimitable and indefatigable Owei
Lakemfa extended to me on behalf of SIRA to speak, I did so without hesitation partly
out of a nostalgia for the yesteryears of a popular national engagement with world
affairs and an earnest hope that we can revive that culture and expand it for the
immense benefit which it will bring as much to our domestic governance as to our
foreign policy. In fact, today more than even in a previous era, developments in the
international system deserve to be monitored ever more closely not only by a highly
professional foreign service but also by a conscious domestic public whose knowledge,
engagement, and activism can only enrich the work of our diplomats as they bat for
the country, for Africa, and for all black people around the world.
5. I do not need to remind this audience of why today, more than before, we need to pay
closer attention to developments in the international system. For one, many are the
common challenges that are bedevilling the international community regardless of
geography or national endowment. Foremost among those challenges is climate
change and the scourge of epidemics and pandemics. For another, the world is
presently traversing one of the most unequal phases in its history, with the implication
it carries for our capacity to achieve the much desired structural transformation that will
enable us to turn the table of underdevelopment. Furthermore, we are living witnesses
to changes in global order, including a radical redistribution of economic power, that
presages the end of the post-1945 multilateral system and its replacement by a new
multi-polar order characterised by competing centres of power and influence.
6. Indeed, it is the process of the gradual decomposition of the post-1945 multilateral
system and the Pax Americana that underpinned it that is at heart of the current
turbulence which we are witnessing in the international system. The present moment
in world history is probably best captured by the analytic statement which was made
in 1930 by the famous Italian political philosopher, Antonio Gramsci, about a different
era that was equally defined by the multiple problems that were playing out in and
3. around his native Italy: “The crisis consists precisely in the fact that old is dying and
the new cannot (as yet) be born; in this interregnum a great deal of morbid symptoms
appear.” It is a statement that was subsequently popularised as to assume the status
of a global cliche.
7. Periods of transition from one global order to another tend to occur gradually, and even
sometimes imperceptibly for a period. Nevertheless, the forces of change that
underwrite the transitions progress inexorably until the shift that they bring about bursts
into the open. The transitional periods, given the triple dynamic of the decomposition,
recomposition, and redistribution of power that they entail, tend to be marked by
turbulence, instability, and even violence. At the height of the global hegemony of
Great Britain and the Pax Britannica which it enforced, the capacity of that Island state
to rule the waves on account, inter alia, of its industrial prowess and superior naval
power, placed it in a position to enforce its will and demand compliance.
8. Pax Britannica did not, however, go unchallenged as much from the European rivals
of Great Britain such as France and later Germany, but also from emerging new
centres of power such as the United States which, though previously a colony of the
United Kingdom, was rapidly coming of its own to assume an important role as a pole
of global economic growth and political influence. The decline of Pax Britannica began
long before the onset of the First World War but that war, and the Second World War
that inevitably followed it, marked its substantive and symbolic end. It was a violent
end that claimed millions of lives. In the inter-war years, the world experienced massive
convulsions that included the Great Depression and the economic and social
dislocations that came with it. The air in Europe was filled with revolutionary fervour
even as anti-colonial/ national liberation movements in Africa, Asia, and Latin America
gathered momentum. The ill-fated League of Nations, an intergovernmental child of
extremely difficult circumstances that was overwhelmed from birth by the many crises
that were playing out, and which was further incapacitated by the rising tide of fascism
in Europe, also finally collapsed.
9. Pax Britannica was replaced by Pax Americana with the United States emerging
formally as the single most powerful economic and political force in the international
system. The global economic dominance of the United States was largely projected by
its transnational corporations and the pre-eminent position that the U.S. dollar came to
assume in international finance, commerce, and investment. Combined with the
massive military capability that it had built up, and its ability to deploy power on a global
scale, it is not surprising that the United States took on a frontline role in the making of
the new global multilateral system that was built at the end of the Second World War,
and at the heart of which lies the United Nations family of organisations, including the
Bretton Woods twins, the World Bank and the IMF.
4. 10. Indeed, Pax Americana as a concept and practice may have embodied the pre-
eminent position of the United States in global affairs after the Second World War.
However, it was subject to contestation from the outset following the politico-ideological
and strategic interest divergences between the United States and its allies in the West,
on the one hand, and, on the other hand, Russia which, having paid a heavy price in
lives lost during the Second World War, was determined to consolidate its Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) under a revolutionary socialist banner. In the Cold
War that ensued and which eventually came to frame global politics until the 1990s,
Russia bolstered its military arsenal to become a credible rival and competitor to the
United States in the deployment of massively destructive military capability. The
politics of deterrence such as it played out effectively meant that no overt effort was
made by either of the two biggest nuclear powers to interfere in the spheres of influence
that they had carved out for themselves and sought to control.
11. The USSR, with Russia at its core, may have successfully matched the United States
in the military-political-ideological fields. However, it struggled economically, and in the
face of the increasing pressures on its continued sustainability, it ended up being
dissolved. Not a few commentators, including, for a time at least, the well-known
Francis Fukuyama, were quick to adopt a triumphalist narrative that stated that the
United States, either on its own or with its Western allies, had won the battle for
political, ideological, and systemic supremacy over its keenest rival and competitor.
Capitalism, it was said, had shown itself to have triumphed over
socialism/Marxism/communism, and liberal democracy had won over the
“authoritarian” system of democratic centralism that the Soviets had practised. In the
words of Fukuyama, it was the end of history. But was it?
12. Fukuyama himself was to later admit that his proclamation of the end of history in the
immediate aftermath of the dissolution of the USSR and its Warsaw Pact and
COMECON was, to state it politely, a little premature. For out of the rubble of the old
USSR, the Russian Federation reconstituted itself as an independent power which also
claimed and retained the massive nuclear arsenal of the old Soviet Union. It may have
become weakened but it was not entirely out and it was only a matter of time, especially
following the accession of Vladimir Putin to power, for a resurgent Russia to reposition
itself as a major force and power broker in its own right, complete with an upgraded
and avant garde arsenal of conventional and non-conventional forces. The
conventional components of that arsenal are presently being put to test by the US-led
NATO in the war that is going on in Ukraine.
13. The moment which the United States may have enjoyed as the sole remaining
superpower still standing was clearly destined to be extremely short lived, and any
thoughts about a unipolar world order under the untrammelled hegemony of America
was clearly never going to happen. Even as Russia embarked on a path of rapid
5. military-political resurgence, China led a pack of countries such as India, Turkey,
Brazil, and a host of other middle powers (Is this, finally, the arrival of Prof Akinyemi's
Medium Powers?) to challenge and successfully erode the economic dominance of the
United States. The re-emergence of China has been especially rapid and
comprehensive, positioning it next to the United States as the second biggest economy
in the world, and which, by all projections, is well on its way to overtaking America by
the next generation. What the defunct Soviet Union and the resurgent post-Soviet
Russia were unable to do in the economic arena, China was able to do.
14. Beyond being the factory of the world, holding the biggest foreign exchange reserves,
expanding its international trade, investment, and foreign aid profiles, enhancing its
competitiveness in science, technology, and innovation, and growing its soft power,
China has been carrying out a single-minded modernisation and expansion of its
military capability. The massive financial resources at its disposal enable it to invest
the kinds of resources in reinforcing its defensive and offensive capabilities on a scale
which has already placed it among the topmost military powers in the world. Not to be
left behind, other actors, mostly Middle Powers, are also asserting their global
geopolitical interests more autonomously and aggressively, thereby contributing to the
much more diffuse nature of power and influence in the present situation. A good
example is what we are witnessing with BRICS nations.
15. Scholars seeking to characterise the current international balance of power among
nations talk about the emergence of a multipolar global order with multiple competing
centres co-existing, uneasily. I suggest that that multipolarity itself speaks to a global
reordering in which the old is dying simultaneously as the new is struggling to be born.
It is a tense and delicate transitional moment in human history that is packed with doubt
and fear as old certitudes are dissolved, new pecking orders are emerging, and
existing global governance institutions are straining at the seams. As the UN
Secretary-General puts it, "we are now at an inflection point… power dynamics have
become increasingly fragmented as new poles of influence emerge, new economic
blocs form and axes of contestation are redefined." (United Nations, A New Agenda
for Peace, 2023) Not surprisingly, an unprecedented militarisation and arms race is
taking place in which the old powers are expanding their defence expenditures (with
military expenditures globally setting a new record, reaching $2.24 trillion in 2022,
according to SIPRI and IISS), boosting their arsenals, and setting up foreign bases just
as the new powers are taking various steps to boost their positions in as equal a
measure as possible. More worryingly, nuclear conflict is once again an active part of
public discourse.
16. The precarious balances underpinning the evolving multipolar system represent a
moment which requires enlightened leadership on all sides to navigate. And yet, it is
precisely that kind of leadership that has increasingly been in short supply around the
6. world as voices of narrow nationalism, raw xenophobia, blatant fear-mongering, and
belligerent militarism overwhelm the political space and constrict avenues for
meaningful dialogue to ensure that global change is delivered peacefully. As the drums
of war are being beaten, and events are increasingly being interpreted tendentiously
through the prism of what increasingly looks like a new Cold War, many observers
have noted that we have not been edged nearer to a third world war than now. Indeed,
there are even suggestions that we are already witnessing the first scene of the first
act in a possible third world war following the outbreak of the military conflict in and
over Ukraine.
17. Turbulence such as we have seen during this transitional phase in global order has
manifested itself in numerous arenas and touched every country in the world. From
ever more frequent and frightening forest, floods, hurricanes, and tornadoes to much
higher temperatures, irregularities in weather patterns, and the attendant droughts and
famine, climate change is taking its toll on people and economy. Internal and cross-
border migrations triggered or accelerated by climate change have, in turn, revived
ethno-regional consciousness and produced serious inter-communal clashes over
water resources, land, and pasture among farmers and pastoralists. International
migration, undertaken through the most hazardous routes, have met with a rising tide
of racist populism and extreme right nationalism that is changing the face of politics in
Europe and North America.
18. The crises and instability that are wracking the international system in this period of
transition have also manifested themselves in the spate of security problems arising
from radical extremist claims, mostly tinged with questionable religious motives, that
have called the secular state into question and challenged its constitutional
foundations. Although not limited only to Africa - and this point bears repeating at every
opportunity - the continent has borne some of the harshest and most prolonged brunt
to date of violence and insecurity underwritten by local and ambulant franchisees of
Al-Qaeda, Islamic State, Ansaru, and other global networks of militants committed to
the violent pursuit of an alternative vision of governance and development clothed in a
contestable Jihadist ideology. For us here in Nigeria, the Boko Haram group which
started as a small, highly localised movement has flourished to encompass huge
swathes of northern Nigeria and the entire Lake Chad Basin. The entire Sahel belt
stretching from West to East Africa and the Horn has been in a state of continuous
turmoil for nearly two decades and the instability in Mali, Burkina Faso, Chad and now
Niger are not unconnected to these untoward developments. .
19. Violent militancy in the contemporary period is not only limited to non-secular or anti-
secular groups. Various armed groups fighting different causes have emerged or re-
emerged around the world and engaged state authorities in pitched battles. Taken
together with the violence of the non-secular extremists, the activities of bandits,
7. kidnappers, and other criminal gangs, the cost on people, communities, economies,
social cohesion, and the mass displacement of populations can best be imagined. In
this process, poverty has been accentuated and the social contract has been emptied
of any meaningful content. It is not surprising that with the volatile cocktail of poverty,
inequality, unemployment/underemployment, and mass insecurity, political systems
faced with multiple pressures have succumbed to greater authoritarianism amidst
democratic recession and reversals.
20. It is usual in periods of transition in global order for those countries that are the weakest
links in the chain of power and influence to bear some of the biggest costs of change.
Africa has been badly hit by turbulence emanating from outside its boundaries such as
the Covid-19 pandemic, the 2007/2008 sub-prime economic crisis, and the global
climate change. The continent has also been grappling with its own internal challenges,
both structural and non-structural. On top of rising poverty, growing inequality, currency
depreciation, mounting inflationary pressures, and persistently high levels of youth
employment, a new external debt crisis is hovering over many African countries which
threatens another round of austerity and externally-imposed adjustment if not quickly
contained. Historic social gains of the early post-independence years and early wins
of the first decade of the return to democratic politics are being rapidly lost. Without a
doubt, turbulence in the international system has been refracted into Africa to produce
a season of anomie across our continent.
21. In the face of this season of anomie, the temptation is strong, and has already been
manifested, to resort to fragmented, disjointed, and uncoordinated actions. However,
this need not be so. Nor should it be allowed to continue. Change in global order must
necessarily come with its own challenges. But the various dimensions of change which
are taking place also present opportunities. For us in Africa, one clear opportunity is
the chance to win ample autonomous space within which to advance our ambitions of
structural transformation and, in doing so, take a role as a co-rule maker as the new
global order gets fashioned out. Yet while opportunities may be available to be tapped
into in the context of ongoing realignments in the international system, they are not
always given, nor do they last forever. Acting speedily, purposively, and with single
minded determination is an imperative which must be embraced with boldness and
vision by the governments and peoples of Africa. This is all the more so as periods of
transition in global affairs are also known to be replete with various dangers, including
war. One immediate threat which the continent must avoid is to be reduced simply -
and yet again - to the site for a new scramble among the competing powers - big and
medium, old and new - that are positioning themselves to be among the strategic
drivers of a revamped, global multilateral system made as much as possible in their
image and for the advancement of their vital interests.
8. 22. This is where visionary leadership must come in to help, in a forward-looking way, to
develop a strategic, coordinated, coherent, and shared African approach to managing
the turbulence in the international system as the process of change gathers
momentum. The underlying preoccupation must be to ensure that amidst the
turbulence in the system, Africans and all peoples of African descent are not made
casualties and cannon-fodder as various interests compete for advantage. Nor should
the hard won sovereignty of African countries be allowed to be compromised either by
acts of omission or commission emanating from within or outside the continent.
23. Visionary African leadership fit for these turbulent times will, additionally, demand close
attention to the new global order that is evolving slowly, unevenly, unsteadily, and
chaotically but surely. When the key pillars of the post-1945 global order that has now
come under strain were established, most of Africa was under direct colonial rule and
global Africa was under the weight of political oppression and exclusion. Today, the
continent has every reason to assume a seat at the table and play the role of a joint-
rule maker for the new order that is emerging. For this to happen, we require nothing
less than a complete reset in our approach that begins with refusing to be corralled
into the corner of any of the competing powers and insisting that the only thing that
matters to us is the advancement of the needs and dignity of Africans at home and
global Africa at large.
24. To advance our own core interests and values, African leadership must also of
necessity expunge the development aid framework from our thinking and instead
embrace the audacity in defending our rights and interests in global affairs that has
eluded us for way too long. It is demeaning that every now and again, our leaders get
drafted to the capitals of competing powers on grounds of development aid and
support. Leadership audacity was at the heart of the launching of the pan-African
project. That audacity served us well in the struggle for independence and
decolonisation. As President Kwame Nkrumah used to tell African leaders, we should
neither face the east nor west, we should always face forward. As the world is being
remade to reflect shifts in the balance of power, that ancient audacity must be
rediscovered and deployed to maximum effect and for maximum benefit. Out of the
turbulence of the moment, the path for continental rebirth must be cleared and a
conscious effort must be made to extend the rebirth to global Africa.
25. To rise to the challenge of the times, Africa must organise itself to develop and deploy
the necessary strategic plans, policy packages and leadership resources that are fit
for the era of rapid and complex change. It is this task of policy and leadership
advancement that must be addressed as an urgent necessity if Africa is to play its
rightful role in the ongoing dynamic of change in global order.
26. Of course, it is altogether natural, for reasons of history, demography, economic
weight, and human and natural resource endowment that Nigeria should play a
9. frontline role in framing and harnessing the African response to a changing
international system. Fortunately, our Foreign Service has a proud record of having
been home to some of the best diplomats coming out of Africa for whom the world
reserved a healthy respect. Allow me in this regard, and as I close, to pay a warm
tribute to His Excellency, Ambassador John Kayode Shinkaiye - my namesake and
dear Egbon and His Excellency, Ambassador Brownson Dede, an icon of the liberation
struggle - for their distinguished service to the fatherland and the continent, and the
role model legacies they left upon retirement. It is my hope that their huge
contributions, as well as the contributions of others in their ranks, will undoubtedly
serve as inspiration to the present generation of Foreign Service Officers, if only to
underscore the point that we have no business as a country and a continent, to play
second fiddle to anyone, anywhere and at anytime. To this end, particular attention
must be paid by the current leadership in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the equipping
of the next generation of our diplomats with the requisite policy and political tools and
aptitudes that will allow them to hold their own as worthy bearers of the core values
and interests of a renascent Africa in a changing international system.
27. I thank you for your kind attention. God bless Nigeria. God bless Africa. God bless
Global Africa.