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Mark Perera
Lead Researcher, Transparency International EU Office
21 March 2014
OECD, Paris, France
Lobbying and emerging risks to integrity:
Revolving doors and expert groups at the EU level
Why regulate EU lobbying?
• Trust in the EU institutions is low: confidence needs to be restored
• 70% of EU citizens think corruption exists in the institutions
• 52% don't think they help in reducing corruption in Europe
(Source: Eurobarometer)
• Despite progress, much EU law-making remains shrouded in secrecy
• Recent scandals show vulnerability of EU to unethical lobbying
• Concentration of decision-makers and lobbyists in ‘Brussels bubble’
• Regulation needed to:
• Ensure level playing field for diversity of views to be heard
• Ensure EU decision-making is done in the public interest
• Prevent conflicts of interest and abuse of office
What is TI-EU doing?
• Report on The EU Integrity System (EUIS) to be launched in April
• First study of its kind into how well the institutions
• Deal with internal corruption risks
• Foster public sector integrity
• Contribute to the fight against corruption in Europe
• Rules and practice at ten institutions and bodies assessed
• independence; accountability; transparency; integrity
• Key findings and recommendations address lobby transparency,
ethics, and conflicts of interest as major issues of concern
Regulating the revolving door (I)
• Rules in place to regulate the revolving door at the EU level, but
vary greatly and problems persist with implementation
EU civil servants
• Tougher rules than for political/senior figures; broadening in scope
• 2 year period when former staff must inform institution of
potential future employment and can be forbidden
• 1 year ‘cooling off’ period for senior staff (from 2014)
BUT…
• Problems with monitoring and enforcement
• Different rules for different staff: gaps in coverage
• Recent cases have raised civil society concerns on application
• EU Ombudsman has called for independent body
Regulating the revolving door (II)
Senior EU figures
• Inconsistent rules across institutions
• Post-employment obligations apply for different periods and
vary in scope or are non-existent e.g. ‘cooling-off’ periods:
• Judges – 3 years
• Commissioners – 18 months
• MEPS – N/A
• No EU-level rules for national representatives e.g. in Council
• Lack of independent monitoring and assessment undermining how
vigilantly the issue is being addressed
• Deficient integrity checks before appointment, and weaknesses in
tools to prevent conflicts of interest while in office
Expert groups (I)
• Commission using external expertise via expert groups where they
have knowledge gaps in certain policy areas
• Advise COM on:
• preparing legislative proposals
• implementation of existing laws, and on
• preparing technical legislation that it can adopt alone inc.
financial services, food, chemicals
• Include individual members in their own capacity/representing
vested interests. Also organisations and national authorities
• High influence on EU law-making but have been heavily criticised for
unbalanced composition and lack of transparency
Expert groups (II)
• In 2011 and 2012 EP froze budget funds to force reform of rules
• Released funds in September 2012 with 4 conditions for reform set:
• no corporate dominance;
• no lobbyists sitting in groups in an independent capacity;
• open calls for participation; and
• full transparency (agendas, minutes)
• Despite reforms, at end 2013
• corporate interests represented up to 80% of non-governmental
members in some groups
• corporate identities still hidden by mislabelling (e.g. ‘associations’)
• individual members still do not have to complete asset/interest
declarations
Additional issues
• No EU-level integrity rules covering member state representatives
• Key target for lobbyists due to law-making role
• Despite recent review bringing positive signs of improvement, EU
Transparency Register is not yet mandatory
• EU law and policy-makers do not need to record/disclose their
contact with lobbyists or any input received for legislative processes
• Key parts of EU law-making still not transparent
• esp. informal ‘trilogue’ negotiations between European
Parliament, Council of Ministers, and Commission
Recommendations (I)
• Improve/extend conflict of interest regimes for MEPs and senior EU
figures in line with OECD guidelines
• incl. strict and consistent rules on revolving door restrictions
and contact with lobbyists
• improved selection procedures for key institutional figures incl.
pre-appointment integrity checks (in line with UNCAC)
• independent verification of asset declarations
• Introduce independent ethics bodies at each institution, with
genuine powers esp. on post-employment obligations
• Common, EU-level integrity rules for national representatives
• incl. rules on lobbying
Recommendations (II)
• Improve transparency of key parts of EU law-making process
• E.g. informal negotiations between institutions
• Make the EU Transparency Register mandatory and extend it to
member state permanent representations
• Introduce a ‘legislative footprint’ mechanism at EU level

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Lobbying and emerging risks to integrity: Revolving doors and expert groups at the EU level - Mark Perera

  • 1. Mark Perera Lead Researcher, Transparency International EU Office 21 March 2014 OECD, Paris, France Lobbying and emerging risks to integrity: Revolving doors and expert groups at the EU level
  • 2. Why regulate EU lobbying? • Trust in the EU institutions is low: confidence needs to be restored • 70% of EU citizens think corruption exists in the institutions • 52% don't think they help in reducing corruption in Europe (Source: Eurobarometer) • Despite progress, much EU law-making remains shrouded in secrecy • Recent scandals show vulnerability of EU to unethical lobbying • Concentration of decision-makers and lobbyists in ‘Brussels bubble’ • Regulation needed to: • Ensure level playing field for diversity of views to be heard • Ensure EU decision-making is done in the public interest • Prevent conflicts of interest and abuse of office
  • 3. What is TI-EU doing? • Report on The EU Integrity System (EUIS) to be launched in April • First study of its kind into how well the institutions • Deal with internal corruption risks • Foster public sector integrity • Contribute to the fight against corruption in Europe • Rules and practice at ten institutions and bodies assessed • independence; accountability; transparency; integrity • Key findings and recommendations address lobby transparency, ethics, and conflicts of interest as major issues of concern
  • 4. Regulating the revolving door (I) • Rules in place to regulate the revolving door at the EU level, but vary greatly and problems persist with implementation EU civil servants • Tougher rules than for political/senior figures; broadening in scope • 2 year period when former staff must inform institution of potential future employment and can be forbidden • 1 year ‘cooling off’ period for senior staff (from 2014) BUT… • Problems with monitoring and enforcement • Different rules for different staff: gaps in coverage • Recent cases have raised civil society concerns on application • EU Ombudsman has called for independent body
  • 5. Regulating the revolving door (II) Senior EU figures • Inconsistent rules across institutions • Post-employment obligations apply for different periods and vary in scope or are non-existent e.g. ‘cooling-off’ periods: • Judges – 3 years • Commissioners – 18 months • MEPS – N/A • No EU-level rules for national representatives e.g. in Council • Lack of independent monitoring and assessment undermining how vigilantly the issue is being addressed • Deficient integrity checks before appointment, and weaknesses in tools to prevent conflicts of interest while in office
  • 6. Expert groups (I) • Commission using external expertise via expert groups where they have knowledge gaps in certain policy areas • Advise COM on: • preparing legislative proposals • implementation of existing laws, and on • preparing technical legislation that it can adopt alone inc. financial services, food, chemicals • Include individual members in their own capacity/representing vested interests. Also organisations and national authorities • High influence on EU law-making but have been heavily criticised for unbalanced composition and lack of transparency
  • 7. Expert groups (II) • In 2011 and 2012 EP froze budget funds to force reform of rules • Released funds in September 2012 with 4 conditions for reform set: • no corporate dominance; • no lobbyists sitting in groups in an independent capacity; • open calls for participation; and • full transparency (agendas, minutes) • Despite reforms, at end 2013 • corporate interests represented up to 80% of non-governmental members in some groups • corporate identities still hidden by mislabelling (e.g. ‘associations’) • individual members still do not have to complete asset/interest declarations
  • 8. Additional issues • No EU-level integrity rules covering member state representatives • Key target for lobbyists due to law-making role • Despite recent review bringing positive signs of improvement, EU Transparency Register is not yet mandatory • EU law and policy-makers do not need to record/disclose their contact with lobbyists or any input received for legislative processes • Key parts of EU law-making still not transparent • esp. informal ‘trilogue’ negotiations between European Parliament, Council of Ministers, and Commission
  • 9. Recommendations (I) • Improve/extend conflict of interest regimes for MEPs and senior EU figures in line with OECD guidelines • incl. strict and consistent rules on revolving door restrictions and contact with lobbyists • improved selection procedures for key institutional figures incl. pre-appointment integrity checks (in line with UNCAC) • independent verification of asset declarations • Introduce independent ethics bodies at each institution, with genuine powers esp. on post-employment obligations • Common, EU-level integrity rules for national representatives • incl. rules on lobbying
  • 10. Recommendations (II) • Improve transparency of key parts of EU law-making process • E.g. informal negotiations between institutions • Make the EU Transparency Register mandatory and extend it to member state permanent representations • Introduce a ‘legislative footprint’ mechanism at EU level