The document discusses the different approaches taken by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and Ennahda in Tunisia after winning democratic elections following the Arab Spring uprisings. While both parties stem from the same ideological roots of political Islam, Ennahda took a more democratic and inclusive approach to writing a new constitution, involving other political forces, whereas the Muslim Brotherhood was less inclusive. The document examines some of the possible reasons for the divergent attitudes towards democracy displayed by the two formerly repressed Islamist parties after achieving electoral victory in their respective countries.
The social movement and collective action theoryAlexander Decker
The document analyzes the 2011 Egyptian revolution using the social movement and collective action theory. It summarizes the theory's five stages: 1) issues of discontent formed, 2) issues were framed around calls for democracy, 3) mobilization occurred on social media and protests, 4) confrontation emerged as the government tried to suppress protests violently, 5) outcomes included the overthrow of Mubarak's government. The theory effectively explained the progression of events in Egypt. However, it does not account for why some social movements succeed while others fail, which depends on factors like the type of regime.
The document discusses the emergence of Charter 08 in China, a petition signed by over 300 people that called for democratic reforms and an end to one-party rule by the Communist Party. While not exclusively signed by the middle class, many signatories were lawyers and others representing China's growing middle class. The emergence of Charter 08 goes against the view that China's large middle class has failed to push for democracy. However, the document argues that the influence of the middle class on democratization is often indirect and dependent on other factors. A thriving middle class can influence politics in complex ways and does not guarantee democracy, but it may make democratic reforms more appealing to elites compared to countries dominated by just the rich and poor.
1. The conflict in Egypt has its roots in decades of authoritarian rule under Hosni Mubarak and the popular uprisings of the Arab Spring in 2011 that led to his removal.
2. This sparked a power struggle between former president Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood, liberal and secular groups, and the military, leading to Morsi's ouster by the military in 2013.
3. The situation can be analyzed through realism, liberalism, and social constructivism lenses, with social constructivism emphasizing how new communication technologies and the spread of ideas influenced identities and political change in Egypt.
The Militarization of the Turkey’s Democracy Promotion Policy in the Arab Mid...inventionjournals
This research examines why Turkey started to act against its principle of non-intervention by taking part in military actions in Libya and Syria, through process-tracing technique. The research derives evidence from statistical data, content analysis, and face-to-face interviews. We initially explain the strategic interests of Turkey in the two countries, and then indicate how Turkey acted to save its strategic interests during the uprisings between 2011 and 2016. This research is important as it contributes to the literature on the use of military power in relation with deterrence, democratization, and nationalism. It also broadens our understanding of liberal peace theory that emphasizes the non-violent nature of democracies. Finally, this research helps better understand Turkey’s foreign policy behaviors, sensitivities, regional power capacity and it is role in Democracy Promotion field, which is a completely new phenomenon in international security policy area.
The Regional Development of Democratization and Civil Society: Transition, Co...Przegląd Politologiczny
Different starting points, similar processes and different outcomes can be identified when comparing East Central Europe and East and South Asia. The two regions face similar global challenges, follow regional patterns of democratization and face crises. In communist times, East Central Europe was
economically marginalized in the world economy, while some parts of Asia integrated well in the global
economy under authoritarian rule. Europeanization and a favorable external environment encouraged the
former communist countries to opt for the Western-style rule of law and democracy. Different external
factors helped the Third Wave democracies in Asia, especially South Korea and Taiwan, which benefited
from the support of the United States and other global economic, military and cultural partnerships to
develop their human rights culture and democracy while facing their totalitarian counterparts, namely the
People’s Republic of China and North Korea. The very different positions Taiwan and Hungary have in
their respective regions follow from the different capacities of their transformation management since
1988–1989. Taiwan preserved its leading role and stable democracy despite the threat to its sovereignty
from the People’s Republic of China. Hungary never had such an influential and problematic neighbor
and was ensured security and welfare partnership by the European Union, which Taiwan lacked. While
Taiwan was less secure, economic and social conditions were more favorable for democratization than
those in Hungary. Hungary, in turn, held a leading position in democratization processes in the period of
post-communist transition which was lost during the crisis and conflicts of the last decade (after 2006 and
especially since 2010). Despite the fact that liberalization prepared the way for peaceful transition in both
countries and resulted in similar processes of democratic consolidation in the 1990s, Hungary joined the
‘loser’ group in its region, whereas Taiwan is among the top ‘winning’ countries in its region. Taiwan at the
moment is starting comprehensive reform processes toward enhanced democracy, civil rights and the rule
of law, and Hungarian development is criticized by many external and internal analysts as straying from the
path of European-style consolidated democracies towards illiberal trends and hybridization. Western global
concepts of democratization may help to identify similarities and differences, and compare stronger and
weaker factors in the democratic transitions in Asia and Europe within the Third Wave democracies.
Assignment on international relation by seerat abbasSeerat Abbas Khan
This document provides an overview of international relations as a field of study. It begins with definitions of international relations and discusses its history starting with the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. It then covers the importance of international relations in avoiding war and fostering cooperation between states. The document also discusses the scope of international relations and how it differs from but relates to international politics.
This document presents a summary of capitalism that was presented to Sir Rao Naeem Ullah. It begins by listing the 12 presenters and their student IDs and programs of study. It then provides definitions of capitalism, discusses the history and origins of capitalism. It outlines key features of capitalism including private property, profit motive, and perfect competition. It also discusses types of capitalism, impacts on market economy, laws of supply and demand, criticisms of capitalism, advantages and disadvantages, examples of capitalist countries, and argues that capitalism can be realistic if citizens make right choices.
This document discusses issues and problems with defining and measuring democracy, particularly in developing nations. It argues that while many definitions of democracy exist, in practice there is a dominant form - liberal democracy - that is used to evaluate developing nations. This risks oversimplifying other regime types and excluding important contextual factors. Measuring democracy is difficult due to many complex variables, so the focus should be on reducing barriers like international influence that push developing nations towards the dominant model for political and economic reasons rather than democratic progress.
The social movement and collective action theoryAlexander Decker
The document analyzes the 2011 Egyptian revolution using the social movement and collective action theory. It summarizes the theory's five stages: 1) issues of discontent formed, 2) issues were framed around calls for democracy, 3) mobilization occurred on social media and protests, 4) confrontation emerged as the government tried to suppress protests violently, 5) outcomes included the overthrow of Mubarak's government. The theory effectively explained the progression of events in Egypt. However, it does not account for why some social movements succeed while others fail, which depends on factors like the type of regime.
The document discusses the emergence of Charter 08 in China, a petition signed by over 300 people that called for democratic reforms and an end to one-party rule by the Communist Party. While not exclusively signed by the middle class, many signatories were lawyers and others representing China's growing middle class. The emergence of Charter 08 goes against the view that China's large middle class has failed to push for democracy. However, the document argues that the influence of the middle class on democratization is often indirect and dependent on other factors. A thriving middle class can influence politics in complex ways and does not guarantee democracy, but it may make democratic reforms more appealing to elites compared to countries dominated by just the rich and poor.
1. The conflict in Egypt has its roots in decades of authoritarian rule under Hosni Mubarak and the popular uprisings of the Arab Spring in 2011 that led to his removal.
2. This sparked a power struggle between former president Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood, liberal and secular groups, and the military, leading to Morsi's ouster by the military in 2013.
3. The situation can be analyzed through realism, liberalism, and social constructivism lenses, with social constructivism emphasizing how new communication technologies and the spread of ideas influenced identities and political change in Egypt.
The Militarization of the Turkey’s Democracy Promotion Policy in the Arab Mid...inventionjournals
This research examines why Turkey started to act against its principle of non-intervention by taking part in military actions in Libya and Syria, through process-tracing technique. The research derives evidence from statistical data, content analysis, and face-to-face interviews. We initially explain the strategic interests of Turkey in the two countries, and then indicate how Turkey acted to save its strategic interests during the uprisings between 2011 and 2016. This research is important as it contributes to the literature on the use of military power in relation with deterrence, democratization, and nationalism. It also broadens our understanding of liberal peace theory that emphasizes the non-violent nature of democracies. Finally, this research helps better understand Turkey’s foreign policy behaviors, sensitivities, regional power capacity and it is role in Democracy Promotion field, which is a completely new phenomenon in international security policy area.
The Regional Development of Democratization and Civil Society: Transition, Co...Przegląd Politologiczny
Different starting points, similar processes and different outcomes can be identified when comparing East Central Europe and East and South Asia. The two regions face similar global challenges, follow regional patterns of democratization and face crises. In communist times, East Central Europe was
economically marginalized in the world economy, while some parts of Asia integrated well in the global
economy under authoritarian rule. Europeanization and a favorable external environment encouraged the
former communist countries to opt for the Western-style rule of law and democracy. Different external
factors helped the Third Wave democracies in Asia, especially South Korea and Taiwan, which benefited
from the support of the United States and other global economic, military and cultural partnerships to
develop their human rights culture and democracy while facing their totalitarian counterparts, namely the
People’s Republic of China and North Korea. The very different positions Taiwan and Hungary have in
their respective regions follow from the different capacities of their transformation management since
1988–1989. Taiwan preserved its leading role and stable democracy despite the threat to its sovereignty
from the People’s Republic of China. Hungary never had such an influential and problematic neighbor
and was ensured security and welfare partnership by the European Union, which Taiwan lacked. While
Taiwan was less secure, economic and social conditions were more favorable for democratization than
those in Hungary. Hungary, in turn, held a leading position in democratization processes in the period of
post-communist transition which was lost during the crisis and conflicts of the last decade (after 2006 and
especially since 2010). Despite the fact that liberalization prepared the way for peaceful transition in both
countries and resulted in similar processes of democratic consolidation in the 1990s, Hungary joined the
‘loser’ group in its region, whereas Taiwan is among the top ‘winning’ countries in its region. Taiwan at the
moment is starting comprehensive reform processes toward enhanced democracy, civil rights and the rule
of law, and Hungarian development is criticized by many external and internal analysts as straying from the
path of European-style consolidated democracies towards illiberal trends and hybridization. Western global
concepts of democratization may help to identify similarities and differences, and compare stronger and
weaker factors in the democratic transitions in Asia and Europe within the Third Wave democracies.
Assignment on international relation by seerat abbasSeerat Abbas Khan
This document provides an overview of international relations as a field of study. It begins with definitions of international relations and discusses its history starting with the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. It then covers the importance of international relations in avoiding war and fostering cooperation between states. The document also discusses the scope of international relations and how it differs from but relates to international politics.
This document presents a summary of capitalism that was presented to Sir Rao Naeem Ullah. It begins by listing the 12 presenters and their student IDs and programs of study. It then provides definitions of capitalism, discusses the history and origins of capitalism. It outlines key features of capitalism including private property, profit motive, and perfect competition. It also discusses types of capitalism, impacts on market economy, laws of supply and demand, criticisms of capitalism, advantages and disadvantages, examples of capitalist countries, and argues that capitalism can be realistic if citizens make right choices.
This document discusses issues and problems with defining and measuring democracy, particularly in developing nations. It argues that while many definitions of democracy exist, in practice there is a dominant form - liberal democracy - that is used to evaluate developing nations. This risks oversimplifying other regime types and excluding important contextual factors. Measuring democracy is difficult due to many complex variables, so the focus should be on reducing barriers like international influence that push developing nations towards the dominant model for political and economic reasons rather than democratic progress.
The third” united nationsc thomas g. weiss, tatiana caraojas18
This document introduces the concept of a "third United Nations" composed of non-state actors that closely engage with the UN but are not formally part of the organization. This third UN includes NGOs, academics, experts, commissions, and other individuals and groups. They help shape UN ideas, policies, priorities and practices through advocacy, research, and policy analysis. While the UN is traditionally viewed as composed of member states and the secretariat, recognizing this third sphere provides a more comprehensive understanding of the actors that influence the UN.
This document summarizes different feminist theories of international relations, including liberal feminism, feminist constructivism, critical feminism, feminist poststructuralism, and postcolonial feminism. It discusses the key scholars and ideas within each approach. It also provides an example case study on feminist perspectives of sanctions against Iraq from 1990-2013, analyzing how questions around gender, power structures, and experiences are approached differently than mainstream theories. The document advocates using gendered lenses to re-examine other mainstream international relations case studies as well.
KAFKAS ÜNİVERSİTESİ/KAFKAS UNIVERSITY
SOCIOLOGY
Course
LECTURE NOTES AND POWER POINT PRESENTATIONS
Prof.Dr. Halit Hami ÖZ
Kars, TURKEY
hamioz@yahoo.com
Studying the experience in the quarter century since the fall of the Berlin Wall, Simeon Djankov shows that the post-communist economic project has been more successful than the political project. It appears that while post-communist reformers more or less knew how to do economic reform, few had any idea how to build democracy. As a result, the divergence in democracy and political rights is 3 to 4 times larger than the divergence in economic freedom and the ease of doing business. The analysis suggests that democracy is not harder to predict than economic evolution—history predicts it well. However, at the start of post-communist transformation social scientists just didn’t know how to predict political evolution. Recent authoritarian regressions in Hungary and Poland, countries with successful economic reforms, present a new challenge to researchers.
An Appraisal Of Nigeria’s Democratic Consolidation And Economic Development: ...inventionjournals
After years of military and authoritarian rule, great expectations accompanied the resumption of
civilian rule in Nigeria in May 1999. For a country that has suffered severe deterioration in its economy and
politics over the fifty years of military rule, the assumption that a civilian rule would herald a dawn of peace
and a deepening of democratic values and norms in the society was understandable. This paper sets out to
analytically x-ray the country’s political cum economic penchant and to ascertain to what degree its democratic
principles have been consolidated upon from the inception of its democratic rule. The paper finds that
consolidating democracy in Nigeria is tough and challenging but not entirely hopeless. Nigeria is a country with
thriving democratic spirit but is ruled by tyrants and despots who have both the inclination and resources to
scupper agitations for democratic reforms. Nigeria’s, like citizens in established democracies, want
constitutional democracy and all the rights, privileges and benefits associated with democracy
International relations represent the study of foreign affairs and global issues among states including the roles of the states, intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), non- governmental organizations (NGOs), and multinational corporations (MNCs). It is both an academic and public policy field, and can be either positive or normative as it seeks both to analyze as well as formulate the foreign policy of particular states. It is often considered as the branch of political science.
Apart from political science, IR draws upon such diverse fields as economics, history, law, philosophy, geography, sociology, anthropology, psychology and cultural studies. It involves diverse range of issues including but not limited to: globalization, state sovereignty, ecological sustainability, nuclear proliferation, nationalism, economic development, global finance, terrorism, organized crime, human security, foreign interventionism and human rights.
The APRM the Hegemonic Presidency and Democratic Governance in AfricaDr Lendy Spires
This document discusses the "hegemonic presidency" in Africa and its impact on democratic governance. It provides background on the strong presidential systems that emerged in many post-colonial African nations. While democratization in the 1990s introduced multiparty politics and competitive elections, the presidency has remained dominant due to factors like centralized power, control over resources, and weak legislatures and courts. The "hegemonic presidency" undermines democratic checks and balances, human rights, and the rule of law. The document examines the nature and dynamics of this phenomenon and how the African Peer Review Mechanism could help address it to strengthen democracy.
Much of the study of politics centers on the tension between human agency and constraints on choice. Political leaders typically emphasize their ability to act in a sovereign fashion, describing politics as the art of the possible. What they less often refer to are the institutional and structural constraints that they face when trying to chart a new path. The old pathway is hard to escape, making them all captives of a certain path dependency.
Theories of International Relations-IntroductionKeshab Giri
The document provides an overview of international relations theories including realism, liberalism, and recent trends. It summarizes key concepts from classical and neo realism such as the assumptions of human nature and states operating under anarchy. Neo-liberal institutionalism and its focus on the conditions under which states can cooperate is discussed. Recent theories of international conflict and cooperation explained include bargaining theory of war, alliance theory, diversionary theory of war, democratic peace theory, hegemonic stability theory, and rational design theory. The document concludes with questions about which theories may help explain specific international events.
This document provides an overview of a lecture on mega-trends in contemporary world politics, focusing on different views of actors in global politics beyond just states. It discusses state-centric approaches and their limitations, as well as transnational actors including transnational companies, international organizations, international non-governmental organizations, organized crime and terrorist groups, and how states struggle to regulate them due to issues like loss of control, extraterritoriality, and regulatory arbitrage. The document also examines principles of international non-governmental organizations and roles of international organizations.
This document discusses power-sharing models that have been implemented in Somalia to manage intractable clan conflicts following the country's civil war and collapse of central government in 1990. It provides details on Somalia's colonial history and how this contributed to divisions between clans. Several power-sharing governments have been formed based on representation of the major clans, with mixed success. The 2012 constitution and establishment of a federal system represents the latest attempt, but challenges remain in balancing clan interests and establishing effective governance. The document evaluates the levels of success achieved by different power-sharing arrangements in rebuilding governance structures and ending political instability in Somalia.
This document provides an overview of three major development theories: modernization theory, dependency theory, and world systems theory.
1. Modernization theory emerged in the 1950s and viewed development as a linear process where traditional societies modernize by adopting Western values like industrialization, capitalism, and secularism. It was criticized for being ethnocentric and ignoring that development can occur through different paths.
2. Dependency theory arose in the 1950s-1960s as an alternative to modernization theory. It argues that underdeveloped countries are not backward but rather dependent on developed countries that exploit them as suppliers of cheap labor and raw materials. This hinders their development and benefits core nations.
3. World systems theory,
Africa in contemporary world politics the dynamics and effects of dominationAlexander Decker
This document summarizes a paper that examines Africa's place in contemporary world politics and the dynamics of its domination. It discusses how politics has been used as an instrument of domination over Africa throughout history, from the colonial era to today. The paper analyzes Africa's domination through three epochs - colonial, post-colonial, and contemporary. During the colonial era, European powers totally dominated Africa for economic and political control. In the post-colonial era after independence, domination continued through neo-colonialism as the new states remained dependent. Today, domination persists through Africa's peripheral incorporation into the global capitalist system, maintaining a dynamic of domination and crisis.
This document discusses leadership credibility in the Netherlands and examines the leadership characteristics of former Dutch Prime Minister Jan Peter Balkenende. It begins by defining leadership credibility as perceived trustworthiness, honesty, and competence. It then analyzes the patterns of Dutch democracy and shifting political culture. A survey of Dutch citizens found the top characteristics for credible political leadership are being trustworthy, honest, and competent. The document uses the Millon Inventory of Diagnostic Criteria to assess Balkenende's personality and leadership style, finding his dominant pattern relates to dutifulness. It provides context on Balkenende's four terms as Prime Minister and the research methods used to evaluate his leadership credibility and personality.
The increase in political instability as well as anarchy and anomie in the world is a prominent feature of politics
in the 21rst century.It has dire consequences for the population in the country torn apart by cilvil war or anarchy.
It consequences for the handling of the climate change question and the general problem of environmental
degradation. Global ecology coordination can only work if the participating governments lead strong states. The
more governments have to concentrate upon anarchy or civil wars, the less the time and resources would be
available for environmental policy-making and ecological protection. And environmental destruction tends to
worsen in countries that are not “well-ordered” (Rawls, 1971), as ecological laws are disobeyed and natural
resources dissipated until exhaustion or annihilation
The document discusses various definitions and theories of international relations. It notes that IR can refer to diplomatic relations between states, cross-border economic and social transactions, or the study of globalization. There is no single agreed upon definition because the subject matter is complex and definitions reflect scholars' interests. Common elements in definitions include state sovereignty and the anarchic international system. Theories help explain phenomena like war and provide normative guidance. The scope of IR includes international political economy, organizations, foreign policy, and conflict studies.
So is democracy not the best political system after all?Ângela Santos
1. Democracy was once believed to be the best political system and would spread globally, but its advance has halted and it is now facing challenges.
2. The success of China's authoritarian model that has achieved rapid economic growth and addressed public issues more effectively than Western democracies has increased doubts about democracy.
3. Emerging democracies have faced issues like democratic backsliding, military coups, and power grabs that undermine the system, while established democracies struggle with issues like debt, dysfunction, and loss of public trust.
history of international relations presentationgilani syeda
This document provides an overview of international relations and the rise and fall of civilizations. It discusses how international relations has existed as long as civilization due to human interaction. It describes the development of empires in different regions including the Muslim empires and European empires. It also lists several non-European civilizations that developed such as in China, Peru, India, and Southeast Asia. The document then discusses concepts like slavery, feudalism, and the reasons for the fall of civilizations. It provides details on topics like the Renaissance, modernization, globalization, and the process of social and cultural change.
This document contains 8 photo credits from various photographers. It ends by encouraging the reader to create their own presentation on SlideShare using Haiku Deck.
Juan José Perdomo's portfolio includes transportation design projects from 2010 to 2014. He has a Master's degree in Transportation and Automobile Design from Politecnico di Milano and speaks Spanish, English, and Italian. His portfolio showcases concept vehicles designed for Audi, Fiat, and Skoda developed through sketching, clay modeling, and 3D rendering. Projects include the Opera GT sports car inspired by Sydney Opera House architecture and the Prime, an electric mini vehicle developed for Audi.
The third” united nationsc thomas g. weiss, tatiana caraojas18
This document introduces the concept of a "third United Nations" composed of non-state actors that closely engage with the UN but are not formally part of the organization. This third UN includes NGOs, academics, experts, commissions, and other individuals and groups. They help shape UN ideas, policies, priorities and practices through advocacy, research, and policy analysis. While the UN is traditionally viewed as composed of member states and the secretariat, recognizing this third sphere provides a more comprehensive understanding of the actors that influence the UN.
This document summarizes different feminist theories of international relations, including liberal feminism, feminist constructivism, critical feminism, feminist poststructuralism, and postcolonial feminism. It discusses the key scholars and ideas within each approach. It also provides an example case study on feminist perspectives of sanctions against Iraq from 1990-2013, analyzing how questions around gender, power structures, and experiences are approached differently than mainstream theories. The document advocates using gendered lenses to re-examine other mainstream international relations case studies as well.
KAFKAS ÜNİVERSİTESİ/KAFKAS UNIVERSITY
SOCIOLOGY
Course
LECTURE NOTES AND POWER POINT PRESENTATIONS
Prof.Dr. Halit Hami ÖZ
Kars, TURKEY
hamioz@yahoo.com
Studying the experience in the quarter century since the fall of the Berlin Wall, Simeon Djankov shows that the post-communist economic project has been more successful than the political project. It appears that while post-communist reformers more or less knew how to do economic reform, few had any idea how to build democracy. As a result, the divergence in democracy and political rights is 3 to 4 times larger than the divergence in economic freedom and the ease of doing business. The analysis suggests that democracy is not harder to predict than economic evolution—history predicts it well. However, at the start of post-communist transformation social scientists just didn’t know how to predict political evolution. Recent authoritarian regressions in Hungary and Poland, countries with successful economic reforms, present a new challenge to researchers.
An Appraisal Of Nigeria’s Democratic Consolidation And Economic Development: ...inventionjournals
After years of military and authoritarian rule, great expectations accompanied the resumption of
civilian rule in Nigeria in May 1999. For a country that has suffered severe deterioration in its economy and
politics over the fifty years of military rule, the assumption that a civilian rule would herald a dawn of peace
and a deepening of democratic values and norms in the society was understandable. This paper sets out to
analytically x-ray the country’s political cum economic penchant and to ascertain to what degree its democratic
principles have been consolidated upon from the inception of its democratic rule. The paper finds that
consolidating democracy in Nigeria is tough and challenging but not entirely hopeless. Nigeria is a country with
thriving democratic spirit but is ruled by tyrants and despots who have both the inclination and resources to
scupper agitations for democratic reforms. Nigeria’s, like citizens in established democracies, want
constitutional democracy and all the rights, privileges and benefits associated with democracy
International relations represent the study of foreign affairs and global issues among states including the roles of the states, intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), non- governmental organizations (NGOs), and multinational corporations (MNCs). It is both an academic and public policy field, and can be either positive or normative as it seeks both to analyze as well as formulate the foreign policy of particular states. It is often considered as the branch of political science.
Apart from political science, IR draws upon such diverse fields as economics, history, law, philosophy, geography, sociology, anthropology, psychology and cultural studies. It involves diverse range of issues including but not limited to: globalization, state sovereignty, ecological sustainability, nuclear proliferation, nationalism, economic development, global finance, terrorism, organized crime, human security, foreign interventionism and human rights.
The APRM the Hegemonic Presidency and Democratic Governance in AfricaDr Lendy Spires
This document discusses the "hegemonic presidency" in Africa and its impact on democratic governance. It provides background on the strong presidential systems that emerged in many post-colonial African nations. While democratization in the 1990s introduced multiparty politics and competitive elections, the presidency has remained dominant due to factors like centralized power, control over resources, and weak legislatures and courts. The "hegemonic presidency" undermines democratic checks and balances, human rights, and the rule of law. The document examines the nature and dynamics of this phenomenon and how the African Peer Review Mechanism could help address it to strengthen democracy.
Much of the study of politics centers on the tension between human agency and constraints on choice. Political leaders typically emphasize their ability to act in a sovereign fashion, describing politics as the art of the possible. What they less often refer to are the institutional and structural constraints that they face when trying to chart a new path. The old pathway is hard to escape, making them all captives of a certain path dependency.
Theories of International Relations-IntroductionKeshab Giri
The document provides an overview of international relations theories including realism, liberalism, and recent trends. It summarizes key concepts from classical and neo realism such as the assumptions of human nature and states operating under anarchy. Neo-liberal institutionalism and its focus on the conditions under which states can cooperate is discussed. Recent theories of international conflict and cooperation explained include bargaining theory of war, alliance theory, diversionary theory of war, democratic peace theory, hegemonic stability theory, and rational design theory. The document concludes with questions about which theories may help explain specific international events.
This document provides an overview of a lecture on mega-trends in contemporary world politics, focusing on different views of actors in global politics beyond just states. It discusses state-centric approaches and their limitations, as well as transnational actors including transnational companies, international organizations, international non-governmental organizations, organized crime and terrorist groups, and how states struggle to regulate them due to issues like loss of control, extraterritoriality, and regulatory arbitrage. The document also examines principles of international non-governmental organizations and roles of international organizations.
This document discusses power-sharing models that have been implemented in Somalia to manage intractable clan conflicts following the country's civil war and collapse of central government in 1990. It provides details on Somalia's colonial history and how this contributed to divisions between clans. Several power-sharing governments have been formed based on representation of the major clans, with mixed success. The 2012 constitution and establishment of a federal system represents the latest attempt, but challenges remain in balancing clan interests and establishing effective governance. The document evaluates the levels of success achieved by different power-sharing arrangements in rebuilding governance structures and ending political instability in Somalia.
This document provides an overview of three major development theories: modernization theory, dependency theory, and world systems theory.
1. Modernization theory emerged in the 1950s and viewed development as a linear process where traditional societies modernize by adopting Western values like industrialization, capitalism, and secularism. It was criticized for being ethnocentric and ignoring that development can occur through different paths.
2. Dependency theory arose in the 1950s-1960s as an alternative to modernization theory. It argues that underdeveloped countries are not backward but rather dependent on developed countries that exploit them as suppliers of cheap labor and raw materials. This hinders their development and benefits core nations.
3. World systems theory,
Africa in contemporary world politics the dynamics and effects of dominationAlexander Decker
This document summarizes a paper that examines Africa's place in contemporary world politics and the dynamics of its domination. It discusses how politics has been used as an instrument of domination over Africa throughout history, from the colonial era to today. The paper analyzes Africa's domination through three epochs - colonial, post-colonial, and contemporary. During the colonial era, European powers totally dominated Africa for economic and political control. In the post-colonial era after independence, domination continued through neo-colonialism as the new states remained dependent. Today, domination persists through Africa's peripheral incorporation into the global capitalist system, maintaining a dynamic of domination and crisis.
This document discusses leadership credibility in the Netherlands and examines the leadership characteristics of former Dutch Prime Minister Jan Peter Balkenende. It begins by defining leadership credibility as perceived trustworthiness, honesty, and competence. It then analyzes the patterns of Dutch democracy and shifting political culture. A survey of Dutch citizens found the top characteristics for credible political leadership are being trustworthy, honest, and competent. The document uses the Millon Inventory of Diagnostic Criteria to assess Balkenende's personality and leadership style, finding his dominant pattern relates to dutifulness. It provides context on Balkenende's four terms as Prime Minister and the research methods used to evaluate his leadership credibility and personality.
The increase in political instability as well as anarchy and anomie in the world is a prominent feature of politics
in the 21rst century.It has dire consequences for the population in the country torn apart by cilvil war or anarchy.
It consequences for the handling of the climate change question and the general problem of environmental
degradation. Global ecology coordination can only work if the participating governments lead strong states. The
more governments have to concentrate upon anarchy or civil wars, the less the time and resources would be
available for environmental policy-making and ecological protection. And environmental destruction tends to
worsen in countries that are not “well-ordered” (Rawls, 1971), as ecological laws are disobeyed and natural
resources dissipated until exhaustion or annihilation
The document discusses various definitions and theories of international relations. It notes that IR can refer to diplomatic relations between states, cross-border economic and social transactions, or the study of globalization. There is no single agreed upon definition because the subject matter is complex and definitions reflect scholars' interests. Common elements in definitions include state sovereignty and the anarchic international system. Theories help explain phenomena like war and provide normative guidance. The scope of IR includes international political economy, organizations, foreign policy, and conflict studies.
So is democracy not the best political system after all?Ângela Santos
1. Democracy was once believed to be the best political system and would spread globally, but its advance has halted and it is now facing challenges.
2. The success of China's authoritarian model that has achieved rapid economic growth and addressed public issues more effectively than Western democracies has increased doubts about democracy.
3. Emerging democracies have faced issues like democratic backsliding, military coups, and power grabs that undermine the system, while established democracies struggle with issues like debt, dysfunction, and loss of public trust.
history of international relations presentationgilani syeda
This document provides an overview of international relations and the rise and fall of civilizations. It discusses how international relations has existed as long as civilization due to human interaction. It describes the development of empires in different regions including the Muslim empires and European empires. It also lists several non-European civilizations that developed such as in China, Peru, India, and Southeast Asia. The document then discusses concepts like slavery, feudalism, and the reasons for the fall of civilizations. It provides details on topics like the Renaissance, modernization, globalization, and the process of social and cultural change.
This document contains 8 photo credits from various photographers. It ends by encouraging the reader to create their own presentation on SlideShare using Haiku Deck.
Juan José Perdomo's portfolio includes transportation design projects from 2010 to 2014. He has a Master's degree in Transportation and Automobile Design from Politecnico di Milano and speaks Spanish, English, and Italian. His portfolio showcases concept vehicles designed for Audi, Fiat, and Skoda developed through sketching, clay modeling, and 3D rendering. Projects include the Opera GT sports car inspired by Sydney Opera House architecture and the Prime, an electric mini vehicle developed for Audi.
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1. Supervisor:Martin Beck
Size:36.148
Constraints: Steering Tunisia and Egypt’s
Islamists down the narrow path to democracy
BIRGITTE VESTERMARK (221065-0698)
Studentno:428818
Universityof Southern Denmark
bives15@student.sdu.dk
Introduction:
The firstdemocraticelectionsafterthe ArabUprisingsinEgyptandTunisiaresultedinavictoryfor
moderate Islamistpartiese.g.the MuslimBrotherhood (MB) inEgyptandits sisterparty EnnahdainTunisia.
Eventhoughthe two partiesstemfromthe same ideologicalrootstheytooka verydifferentapproachto
democracyand to the “art” of beinginpower.This assignmentexamineshow the twopartieshandledtheir
electoral victoriesand whytheirdemocraticattitude wassodifferentfromone another.
The difference inattitudewasparticularlyevidentinthe approachtheytooktowritingnew constitutions,
and the eventsthatsurroundedthe constitution-writingprocessrevitalizedthe discussionof whetherIslam
was indeedcompatiblewithdemocracy.Thissubjectwillalsobe addressedhere.
Theoretical framework:
Thisassignmenttakesitspointof departure inthe inclusionmoderationtheoryoriginallydevelopedby
RobertMichels, whoinhisbookPolitical Parties(1911) offersaclassicstudyof the Social DemocraticParty
inGermany.
The theoryhas since beendevelopedfurther(Schwedler2013) to explainthe evolutionof Islamistpolitical
partiesin a numberof countrieswitha Muslimmajoritypopulation –withthe evolutionof successive
Islamistpolitical partiesinTurkeyfromthe early 1970s till the culminationin the electionvictoryof the AK
Party in2002 as a powerful example.
Moderationischaracterizedbythe AmericanprofessorJillianSchwedleras“a processof change that might
be describedasmovementalongacontinuumfromradical tomoderate wherebyamove awayfrommore
exclusionarypracticesequatestoan increase inmoderation.”(Ibid. p.3)
Accordingto the theory radical political actorswill become more moderate if theyare includedinthe
legitimate political process.That isif theyare allowedtoparticipate inafree civil society,runfor
democraticelections,holdralliesetc.(Ibid. p.4)
2. Thisis because once anextremistgrouporganizesasavote-seekingpartythe wishtoplease votersand
gainpopularitywill be strongerthantheiroriginalradical ideologyandthe groupwill thereforesooneror
laterreplace itsrevolutionaryagendawithavote-maximizingstrategy.Andevenpartiesthatdonothold
deepdemocraticconvictionshave strongincentivestocomplywithdemocraticrules(Tezcür2010, p.31).
Schwedlerpointsoutthata numberof scholarshas takenthe theoryfurthertoargue that once a party has
renouncedrevolutionandviolenceanddecidedtoplaybythe democraticrulesof the game,the vote-
seekingstrategieswill make the moderate(Islamist) partiesnotjuststicktotheirmoderate agenda - in
ordernot to scare potential votersaway - butwill continue todraw themtowardsthe centerof the political
spectruminorderto appeal to an evenbroadervoter segment(Schwedler2013, p.13).
Criticsof the inclusionmoderationtheorymainlyfocusesonwhatisknownas“the paradox of democracy,”
namelythata radical group only behaveslike theyrespectdemocraticnormsandprocesseswhileinreality
theysticksto theircore values,evenif these runcountertodemocraticnorms.(Ibid. p.5)
The neo-conservative AmericanhistorianDaniel Pipeswhoisoftencharacterizedas“Islamophobic”is
probablythe strongestacademicproponentof thisview.He considersall groups,partiesandindividuals
whoseekstoimplementIslamicreformas“Fundamentalists,”andcategoricallydefinesthemas “anti-
democratic”,“anti-moderate”,“anti-Semitic”and“anti- Western”(Pipes1995).Theywill participate in
electionsalright,butthere isnotmuchevidence thattheywill behave democraticallyonce inpower.(Ibid.)
Anothercriticof the moderationhypothesisisHillel Fradkin,alikewiseneo-conservative andaspecialiston
IslamicStudies.He notesthatthe core projectfor IslamicpartiesistobuildanIslamicstate where religion
setsstrict limitsforpolitics.He therefore questionswhetherthe Islamistsare onlyusingthe democratic
toolsto pursue theirhiddenagendaandachieve theirultimate goal of establishinganIslamicstate.
(Fradkin2012)
The critics of inclusionmoderationtheory argue thatassoonas the opportunityarises,Islamist parties will
simply high-jacks the process and abandon the democratic system that brought them to power - this is
sometimesreferredto as“one man-one-vote-one time” - an expression first coined in the early 1990’s by
US diplomat and government advisor Edward Djerejian.
The prominentFrenchprofessorandexpertonpolitical IslamOlivierRoy disagrees.He contendsthatthe
constraintsIslamistsandevenSalafistswill face while inpowerwill notonlylimittheirsupposedhidden
agendaof establishinganIslamicState,butwill alsopushthemtowardsamore openanddemocraticway
of governance,becausethisistheironlychance tostay at the centerof political life.“Thusthe Islamists,
and eventhe Salafists,will become reluctantagentsof democratization”(Roy 2012, p.8).
Schwedlerisnotquite asoptimistic.She admitsthatdemocratization isnotagiven once a radical party has
enrolledinthe democraticpolitical game becauseamoderate partymightreverttoradical strategiesif it
finditswayto gain influence bydemocraticmeanssomehow blocked.
Much dependsonthe nature of the political environmentwhere the eventsunfold,e.g.how strongare the
oppositionandthe state institutionsinthe specificcountry,meaninghow effective are the constraints
beingplacedonthe winning(Islamist)parties. (Roy2012,Schwedler2013).
3. But alsothe specificorientationof the oppositionseemstoplayanimportantrole,andas we shall see in
the two cases of TunisiaandEgypt there isa huge difference inthisrespect.
The assignmentfurtherdrawsontransitiontheorythatdealswiththe factorsandprocessesincountries
movingfromdictatorial rule todemocracy.Thoughitcan be arguedthat notall countrieslabeled
“transitioncountries”are in factin transitiontodemocracy(Carothers2002) the theorystill contributesto
a more nuancedpicture of the causesthat leadtothe transformationandhelpstoexplainthe hugely
divergentoutcome of the transitionprocess inthe twocountries.
Because Ennahdaand MB sharesthe same ideological rootsandbackgroundandyetacted verydissimilar
once in power– especiallywhenitcomestothe processof writinga new constitution - itmakessense to
use the EnglishphilosopherJohnStuartMillsmethodof difference (describedinhismainwork A systemof
Logic from1843) inmy comparative analysisof the twopartiesinitial grapplewithpost-uprising
democracy.
The main problemwiththismethodisthe factthatit can be difficult –if not outrightimpossible –todefine
justone variable thatalone explainsthe differentoutcome inTunisiaandEgyptrespectively.More likely
there are a numberof differentfactorsrangingfromhistorical,tosocio-economic,political andothersthat
all offerspartof an explanationtothisintriguingpuzzle.Somyaimhere will be togothrough a numberof
differentvariablesthatall playedsome role forthe degree of democraticbehaviordisplayedbyEnnahda
and the MuslimBrotherhood,andpinpointthe mostlikely factorsforthe twopartiesdivergingattitude
towardsdemocracy.
Outline
Thistextfirstoutlinesthe political landscapesinEgyptandTunisiaonthe day afterthe firstfree elections
and givesashort presentationof the historyof Islamicparties andthe popularattitudetopolitical Islam in
the two countries.
Part II paintsa broadpicture of the socioeconomicconditions inEgyptandTunisiathatledto the uprisings
againstthe authoritarianregimes.
In part IIIwe take a closerlookonhow MB in Egyptand Ennahda inTunisiahandledtheirelectoral victories
– especiallywhenitcomestoinclude otherpartiesandpolitical forcesinthe processof writinganew
constitution –and analyze the reasonsfortheirdifferentapproach.
It isfair to saythat Ennahda actedina much more democraticmanner thanwasthe case for the MB. And
therefore itseemsthatthe Islamicnature of the partieswasnotthe decisive factorforwhethertheycould
embrace democracyor not.
Part I: A new Era begins - Sweepingvictory for longrepressedIslamists:
As the voteswere beingcountedafterthe firstdemocraticelectionseverinTunisia (Oct.2011) and Egypt
(Nov.2011-Jan. 2012) itturnedout thattheyhad beenanoverwhelmingsuccessforthe moderate Islamist
parties – Ennahdaand the MuslimsBrotherhoodspolitical wingThe FreedomandJustice Party(FJP) that
bothbecame legal onlyafterthe fall of the authoritarianregimesinearly2011.
4. Ennahdasecured89 of the 217 seat inthe Constitutional AssemblyinTunisiaamountingto41 % of the
seatswhile MBnettedan astonishing46% of seatsavailable.
Afteryearsof marginalization,exclusionandharshrepressionbythe authoritarianregimesthe Islamic
movementshadfinallycome outasthe leadingpolitical force inbothcountries.Hence the resultheralded
a completelynew eraforpolitical IslaminNorthAfrica.
Political Islam in Egypt and Tunisia
The MuslimBrotherhood wasfoundedinEgyptin1928 by Hassanal-Banna.Rightfromthe start itwas a
formof resistance toall formsof Westerncolonialism –be it political,cultural economicandmilitary.Itwas
soonperceivedasa threatto Egypt’srulingelite andwasbannedin1948.
It continuedtoworkundergroundand gave up violence asapolitical tool inthe beginning of the 1970’s.
(Cammettetal.2015, p.454) And althoughMB wasnot allowedtoexistlegallyasapolitical partyuntil
Mubarak was toppledinFebruary2011 itwas toleratedasa movement.Hence itdid charityworkamong
the poorersegmentsof the Egyptiansociety,organizedassociationsof professionalsand itsmemberscould
run for parliamentasindependentcandidates.Sowhile the Egyptianregime wascrackingdownonpolitical
Islamthe Brotherhoodwasstill leftwithroomtomaneuverandthe religionassuchwasnot a target forthe
regime.
Thiswas not quite the case inTunisia.Here the repressionwentevenfurtherasthe Tunisianregime hada
verynegative attitude towardsIslaminall itsmanifestations.The country’sfirstpost-independent
presidentHabibBourghibaharbored avisionforTunisiansocietybasedonrepublicanism, secularism,
populism(Ibidp.102) andwhatis knownaslaïcté – a termusedto describe aspecial variantof secularism
that can be characterizedas outrightanti-religious.(Stepan andLinz2013, p.17)
Thisbodedbad forthe TunisianEnnahdaparty that trace its rootsto the Brotherhood-inspiredgroup
IslamicAction.Itwasfoundedasa partyin 1981 underthe name Mouvement de laTendence Islamique
that allegedlywasbehindbombingsof touristhotelsinthe 1980s.
In 1989 itchangedits name to Ennahda,wentthrougha reformprocessanddenouncedviolence.
CandidateswithtiestoEnnahdawere allowedtoparticipate asindependentsinthe electionsin1989.
(Cavatortaand Haugbølle 2013)
But thiswas justa brief exception. Inthe 1990s afterBenAli had takenoverthe presidencyinTunisiastate
repressionincreased,andEnnahdabecame the maintarget – itsleaderswere eitherkilled, jailedorexiled.
(Cammettetal.2015, p. 102).
A strikingexample of the differentattitude takenbythe Egyptianandthe TunisianregimetowardsIslam
can be seenintheirtreatmentof Islamicinstitutions.While Egyptianauthoritiesallowedthe al-Azhar
mosque inCairo – the mostimportantand influentialreligiousinstitutioninthe Arabworld – to remain
openand functioning,Tunisianauthoritieswere more repressive.
In hisdrive tominimize andultimatelyeliminate Islam’sleadingrole inthe societyanddiminishthe clergies
gripon the educational systemandthe judiciary,Bourghibaclosedthe Zeytounamosque inTunis –a
5. likewise traditional andprestigiousinstitutionsforIslamicstudiesinthe Arabworld(Cavatortaand
Haugbølle 2012, p.190).
Anotherequallystrikingdifference isthe role of womeninsociety.Immediate afterindependencein1956
a numberof chances to the Code of Personal StatusinTunisiaregardingwomen’srole insocietywere
pushedthroughtoensure genderequality.
In Egyptgenderequalitywasnot highonthe regime’sagenda,and whenin 2000 the Personal StatusLaw
was changed,aproposal to allowwomentotravel abroadwithoutthe permissionof theirhusband was
removedatthe last minute due toresistance fromconservative lawmakers. (Bernard-Maugironand
Dupret2202, p.15).
WhenBenAli assumedpowerinTunisiain1987 he continuedmanyof his predecessor’s policies –among
themthe state’scommitmenttolaïcté.Wearingthe headscarf inpubliccontinuedtobe restrictedand
religiousinstitutionswere keptundertightstate-control. (CavatortaandHaugbølle2012, p.190)
The harsh repressionof anythingreligiousandamassive crack downresultedinmanyEnnahdamembers
beingexiled.Mostof them – like otherTunisianmigrants –wenttolive inEurope (see table 1),forinstance
the party’sfoundingfatherRashidGhannoushi livedinLondon.
Thisway they got firsthandexperience of the benefitsof life inademocraticstate,where the population
decideswhoshall rule them,where the judiciaryisindependentandwhere rule of law isthe orderof the
day.No doubtthisplayedamodifyingrole of the mentalityof the Ennahdaleadershipascan be seenin
boththe partyprogram1
and inthe way Ghannouchi andTunisia’s – at that time prime ministertobe -
Hamadi Jebali inan interviewinMay2011 talks extensivelyof the political imperative of a”civil State”.
(StepanandLinz2013, p.19)
1
The party programfrom September2011states:The powerofTunisia,herprogressiveness, the protection andpermanenceofher independence,
her sovereignty, and her republicansystem; basedon theseparation betweenpowers, theindependence ofthejudiciary, democracy, (good)
governance,equality betweenits citizens,economic growth,socialdevelopmentand the adherenceto ourArab-Islamicnationalidentity (Donker
2013, p. 212)
6. Ghannoushi andthe party leadership explicitlyrejectedthe conceptof anIslamicState (Roy 2012, p.13,
Donker2013, p.212).
InsteadtheypointtoTurkey’sAKPartyas a model of a religiousmindedandconservativepartytofollow.
Thisseemstobe a positionbeingwidelysharedbythe IslamistsinTunisia.A majorityof themdonot
support“the ideaof an “IslamicState”thatdominatespolitics.“Rathertheysupportthe ideaof bringing
Islamto the state,throughdemocraticpolitical means.”(Donker2013, p.221)
For historical reasonsabigpart of the Egyptianswhowenttolive abroad – eitherbecause theymigratedor
were forcedintoexile–wentto live inthe Arabworld.More thanhalf of themwenttoeitherLibyaor
Saudi Arabia(Fig.2), whichcan in no waybe characterizedas democratic countries.Thereforethe Egyptian
Islamists- andthe populationmore generallyspeaking - were notexposedtodemocraticthinkingand
democraticpracticesinthe same way manyof their Tunisianco-Islamistswere.
Thisis clearlyreflectedinthe differentattitude towardspolitical IslamtracedinEgyptandTunisia.
7. As showninfigure Fig.3 people inTunisiagenerallyshowedlesssupportforpolitical Islamthanwasthe
case inEgypt.
Alsoworthnotingisthe indicationthatsupportforIslamismdeclineswithincreasededucational level(fig.
4).
Againwe see the overall level of supportforpoliticalIslamislowerinTunisiathaninEgyptinall three
educational categories,andthe effectisamplifiedbythe factthat the overall educational levelinTunisiais
higherthanin Egypt. (UNDP2013).
Therefore the incentive tomoderate mightbe strongerforTunisia’sIslamistpartythanforits sisterparty in
Egypt.
Part II: The socioeconomic conditionsinEgypt and Tunisia:
As otherResource PoorLabor Abundantcountries 2
inthe MENA region Egyptand Tunisiahasboth
experiencedthe ISI-phase,3
thatincreasedstate-drivenindustrializationandexpandedthe educational
system;the oil-boomeraof the 1970s, that furtherdiscouragedthe developmentof aprivate industrial
sectorand stimulatedrural tourban-migration;andthe structural economicreformandliberalization
2 The RPLA countries consistof Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco and Tunisia.They are characterized by huge labor
forces, high unemployment and virtually no oil production (below$250 of oil rent per capita) (Cammett et al.2015,p.
26)
3 ISI is shortfor Import Substitution Industrialization - a strategy followed by many countries in the Middle Eastand in
the wider developing world in the 1950s and 1960s.It was an attempt to create development by buildingup a
domestic industry protected by trade barriers and mainly cateringto local demands.Itworked for a whilebut ended
up creatinghuge non-competitive industries dependent on state support. (Ibid.2015)
8. periodwhere the countriesmore or(often) lessrigorouslyfollowedthe neo-liberalrecipe prescribedbythe
WashingtonConsensus,butwhichnone the lesscutbackon state jobs,and createdbigholesinthe social
safetynet (Cammettetal.2015).
Thisledto the narrowingof the regimessupportbase withmore andmore segmentsof the population
beingsidelinedinthe newpost-adjustmentpolitical settlementof the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s. As a result
the governmentsresortedtoincreasedrepressionandthe Islamistmovementsgainedpopularityespecially
amongthe marginalizedmiddle class(Ibid. p.98).
Ennahdaand MB bothto some extendmanagedtofill outagapinghole inthe social safetynetleftbythe
regimeswhentheywentthroughrestructuring,andadjustmentfromthe 1980s andonwards.Thisgave
themthe opportunitytoclaimthe moral highground againstcronycapitalismandcorruptioninthe
authoritarianregimesandwonthemmuchpopularsupport. (Ibid. p441.) It alsogainedthema reputation
for goodgovernance,forbeingmore competent,trustworthyand“cleaner”thantheircompetitorsinthe
firstfree electionsafterthe uprisings –a reputationpavingtheirwaytopower(Ibid,p.452).
ThoughEgypt and Tunisiainthiswayshare the same overall developmenttraits,the socio-economicfactor
were somewhatmore favorableinTunisia.Tunisia’sindexof HumanDevelopmentin2011 was forinstance
higherthanEgypt’s(UNDP2011). Andwhenitcomesto confessional,ethnicandtribal structuresTunisia
alsohas an advantage because the countryenjoysahighdegree of homogeneitythatmightsmoothits
transitionprocess (Beck andHüser2012, p.18)
But eventhoughthismighthelpTunisiainitstransitiontodemocracyitdoesn’tseemtoexplainthe
difference indemocraticattitudedisplayedbyEnnahdaandthe Brotherhood.
Part III: The post electionperiod – with special focuson the constitutional process
In the firstpost-uprisingelectionsinTunisiaEnnahda gained89out of 217 seatson the Constituent
Assemblytranslatingto 41 percentof the seats. EventhoughEnnahdacame out as the strongestparty they
still neededcoalitionpartnerstoforma majority. Theychose toworkwithtwo center-leftpartiesCPRand
Ettakatol (markedinboldintable 1).
In Egyptthe victoryof the Brotherhoods FJP-ledalliance wasalmostidentical (see table2).Theygained
37.5 percentof the votesbutendedupcontrolling46 percentof the seats.
9. The core constituencyof Islamicpartiesisonlyestimatedtobe around20 percent(Roy2013, p.16). Sothe
impressiveelectionresultsinthe firstfree electionsmeantthatbothEnnahdaandthe MuslimBrotherhood
were able toattract votersfarbeyondtheircore constituency.
The party leadershipof Ennahdaseemedtobe aware of the factthat many Tunisiansvotedforthem
because theysawthemas a counterweighttoTunisia’sFrench-speakingeliteratherthanbecause of their
religiousaffinities, (Beck andHüser2012, p. 18). And thisprobablycontributedtotheirwillingnesstoform
a broad political coalition.
The MB on the otherhand seemedtosee theirvotersupportasa blueprintfortakingoverof the state
institutionsandin thiswayconfirmthe worries displayedby“the paradox of democracyhypothesis”:
The “Brothers” didn’teventrytoform a coalitionwithnon-Islamicparties,andtheywere outrightcriticized
for excludingtheirpolitical opponentsandfortryingto force throughtheirownagenda.(Cammett2015,
p.103)
But accordingto Roy, thisshouldcome asno surprise,asitis not unusual that partiesbeingsweptinto
powerbylandslide margins, are temptedtothinkthattheydon’tneedtobotherwiththe tediousand
complicatedprocessof forming alliances butcanhandout governmentposts astheysee fit.(Roy 2012, p.
6)
Or to put itmore directly:if aparty thinksitcan succeedwithplowingaheadonitsownthe incentivesfor
cooperationwithotherpartiesmightfade –especiallywhencrucial issueslike the contentof the
constitution,the role of the judiciaryandthe independence of monitoringinstitutionsare atstake,and
electionsare farof and hence the leadingpartyfacesnoimmediate riskof beingpunishedbythe electorate
(Schwedler2013, p.14).
To counterthe temptationtohigh-jackthe democratizationprocessandreverttoitsideological projectof
creatingan IslamicState itis therefore importantwithchecksandbalances –eitherinthe formof a strong
oppositionorstrongstate institutionsorboth- that can make sure that the leading(Islamist) partysticksto
itsmoderationanditscommitmenttothe democraticrulesof the game.(Ibid. p.4-5,Roy 2012)
Andthis goesa longwayto explainwhyEnnahdaandMB handledtheirelectoral victoriessodifferently.
10. Drafting of the constitutions
The checks andbalanceswere verymuchat work inthe draftingof the constitutioninTunisia.Itwasa
drawnout affairthan endeduptakingalmostthree yearsof longandoftenheateddiscussionsinvolving
partiesfromacross the political spectrum. Itwas supposedtohave beenconcludedone yearafterthe
electionsof the ConstituentAssemblyinOctober2011 but was postponedanumberof timestoallowfor
furtherconsultationanddiscussionamongthe political actors,anditendedwith eachof the constitutional
articlesbeingapproved separately bythe popularlyelectedparliament.
In the processEnnahda’s representativestried toplease theircore constituencybysuggestingthingsthat
appealedto theirconservativemoral norms –for instance a numberof articlesthatwouldincorporate
Shariaintothe constitutionamongthemcriminalizingblasphemy.Butinmanycasestheylaterbacktracked
and accepteda compromise. (Cammettetal. 2015, p.463)
Much fussalso eruptedwhenthe partydisplayeditstraditional view ongenderbysuggestinganarticle in
the constitutiondefiningmenandwomenashavingnotequal butso called“complementaryroles”inthe
family.The sharpbacklashfromleftist,secularandliberal partiesmade Ennahda’srepresentativeschange
theirmindsandthe party acceptedinsteadawordinginvokingfull equality.(Ibid.)
Thisshowsthat Ennahdawas not justexposedtomoderationinfluence fromitssecularcoalitionpartners
and the opposition,butalsothatthe party – inline withwhatmoderationtheoristswouldexpect –
respondedtoitby moderatingandadaptingitsoriginal standtoone thatwas acceptable tothe coalition
partnersand the opposition.
In Egyptthe leadingpolitical force (comprisingdifferentIslamiststrands) tookamuchmore winnertakes-it-
all-approachthatledtothe secularactorsfeelingsidelinedrightfromthe start - and worriedthatthe
Islamistwoulduse theirdominantpositiontocreate aconstitutionreflectingtheirreligiousworldview.
Duringitselectoral campaignandwhile inpowerFJP indeedboth articulatedandattemptedtopush
throughmore conservative positionsonwomen’sissuesthanitsTunisiancounterpart.(Ibid. p.464).Inthe
endthe party issuednonewpoliciesonfamilylaw duringtheirshortstayinpower,buttheynevertheless
wrote a constitutionwithastrongerreligiousemphasisthanpreviousEgyptianconstitutions,andsome of
itsarticlesupheld Shariaasthe principal source of legislation.Italsoseemstopave the wayfora much
more prominentrole foral-Azharinfuture legislation, thoughthe constitution assuchisnot a blueprintfor
a theocraticstate (Albrecht2013).
The constitutional processinEgyptwasa rather hastyone,lastinglessthan11 month,and MB mainly
pushedthroughitsownagendawithlimiteddiscussionsandlittleornoattemptto include the opposition
evenwhensensitiveissueswere atstake (Cammettetal.2015, p.465).
Political checks and balances:
As shownabove Ennahdawaskeptinclose checkby the tri-partite-coalitionformedafterthe election –
somethingthatthe Brotherhooddidn’thave toworryabout.Butthe pressure onthe leadingpartyexerted
by the oppositionwasalsostrikinglydifferentinnature.
11. Where the nine successive partieswhomade ittoparliamentInTunisiawere all leftistorsecular(table 1),
the secondbiggestpartyinEgypt – al- Nour– wasof an Islamicnature (table 2).The same goesby the way
for the fifthbiggestpartyandtogetherthe Islamicpartiescontrolledamongthemmore than70% of the
parliamentaryseatsafterthe electionsinEgyptin2011-12. The Islamicleaningpartiesalsocontrolled
amongthem85 %of the seatsin the upperhouse – knownas the ShuraCouncil (Ibid. p.464).
The MuslimBrotherhoodwere inotherwordschallengedbyamore extreme opposition,thatforcedthem
to prove theircore commitmentstoa conservative religiouspolitical vision,whileEnnahdaonthe other
handwas challengedbyaleftist/secularoppositionthatconstantlydraggedthemtowardsthe political
centerand forcedthemtostay there whenforinstance Salafi groupstriedtopressure themtoadopt
religiousvalueslike separationof sexes,fullveilingforwomeninpublicandothercore conservative Islamic
social normsand practices.
So while–accordingtomoderationtheory - political groupsvyingforalarge followingwill likelypull
towardsthe political centerthe incentive tomoderate might,as Schwedlerargues,loseitsappeal if the
mainoppositioniscomingfromgroupswithmore radical views. (Schwedler2013, p.8)
If a formerradical groupgoingthrougha moderationprocesssees the biggestpolitical threat ascoming
froma fringe groupitistherefore lesslikelythat itwill continue itsdrifttowardsthe political center.And
thisisanotherpowerful explanationwhyEnnahdawasdraggedtowardscentristviewswhileMBwasn’t.
Institutionalchecksand balances
One shouldbe careful aboutcorrelatingmoderationwithdemocratizationbecause asSchwedlerargues
while “the formercanbe understoodinrelative termsthe latterentailsasubstantivesetof normsaswell
as procedures“ (Ibid. p.15).
Andwhile itcan be saidthat bothEnnahda and the MB hasmoderatedtheirbehaviorsince theygave up
violence andengagedinthe democraticgame,their attitude towardsdemocracyassuchdiffers.
From the early1980s the leadersof Ennahdawithincreasing strengthvoicedthe ideathatdemocracywas
not justacceptable butoutrightnecessary.Thischange of view openedthe doorforcooperationwiththe
secularliberalsandpaved the wayfortheirjointeffort againstBenAli.(Stepan andLinz2013, p. 23)
Thiscooperationtookona more structuredformwithregularmeetingsbetweenthemasearlyaseight
yearsbefore the fall of BenAli,anditledto a political societybeingcreatedalongsidethe civil society - in
contrast to Egyptwhichhad a more creative civil societybutlackedapolitical one.(Ibid.)
No suchcooperationexistedinEgyptwhere fourmonthsafterthe fall of PresidentHosni Mubarakthe
MuslimBrothersandthe secularliberals –whowere the mainsocial groupsto oppose the formerEgyptian
strongman– hadn’tevenmetone single timetodiscussdemocraticgoverningalternativestothe ousted
dictator.(Ibid.)
Thisis a veryimportantdifference:forwhile –as Stepan andLinz argues- a civil societymightbe able to
bringdownan authoritarianregime ittakesapolitical societytoconstructa democracy,because onlya
political societyisable tobuildbridgesbetweendifferentactorsthatenablesthemtocraft“the rulesof the
game”for a democraticalternative tothe authoritarianpolitical regime (Ibid.)
12. The MB also provedunwillingtoundergoathoroughand genuine processof ideological andorganizational
transformationanddidnotdemocratize the wayEnnahdadid.Andthe MB overall appearedless
preoccupiedwiththe democratictransformationof societythantheywere withgainingcontrol overthe
existingstate institutions,whichtheycouldthenbegintoIslamize (El-Sherif.2014).
The political institutionswere alsosomehow weakerinEgyptthaninTunisia. InTunisiathere wasa broad
consensusonthe rulesof the game andthe timeframe (eventhoughitwasrepeatedlyextended)forthe
ConstituentAssemblytowrite anewconstitution.
In Egyptthe situationwasmuchmore influx. Afterstrongpressure fromMB’s newlyformed Freedomand
Justice Partyand the Salafistsitwasdecidedtoholdparliamentaryelectionsbeforeaconstitutionwas
writtenandthat waythe Islamistpartiessecuredforthemselvesadominatingrole overthe 100 member
ConstituentAssemblythatwaselectedby the government.
Thisledto the secularparticipantsboycottingthe process –up to 22 liberal andleftistmembersof the
Assemblysimplyoptedout. The same wentforthe representativesof Egypt’sChristianminority.
Andeventhoughthe political forces hadagreedon twoprinciplestoguide the writingof the constitution –
namelythatthe writingprocessshouldbe broad-basedandinclusive andthatthe powerof the president
shouldbe limited - inthe endthe authorsabandonedbothprinciples(Albrecht 2013).
Probablyaggravatingthe situationwasthe factthat boththe parliamentandthe constituencyassembly
had been declarednull andvoidbyEgypt’scourts inthe springof 2012. The military hadalsodrainedthe
presidencyof powerpriortothe presidential elections thatbroughtthe MuslimBrotherhoodscandidate
MohammedMorsi to powerinJune 2012. But Morsi managedto turnthe situationaroundandinthe
absence of a parliament he acquiredall legislativepowerinthe country (Fradkin2012).
Througha numberof decreesissuedbyMorsi fromJulytoNovember2012 he reinstatedthe parliament
and mandateditto write the constitutioninsteadof the ConstituentAssembly(BBC2012).
Andjusta daysbefore the constituentassemblyconsistingalmost entirelyof MBand Salafistsissuedits
draft constitution,Morsi issuedadecree grantinghimself the powertoissue anydecisionorlaw withno
authorityinthe countrybeingable torevoke it.(Sabry2012)
At the same time Morsi alsostipulatedthatno authoritycoulddissolve the existingShuraCouncil (the
remainingUpperHouse of Parliament)orthe ConstituentAssembly.Therebyhe effectivelyblockedthe
judiciarythatwasabout to issue verdictsthatwere widelyexpectedtodeclare the dissolutionof both
assemblies (Sabry2012).
The MB in otherwordscontrolledalmostall the powercentersinEgypt,andhadmanagedto amputate the
judiciarysothe oppositionhadmuchlessmeanstoreigninthe Islamists, thanhadtheircounterpartsin
Tunisiaandtherefore the MB’sincentivestomoderate,andcooperate wasnotas strongas Ennahda’s.
Conclusion:
As showninpart I the authoritarianregimesinEgyptandTunisiabothcrackeddownon political Islamist
partiesbutwhile the Egyptianauthorityallowedthe MuslimBrotherhoodtofunctionasamovementand
13. didn’tinfringe onthe religiousinstitutionsinthe country,the Tunisianregimetookamuch harsherstand.
NotonlydidBourghibaand hissuccessorBenAli outlaw andpersecute Ennahda’smembertheyalsotried
to eradicate Islamicinstitutionsandthe clergy’sinfluence oversocietyassuch.Thiscauseda much more
negative perceptionamongTunisianstopoliticalIslamthanwasthe case in Egypt.
The sharedeconomicexperience withISIandthe followingadjustment-periodcreatedhighunemployment
and cronycapitalismwhichpavedthe wayforthe Islamicpartiestowinthe firstfree electionsintheir
countryas shown in part II.
But as we have seeninpart III inclusionwill notalwaysleadtomoderation andthe continuousdrift
towardsthe political center,assome moderationtheoristsprofess,isnota given. Hadthat beenthe case
the outcome of the post-electionconstitutionswritingprocesswouldn’thave differedsomuchinTunisia
and Egypt.
On the otherhand “the paradox of democracy”-argumentthatIslamistsonce inpowerwillfollow their
hiddenagendaandcreate an Islamicstate wasalsoeffectivelyprovedwrongbyEnnahda. Whatcan be said
isthat inclusionwillleadtomoderation,butnotnecessarilytodemocratization.Andthe constraining
factors, a partyis exposedto,seemtobe of outmostimportance fora successful democratization.
As we have seenthe constraintsbeingplacedonEnnahdawasmuchmore forceful thatthe onesMB was
exposedto.
Notonlywas Ennahdapart of a tri-partite coalitiongovernmentwithtwosecularparties,theywerealso
underconstantpressure froma parliamentdominatedbysecularforcesthatchallengedthemtotone
downtheirIslamistideologyinordertoobtaincompromises.
Likewise the political societycreatedbythe Tunisianoppositionoveralongperiodhadestablisheda
mutual understandingbetweenIslamistsandsecularsonthe rulesof the game for a democraticalternative
to the authoritarianregime of BenAli (StepanandLinz2013, p.24).
These constraintscombinedwiththe constraintsdisplayedbyasocietywitha generallymore cautious
approach to religioninpoliticsprovedstrongenoughbothtokeepEnnahdaona moderate course and
helpedthemsticktotheirdemocraticpre-uprisingcommitments,which wasultimatelyunderlinedwhen
Ennahdaacceptedelectoral defeatinthe subsequentelectionandhandedoverpowertothe winning
party.
In Egyptthe MuslimBrotherhoodfeltstrongenoughtobullyitswaythrough.Theydidn’thave to
moderate,andhence theydidn’t(El-Sherif 2014).Insteaditsaw itspopularsupportas a tokenthat
legitimizeditstotal dominationof the political process.
MB hadn’tgone througha yearlongprocessof reformanddemocratizationashadEnnahda andthe main
oppositionwasalsonotdraggingthemtowardsthe centerbutrather challengingthemfromthe fringe and
thusthe checksand balancesinplace todrag themtowardsmoderationwasnotas evidentasinTunisia.
At the same time the political institutionsinEgyptwere weak.There wasnotawell establishedpolitical
society,the mutual mistrustbetweenthe Islamistsandthe secularwere neverovercome andthe
constitutional processledtoa total polarizationof the political landscapeculminatinginMorsi’spower
14. grab rightbefore the constitutionwasputtoa popularreferendum.Thismarkedanotherflaw in the checks
and balancesthatcouldotherwise have keptMBon the democratictrack.
As Ennahdaand MB are both Islamicpartieswithasimilarideological backgroundandyetwithavery
differentdemocraticattitudeitseemsfairtoconclude thatitis notthe Islamicnature of the partiesassuch
that determinedtheirapproachtodemocracybutrather because the constraintsplacedonEnnahdawas
much strongerthanthe onesMB was exposedto.
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Tables and Figures:
Fig.1Createdby authoron statisticsfromMigrationPolicyCenter,studyconductedbyEuropeanUniversity
Institute andRobertSchumanCenterforadvancedStudies.June 2013.(seenhere:
http://www.migrationpolicycentre.eu/docs/migration_profiles/Tunisia.pdf.)
Fig.2. Createdby authoron statisticsfromMigrationpolicyCenter,EuropeanUniversityInstitute and
RobertSchumanCenterforadvancedStudies.June 2013. (seenhere:
http://www.migrationpolicycentre.eu/docs/migration_profiles/Egypt.pdf.)
Fig.3 WVS,Wave 6, 2010-2014 (takenfromCammett etal.2014 p. 445).
Fig.4 WVS,Wave 6, 2010-2014 (takenfromCammett etal.2014 p. 447).
Table 1: Createdbyauthoron informationfromthe Tunisiannewswebsite:Tunisia-Live.net.
Table 2: Createdbyauthoron informationfromEgyptianmedia:Ahram-Online,Al-Masryal-Youmandal-
Ahram.