This document summarizes a paper analyzing the origins of the Spanish Civil War using the international relations theory of constructivism. It argues that constructivism provides a useful lens for examining how the new democratic narrative during Spain's 2nd Republic challenged established social norms and disrupted elite consensus, contributing to the civil war. It discusses how competing narratives between republican, nationalist, and union groups became increasingly polarized, facilitating direct action outside political processes and increasing the likelihood of conflict. While constructivism offers insights, the document also considers realism theory and the impact of international actors in shifting the military balance of power within Spain.
In the same way that there was an affinity between liberalism and dictatorship, as happened in France with Bonaparte, the same happens between liberalism and fascism, which are not strictly the same, but there is no insurmountable wall among them either. Among them, there are more points of convergence than of divergence. This was evidenced by the rise of fascism in Italy in the 1920s and Nazism in Germany in the 1930s that were supported by liberals. Liberals legitimized both fascism and Nazism with liberal-inspired policies in their dictatorships.
The cult of personality as an important feature of totalitarian propagandaPrzegląd Politologiczny
This document discusses the cult of personality that emerged around totalitarian leaders Stalin, Mussolini, and Hitler. It provides context on the growth of right-wing populism in Europe and examines how each dictator developed extensive personality cults to consolidate their power and legitimize their totalitarian regimes. The cult of Stalin in particular grew enormously after his 50th birthday celebration in 1929, where he began to rival Lenin's cult in scale after taking dictatorial control of the Soviet Union.
Against the facts and the history itself, Bolsonaro and Ernesto Araújo, his incompetent Foreign Minister, insist on affirming that Nazism is of the left. It is well known by all those who know the history of Nazism as a far right political movement that it is synonymous with dictatorship, barbarism, genocide, war, among other crimes against humanity practiced by him. Nazism and fascism as the far right political movement are, historically, the antithesis of socialism and communism as a far-left movement as will be demonstrated in this article.
This document provides an overview of leftist governments that have come to power across Latin America in the early 2000s. It uses Brazil under President Lula as a case study to explore the relationship between social movements, civil society, and the state. While Lula's government maintained economic orthodoxy and faced corruption scandals, it also implemented incremental reforms that reduced inequality and expanded social programs. The successes and shortcomings of Lula's administration challenge Brazilian leftist groups to build a post-neoliberal paradigm and redirect long-term strategies.
The document discusses how the fall of the Soviet Union and rise of neoliberalism weakened anti-capitalist forces worldwide. It analyzes how the failures of historical socialism demonstrated that the old socialist project was no longer viable, allowing conservative forces to push neoliberal economic policies that reduced state intervention. The author argues that neoliberalism represents a "counter-reform" rolling back the social reforms and rights gained during the "passive revolution" of the welfare state era in Western Europe. Left parties now lack alternatives to capitalism and have been co-opted by neoliberalism.
We present a detailed, high-frequency data set on the civil conflict in Colombia during the period 1988–2002. We briefly introduce the Colombian case and the methodological issues that hinder data collection in civil wars, before presenting the pattern over time of conflict actions and intensity for all sides involved in the confrontation. We also describe the pattern of victimisation by group and the victimisation of civilians out of clashes.
This document discusses the debate between rational debate versus violent struggle as means of achieving social change. It focuses on the works of Franz Fanon who argued that violent struggle is necessary for decolonization. The document analyzes Fanon's perspective in comparison to Immanuel Kant's view that social change is best achieved through rational debate and intellectual progress. It argues that Kant's philosophy is too limited and individualistic, failing to account for power structures and oppression that can prevent social change through rational means alone. Ultimately, the document concludes that while violent struggle may be a necessary means for social change in some contexts, its outcomes and aftermath are unpredictable, making it an uncertain path.
In the same way that there was an affinity between liberalism and dictatorship, as happened in France with Bonaparte, the same happens between liberalism and fascism, which are not strictly the same, but there is no insurmountable wall among them either. Among them, there are more points of convergence than of divergence. This was evidenced by the rise of fascism in Italy in the 1920s and Nazism in Germany in the 1930s that were supported by liberals. Liberals legitimized both fascism and Nazism with liberal-inspired policies in their dictatorships.
The cult of personality as an important feature of totalitarian propagandaPrzegląd Politologiczny
This document discusses the cult of personality that emerged around totalitarian leaders Stalin, Mussolini, and Hitler. It provides context on the growth of right-wing populism in Europe and examines how each dictator developed extensive personality cults to consolidate their power and legitimize their totalitarian regimes. The cult of Stalin in particular grew enormously after his 50th birthday celebration in 1929, where he began to rival Lenin's cult in scale after taking dictatorial control of the Soviet Union.
Against the facts and the history itself, Bolsonaro and Ernesto Araújo, his incompetent Foreign Minister, insist on affirming that Nazism is of the left. It is well known by all those who know the history of Nazism as a far right political movement that it is synonymous with dictatorship, barbarism, genocide, war, among other crimes against humanity practiced by him. Nazism and fascism as the far right political movement are, historically, the antithesis of socialism and communism as a far-left movement as will be demonstrated in this article.
This document provides an overview of leftist governments that have come to power across Latin America in the early 2000s. It uses Brazil under President Lula as a case study to explore the relationship between social movements, civil society, and the state. While Lula's government maintained economic orthodoxy and faced corruption scandals, it also implemented incremental reforms that reduced inequality and expanded social programs. The successes and shortcomings of Lula's administration challenge Brazilian leftist groups to build a post-neoliberal paradigm and redirect long-term strategies.
The document discusses how the fall of the Soviet Union and rise of neoliberalism weakened anti-capitalist forces worldwide. It analyzes how the failures of historical socialism demonstrated that the old socialist project was no longer viable, allowing conservative forces to push neoliberal economic policies that reduced state intervention. The author argues that neoliberalism represents a "counter-reform" rolling back the social reforms and rights gained during the "passive revolution" of the welfare state era in Western Europe. Left parties now lack alternatives to capitalism and have been co-opted by neoliberalism.
We present a detailed, high-frequency data set on the civil conflict in Colombia during the period 1988–2002. We briefly introduce the Colombian case and the methodological issues that hinder data collection in civil wars, before presenting the pattern over time of conflict actions and intensity for all sides involved in the confrontation. We also describe the pattern of victimisation by group and the victimisation of civilians out of clashes.
This document discusses the debate between rational debate versus violent struggle as means of achieving social change. It focuses on the works of Franz Fanon who argued that violent struggle is necessary for decolonization. The document analyzes Fanon's perspective in comparison to Immanuel Kant's view that social change is best achieved through rational debate and intellectual progress. It argues that Kant's philosophy is too limited and individualistic, failing to account for power structures and oppression that can prevent social change through rational means alone. Ultimately, the document concludes that while violent struggle may be a necessary means for social change in some contexts, its outcomes and aftermath are unpredictable, making it an uncertain path.
The document analyzes the evolution of homicides in Venezuela between 1985 and 2010 and proposes three phases:
1) 1985-1993: Characterized by the 1989 looting crisis and 1992 coups, homicide rates rose from 8 to 20 per 100,000 inhabitants.
2) 1994-1998: A period of recovery with stable institutions and politics, homicide rates remained around 20.
3) 1999-2010: Beginning with Chavez's government, institutional destruction caused rates to increase from 20 to 57, reflecting transformations in social and political institutions.
This document discusses cultural politics and political culture through an analysis of various concepts. It begins by defining politics and distinguishing between colonialism and imperialism. It then examines postcolonialism versus neocolonialism. The document also discusses how politics has expanded beyond formal institutions to include cultural and social relations. It provides examples of how conventional politics, bureaucracy, and state power are performative and rely on cultural norms and identities.
Pt workers party and demoralization of the left in brazilFernando Alcoforado
All the facts of the recent history of Brazil are leading to discredit the PT and the left forces that give you political support. It is confirmed in practice the theory of Immanuel Wallerstein presented in its work Utopística ou as Decisões Históricas do Século Vinte e Um (Utopianism or the Historic Decisions of the Twenty-first Century) (Editora Vozes. Petrópolis, 1998) that "the main element that led to the people to put away of these parties was the disappointment, one feeling that these parties had had a historic opportunity, which had obtained support based on a strategy of two steps to transform the world (take state power, then transform it), and they had not fulfilled its historic promise. This Wallerstein thesis applies entirely to contemporary Brazil. After having failed in Brazil management by bringing it to bankruptcy and not having met the expectations of the majority of the population, PT and its leftist parties allies are desperately fighting for power maintenance claiming that their opponents are coup plotters when, in fact, who is sponsor of the coup d´état is Lula supported by PT and its left-wing parties allied with the rise of the former president to the ministry of Dilma Rousseff that turn her into "queen of England", that is, all power would be with Lula. Besides the economic, political and administrative failure, the left parties allies of PT are complicit with the greatest corruption in Brazil promoted by a political party in power.
SYRIZA, the Coalition of the Radical Left in Greece, came in second in the recent Greek elections with 16.8% of the vote and 52 seats, marking a rejection of the austerity policies imposed by Germany, France, and the EU. While the economic crisis contributed to the decline of traditional Greek parties, SYRIZA's success was also due to its political strategies and leadership. The results send a message to Europe that people will resist painful austerity measures.
This document provides a summary of a research paper about the foreign policy positions of five populist parties in Western Europe, including three right-wing parties (Front National, FPÖ, PVV) and two left-wing parties (Die Linke, SP). It finds that these populist parties share a critique of modernization and globalization processes and a desire to uphold more unitary visions of society. Their foreign policy positions generally oppose the erosion of national sovereignty and embrace nationalist stances, while left-wing parties also support anti-imperialist stances. The document analyzes their positions on transatlantic relations, EU-Russia relations, the Middle East, and global economic issues.
A lack of brazilian people´s protagonism in brazil historyFernando Alcoforado
Throughout the history of Brazil is flagrant the failure of the Brazilian people to play a protagonism role in the structural changes necessary for economic and social progress of the country. Generally, in times of political and economic crisis ever occurred agreements between the dominant economic classes and holders of political power that allowed maintain the "status quo". The critical political, economic and social situation in Brazil at the time may have to reconcile "by the high" among holders of economic and political power to keep the Dilma Rousseff government in power if the majority of the Brazilian people remains passive in regarding political, economic and social devastation in progress. This is the trump card of the incompetent and corrupt holders of Brazil's political power who do not fear of the people of Brazil that is primarily responsible for the rise them to power.
This document discusses theories on the relationship between ethnicity and conflict. It provides evidence that pre-existing ethnic divisions do influence social conflict within countries. Specifically, it finds that two measures of ethnic division - polarization and fractionalization - jointly influence conflict, with polarization having a stronger influence when the conflict involves political power or religion, and fractionalization having a stronger influence when the conflict involves resources. The document analyzes the ubiquity of internal conflicts within countries and finds that over half involve ethnic or religious dimensions. It discusses both primordial and instrumental views of the role of ethnicity in conflicts.
Intro to Politics- Notes 10.26.15 (The Federalist Papers).pdfAndrea Garcia
Jay argues that the number of wars will always be proportionate to the number and weight of causes that provoke them. America is less likely to give just causes of war if united rather than disunited. Safety depends not just on avoiding causes of war, but also avoiding situations that invite hostility. Nations generally make war when they have prospects of gain, even if their people have nothing to gain.
This presentation presents the overview and the origin of the two political concept, the political ideology of fascism and the type of leadership of totalitarian.
The document traces the history of the international right-wing political shift since the 1960s. It describes how American capitalists influenced politics in the US and Britain by funding think tanks and campaigns to promote free market ideology. This ideology was then exported to other countries through institutions like the IMF and WTO, pushing policies like privatization and deregulation. The result has been increased power for American corporations and a weakening of nations' ability to pursue independent economic strategies, leading to a new form of neo-imperialism dominated by US interests in the late 20th century.
Everything suggests that the strategy devised by the PT (Worker Party) for achievement and maintenance in power in Brazil took into account the lessons of Gramsci. From the Lula government, in civil society, social sectors were conquered by the PT with the “Bolsa Familia” income transfer program, in addition to unions and social movements in general that have been co-opted by PT. The structures of the Brazilian state and state enterprises were also occupied by members of the PT. More recently, the judiciary was also conquered after the departure of President Joaquim Barbosa because its presidents of the Supreme Court and top electoral court former members of PT. The victory of PT in the presidential elections of October 26 would close the maintenance of the Executive Branch. Possession of the Executive and the Judiciary, the Legislature would be entirely at the mercy of the PT. The conquest of the state by PT in Brazil would materialize in practice. From the foregoing, it can be stated that Brazil's future will be dictated by the hegemonic power of the PT and its allies if Dilma Rousseff win the next elections. Instead of putting into practice the Gramscian way of social emancipation, we instead have in Brazil playing the dictatorship exercised by the PRI party that controlled the political life of Mexico for 71 years, through the control of the state apparatus and a system based on corruption, forming the "Perfect Dictatorship" term used because the official party to have been sustained in power without punches preserving the elections and the multiparty system.
1. Franklin Roosevelt and Adolf Hitler both came to power in the 1930s during the Great Depression, appealing to people who were adrift in poverty and despair.
2. Neither leader solved the economic crisis, though Hitler was more successful at restoring employment; their confidence and propaganda kept people supportive.
3. The two regimes reacted to the depression in similar ways initially, though the Nazis handled monetary issues better and pursued imperial expansion more aggressively.
The current global crisis has highlighted a theoretical vacuum of the Left. With the crisis of neoliberal thesis, the old Left nothing presented as an alternative. Some old Left parties in Brazil led by PT (Worker Party) abdicated entirely the social revolution as a way to make social change abandoning this goal replacing it with a power project to make use of its advantages as evidenced in the process of “mensalão” (buying votes of parliamentarians in Congress by the Lula government) and “petrolão” (systemic corruption in the state oil company, Petrobras). The PT and its old Left allies have now become the new Right in Brazil because, in power, collaborate with the ruling classes and contribute to demobilize social movements in the fight for their interests. A truly leftist government would not submit to the interests of national and international finance capital as it has the Lula and Dilma Rousseff governments. Never in the history of Brazil, banks have earned as much money as the in PT governments.
Brazil's economic scenario after 2015 is catastrophic because the country will be faced with the problem of stagflation meaning the negative economic growth, the retraction of the consumer market, the decline in income of the population and escalating of inflation and unemployment. Stagflation is a term used in economics that indicates, in short, a situation that may result in reduction of economic growth and simultaneously increase in the general price level. When the country reaches the state of stagflation, is established also social chaos.
The economic deceleration associated with the general increase in prices is catastrophic for the vast majority of the population because, besides increasing unemployment, reduce your purchasing power. It would be formed in this way, the culture broth to the increase of social stresses in Brazil. The catastrophic economic situation tends to lead Brazil to social chaos, and therefore to three alternative scenarios of development of the crisis, as described in this article.
The French Revolution: Its Significance and How Ordinary People Took Control ...Stephen Cheng
This is an essay that I wrote for an online course, via Coursera, on the French Revolution, taught by Professor Peter McPhee at the University of Melbourne in Australia. In this essay, I write about the significance of the French Revolution.
Social democracy is the solution for the failure of the liberalism, socialism...Fernando Alcoforado
This article aims to reflect about the ideologies that were the basis for development of human society from eighteenth-century, from the French Revolution held in 1789, to date. The analyzed ideologies are liberalism, socialism, social democracy and neoliberalism adopted in several countries around the world. In this article, we conclude that liberalism, socialism and neoliberalism have failed at the expense of humanity. Social democracy especially located in the Scandinavian countries proved to be a successful alternative throughout history.
The document discusses the Black Bloc movement in Brazil and their tactics of violence and property destruction during protests. It describes the Black Bloc as anarchists who reject capitalism and are dissatisfied with the country's corrupt political system and ineffective government. While their tactics attract those who value radical democracy, the document argues this does not contribute to overthrowing capitalism. It concludes that the 2014 elections will be important for Brazil's future and could lead to increased political violence and social unrest if the needs of the population remain unmet or a new government is unable to enact real change.
This document summarizes the debate around the profitability and economic viability of slavery in the American South prior to the Civil War. It discusses how the traditional view was that slavery was unprofitable and an impediment to economic progress. However, in the 1950s-60s, historians like Kenneth Stampp and economists like Conrad and Meyer began arguing slavery was profitable using new quantitative methods. This view was cemented by Robert Fogel and Stanley Engerman's influential book Time on the Cross, which found slavery was 35% more profitable than free labor. However, this document questions their conclusions and argues slavery was actually politically rather than economically sustainable.
Fascism emerged in the early 20th century in response to economic crises and the rise of socialism. It was based on strong nationalist and totalitarian ideals. In the 1920s and 1930s, fascist regimes led by figures like Mussolini and Hitler rose to power in several countries with support from large corporations seeking to prevent the spread of socialism. Some classical liberals also supported fascism as a way to maintain the capitalist order. In the 21st century, economic crises have contributed to the rise of far-right nationalist parties across Europe displaying fascist tendencies. The document argues that fascism is now on the rise again in both the US and Brazil, endangering democracy and civilization.
In our efforts to raise awareness around the themes of sustainable development, we devote this special issue to Food Security, one of the seven critical issues of Rio+20. inside this issue - Food Security - Zero Draft [page 1] - Major Groups Corner - Spotlight on UN System - Important Events [page 2]
ANS suspende comercialização de 212 planos de saúde de 21 operadorasMinistério da Saúde
Esta é a primeira apresentação de resultados depois da inclusão de critérios para a negativa de cobertura. Desde o início do monitoramento, 73 operadoras já tiveram
618 planos com comercialização suspensa
The document analyzes the evolution of homicides in Venezuela between 1985 and 2010 and proposes three phases:
1) 1985-1993: Characterized by the 1989 looting crisis and 1992 coups, homicide rates rose from 8 to 20 per 100,000 inhabitants.
2) 1994-1998: A period of recovery with stable institutions and politics, homicide rates remained around 20.
3) 1999-2010: Beginning with Chavez's government, institutional destruction caused rates to increase from 20 to 57, reflecting transformations in social and political institutions.
This document discusses cultural politics and political culture through an analysis of various concepts. It begins by defining politics and distinguishing between colonialism and imperialism. It then examines postcolonialism versus neocolonialism. The document also discusses how politics has expanded beyond formal institutions to include cultural and social relations. It provides examples of how conventional politics, bureaucracy, and state power are performative and rely on cultural norms and identities.
Pt workers party and demoralization of the left in brazilFernando Alcoforado
All the facts of the recent history of Brazil are leading to discredit the PT and the left forces that give you political support. It is confirmed in practice the theory of Immanuel Wallerstein presented in its work Utopística ou as Decisões Históricas do Século Vinte e Um (Utopianism or the Historic Decisions of the Twenty-first Century) (Editora Vozes. Petrópolis, 1998) that "the main element that led to the people to put away of these parties was the disappointment, one feeling that these parties had had a historic opportunity, which had obtained support based on a strategy of two steps to transform the world (take state power, then transform it), and they had not fulfilled its historic promise. This Wallerstein thesis applies entirely to contemporary Brazil. After having failed in Brazil management by bringing it to bankruptcy and not having met the expectations of the majority of the population, PT and its leftist parties allies are desperately fighting for power maintenance claiming that their opponents are coup plotters when, in fact, who is sponsor of the coup d´état is Lula supported by PT and its left-wing parties allied with the rise of the former president to the ministry of Dilma Rousseff that turn her into "queen of England", that is, all power would be with Lula. Besides the economic, political and administrative failure, the left parties allies of PT are complicit with the greatest corruption in Brazil promoted by a political party in power.
SYRIZA, the Coalition of the Radical Left in Greece, came in second in the recent Greek elections with 16.8% of the vote and 52 seats, marking a rejection of the austerity policies imposed by Germany, France, and the EU. While the economic crisis contributed to the decline of traditional Greek parties, SYRIZA's success was also due to its political strategies and leadership. The results send a message to Europe that people will resist painful austerity measures.
This document provides a summary of a research paper about the foreign policy positions of five populist parties in Western Europe, including three right-wing parties (Front National, FPÖ, PVV) and two left-wing parties (Die Linke, SP). It finds that these populist parties share a critique of modernization and globalization processes and a desire to uphold more unitary visions of society. Their foreign policy positions generally oppose the erosion of national sovereignty and embrace nationalist stances, while left-wing parties also support anti-imperialist stances. The document analyzes their positions on transatlantic relations, EU-Russia relations, the Middle East, and global economic issues.
A lack of brazilian people´s protagonism in brazil historyFernando Alcoforado
Throughout the history of Brazil is flagrant the failure of the Brazilian people to play a protagonism role in the structural changes necessary for economic and social progress of the country. Generally, in times of political and economic crisis ever occurred agreements between the dominant economic classes and holders of political power that allowed maintain the "status quo". The critical political, economic and social situation in Brazil at the time may have to reconcile "by the high" among holders of economic and political power to keep the Dilma Rousseff government in power if the majority of the Brazilian people remains passive in regarding political, economic and social devastation in progress. This is the trump card of the incompetent and corrupt holders of Brazil's political power who do not fear of the people of Brazil that is primarily responsible for the rise them to power.
This document discusses theories on the relationship between ethnicity and conflict. It provides evidence that pre-existing ethnic divisions do influence social conflict within countries. Specifically, it finds that two measures of ethnic division - polarization and fractionalization - jointly influence conflict, with polarization having a stronger influence when the conflict involves political power or religion, and fractionalization having a stronger influence when the conflict involves resources. The document analyzes the ubiquity of internal conflicts within countries and finds that over half involve ethnic or religious dimensions. It discusses both primordial and instrumental views of the role of ethnicity in conflicts.
Intro to Politics- Notes 10.26.15 (The Federalist Papers).pdfAndrea Garcia
Jay argues that the number of wars will always be proportionate to the number and weight of causes that provoke them. America is less likely to give just causes of war if united rather than disunited. Safety depends not just on avoiding causes of war, but also avoiding situations that invite hostility. Nations generally make war when they have prospects of gain, even if their people have nothing to gain.
This presentation presents the overview and the origin of the two political concept, the political ideology of fascism and the type of leadership of totalitarian.
The document traces the history of the international right-wing political shift since the 1960s. It describes how American capitalists influenced politics in the US and Britain by funding think tanks and campaigns to promote free market ideology. This ideology was then exported to other countries through institutions like the IMF and WTO, pushing policies like privatization and deregulation. The result has been increased power for American corporations and a weakening of nations' ability to pursue independent economic strategies, leading to a new form of neo-imperialism dominated by US interests in the late 20th century.
Everything suggests that the strategy devised by the PT (Worker Party) for achievement and maintenance in power in Brazil took into account the lessons of Gramsci. From the Lula government, in civil society, social sectors were conquered by the PT with the “Bolsa Familia” income transfer program, in addition to unions and social movements in general that have been co-opted by PT. The structures of the Brazilian state and state enterprises were also occupied by members of the PT. More recently, the judiciary was also conquered after the departure of President Joaquim Barbosa because its presidents of the Supreme Court and top electoral court former members of PT. The victory of PT in the presidential elections of October 26 would close the maintenance of the Executive Branch. Possession of the Executive and the Judiciary, the Legislature would be entirely at the mercy of the PT. The conquest of the state by PT in Brazil would materialize in practice. From the foregoing, it can be stated that Brazil's future will be dictated by the hegemonic power of the PT and its allies if Dilma Rousseff win the next elections. Instead of putting into practice the Gramscian way of social emancipation, we instead have in Brazil playing the dictatorship exercised by the PRI party that controlled the political life of Mexico for 71 years, through the control of the state apparatus and a system based on corruption, forming the "Perfect Dictatorship" term used because the official party to have been sustained in power without punches preserving the elections and the multiparty system.
1. Franklin Roosevelt and Adolf Hitler both came to power in the 1930s during the Great Depression, appealing to people who were adrift in poverty and despair.
2. Neither leader solved the economic crisis, though Hitler was more successful at restoring employment; their confidence and propaganda kept people supportive.
3. The two regimes reacted to the depression in similar ways initially, though the Nazis handled monetary issues better and pursued imperial expansion more aggressively.
The current global crisis has highlighted a theoretical vacuum of the Left. With the crisis of neoliberal thesis, the old Left nothing presented as an alternative. Some old Left parties in Brazil led by PT (Worker Party) abdicated entirely the social revolution as a way to make social change abandoning this goal replacing it with a power project to make use of its advantages as evidenced in the process of “mensalão” (buying votes of parliamentarians in Congress by the Lula government) and “petrolão” (systemic corruption in the state oil company, Petrobras). The PT and its old Left allies have now become the new Right in Brazil because, in power, collaborate with the ruling classes and contribute to demobilize social movements in the fight for their interests. A truly leftist government would not submit to the interests of national and international finance capital as it has the Lula and Dilma Rousseff governments. Never in the history of Brazil, banks have earned as much money as the in PT governments.
Brazil's economic scenario after 2015 is catastrophic because the country will be faced with the problem of stagflation meaning the negative economic growth, the retraction of the consumer market, the decline in income of the population and escalating of inflation and unemployment. Stagflation is a term used in economics that indicates, in short, a situation that may result in reduction of economic growth and simultaneously increase in the general price level. When the country reaches the state of stagflation, is established also social chaos.
The economic deceleration associated with the general increase in prices is catastrophic for the vast majority of the population because, besides increasing unemployment, reduce your purchasing power. It would be formed in this way, the culture broth to the increase of social stresses in Brazil. The catastrophic economic situation tends to lead Brazil to social chaos, and therefore to three alternative scenarios of development of the crisis, as described in this article.
The French Revolution: Its Significance and How Ordinary People Took Control ...Stephen Cheng
This is an essay that I wrote for an online course, via Coursera, on the French Revolution, taught by Professor Peter McPhee at the University of Melbourne in Australia. In this essay, I write about the significance of the French Revolution.
Social democracy is the solution for the failure of the liberalism, socialism...Fernando Alcoforado
This article aims to reflect about the ideologies that were the basis for development of human society from eighteenth-century, from the French Revolution held in 1789, to date. The analyzed ideologies are liberalism, socialism, social democracy and neoliberalism adopted in several countries around the world. In this article, we conclude that liberalism, socialism and neoliberalism have failed at the expense of humanity. Social democracy especially located in the Scandinavian countries proved to be a successful alternative throughout history.
The document discusses the Black Bloc movement in Brazil and their tactics of violence and property destruction during protests. It describes the Black Bloc as anarchists who reject capitalism and are dissatisfied with the country's corrupt political system and ineffective government. While their tactics attract those who value radical democracy, the document argues this does not contribute to overthrowing capitalism. It concludes that the 2014 elections will be important for Brazil's future and could lead to increased political violence and social unrest if the needs of the population remain unmet or a new government is unable to enact real change.
This document summarizes the debate around the profitability and economic viability of slavery in the American South prior to the Civil War. It discusses how the traditional view was that slavery was unprofitable and an impediment to economic progress. However, in the 1950s-60s, historians like Kenneth Stampp and economists like Conrad and Meyer began arguing slavery was profitable using new quantitative methods. This view was cemented by Robert Fogel and Stanley Engerman's influential book Time on the Cross, which found slavery was 35% more profitable than free labor. However, this document questions their conclusions and argues slavery was actually politically rather than economically sustainable.
Fascism emerged in the early 20th century in response to economic crises and the rise of socialism. It was based on strong nationalist and totalitarian ideals. In the 1920s and 1930s, fascist regimes led by figures like Mussolini and Hitler rose to power in several countries with support from large corporations seeking to prevent the spread of socialism. Some classical liberals also supported fascism as a way to maintain the capitalist order. In the 21st century, economic crises have contributed to the rise of far-right nationalist parties across Europe displaying fascist tendencies. The document argues that fascism is now on the rise again in both the US and Brazil, endangering democracy and civilization.
In our efforts to raise awareness around the themes of sustainable development, we devote this special issue to Food Security, one of the seven critical issues of Rio+20. inside this issue - Food Security - Zero Draft [page 1] - Major Groups Corner - Spotlight on UN System - Important Events [page 2]
ANS suspende comercialização de 212 planos de saúde de 21 operadorasMinistério da Saúde
Esta é a primeira apresentação de resultados depois da inclusão de critérios para a negativa de cobertura. Desde o início do monitoramento, 73 operadoras já tiveram
618 planos com comercialização suspensa
Este documento compara diferentes tipos de infraestructura de telecomunicaciones, incluyendo sus ventajas, inconvenientes y características clave. Se analizan las redes RTB, ADSL, cable, internet móvil, PLC, satélite, y banda ancha inalámbrica. Cada una presenta ventajas únicas como bajos costos, movilidad, o cobertura amplia, pero también inconvenientes como límites de alcance o capacidad.
The curriculum vitae summarizes MD. Sohelrana's education and work experience. He has a Masters in Development Studies and Political Science. His work experience includes positions in human resources and compliance, administration, merchandising, and safety and compliance in the garment industry. Currently, he works as an Assistant Manager of HR and Compliance where he ensures factory compliance with social and labor standards.
El documento analiza el uso de las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación (TIC) entre los niños. Señala que los niños presentan una mayor intensidad de uso de Internet y ordenadores que el resto de la población, aunque su uso de teléfonos móviles es menor. Las TIC ofrecen gran potencial educativo para los niños, pero también riesgos si se usan de forma indiscriminada o en exceso.
Um acidente ocorreu na construção do Shopping Rio Poty em Teresina devido a um erro de execução que levou ao colapso parcial da estrutura. Uma laje foi concretada sem o devido escoramento, causando danos. No entanto, a outra estrutura permanece intacta e os técnicos apresentam um plano para reconstruir a área afetada e concluir o shopping, com nova data de inauguração prevista para novembro de 2014.
El documento describe tres trabajos de TIC realizados por un grupo de estudiantes. Primero, crearon un andamio ajustando columnas e insertando y eliminando filas e imágenes. Segundo, crearon un archivo con dibujos utilizando diferentes efectos como trama, degradado y sombreado. Tercero, realizaron un texto con comentarios y efectos.
The document provides tips for enjoying work, such as maintaining good relationships with colleagues, challenging yourself by setting goals, focusing on the positive aspects of your job, doing more than is required, and adopting a sense of ownership over your role. Changing your attitude can help you find more fulfillment even in less exciting jobs. The overall message is that work will be more enjoyable if you make an effort to view it positively rather than just doing the minimum required.
The document describes various stormwater management products from UltraTech, including sediment and oil control devices that fit into storm drains and catch basins, barriers and booms to contain spills, and outdoor storage containers for drums and tanks. The products are designed to prevent debris, sediment, oil, and other pollutants from entering stormwater systems and the environment during rainstorms or spills. Custom sizes are available for some products. Contact information is provided for more information.
El universo comenzó con la Gran Explosión, cuando algo infinitamente caliente e infinitamente pequeño explotó y dio origen al universo. El universo es un espacio ilimitado y sin forma que contiene estrellas, gas, polvo y otros cuerpos celestes como planetas, satélites y cometas. El sistema solar está compuesto por el Sol y los planetas como Mercurio, Venus, Tierra, Marte, Júpiter, Saturno, Urano y Neptuno.
El documento describe un terreno en venta en Xcanatun, Mérida, Yucatán. El terreno de 5 hectáreas se encuentra cerca de Komchen y enfrente del Club de Gol La Ceiba. Se está vendiendo a 450 pesos por metro cuadrado y ofrece potencial de desarrollo debido a que constantemente hay nuevos proyectos en los alrededores. El agente de bienes raíces David Sosa Gongora de Bufete Inmobiliario puede proporcionar más detalles.
The document discusses different types of metal melting furnaces used in metal casting. It describes Cupola Furnaces, Electric Arc Furnaces, Induction Furnaces, and Metal Pot Furnaces. Cupola Furnaces use layers of metal, coke and limestone fed into the top to melt iron and ferrous alloys through combustion. Electric Arc Furnaces use carbon electrodes to generate arcs and melt metal through heat. Induction Furnaces use electromagnetic induction to rapidly heat and melt metals. Metal Pot Furnaces are used for low melting point alloys like aluminum and are heated by gas or oil without direct contact between flames and metal.
This document discusses different approaches to international relations theory. It begins by providing historical context on the emergence of international relations as an academic discipline after World War I. It then outlines some of the major theoretical approaches that developed, including realism, liberalism, and Marxism. A key focus is classical realism as developed by Hans Morgenthau. Morgenthau argued that international politics is defined by the struggle for power between states. The document also examines other classical realist concepts like the balance of power, the relationship between interests and justice, and the importance of international society and order. It provides an overview of how classical realism views these different elements of international relations.
This document discusses political culture and its role in different types of governments. It begins by summarizing Almond and Verba's classic study of political culture, which identified three types: parochial, subject, and participant. They argued democracy is most stable with a mix of these cultures, called a "civic culture." More recent research has found declines in political trust in established democracies. New democracies have weaker political cultures providing less support to new systems of government. Authoritarian governments either ignore political culture, manipulate existing cultures, or try to transform cultures to gain legitimacy.
SPECIAL ISSUE ON POLITICAL VIOLENCEResearch on Social Move.docxsusanschei
SPECIAL ISSUE ON POLITICAL VIOLENCE
Research on Social Movements and Political Violence
Donatella della Porta
Published online: 15 July 2008
# Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2008
Abstract Attention to extreme forms of political violence in the social sciences has been
episodic, and studies of different forms of political violence have followed different
approaches, with “breakdown” theories mostly used for the analysis of right-wing radicalism,
social movement theories sometimes adapted to research on left-wing radical groups, and
area study specialists focusing on ethnic and religious forms. Some of the studies on extreme
forms of political violence that have emerged within the social movement tradition have
nevertheless been able to trace processes of conflict escalation through the detailed exam-
ination of historical cases. This article assesses some of the knowledge acquired in previous
research approaching issues of political violence from the social movement perspective, as
well as the challenges coming from new waves of debate on terrorist and counterterrorist
action and discourses. In doing this, the article reviews contributions coming from research
looking at violence as escalation of action repertoires within protest cycles; political
opportunity and the state in escalation processes; resource mobilization and violent
organizations; narratives of violence; and militant constructions of external reality.
Keywords Political violence . Social movements
Attention to extreme forms of political violence in the social sciences has been episodic, with
some peaks in periods of high visibility of terrorist attacks, but little accumulation of results.
There are several reasons for this. First, some of the research has been considered to be more
oriented towards developing antiterrorist policies than to a social science understanding of the
phenomenon. In fact, “many who have written about terrorism have been directly or indirectly
involved in the business of counterterrorism, and their vision has been narrowed and distorted
by the search for effective responses to terrorism…. [S]ocial movement scholars, with very few
exceptions, have said little about terrorism” (Goodwin 2004, p. 259). Second, studies of
different forms of political violence have followed different approaches, with “breakdown”
theories mostly used for the analysis of right-wing radicalism, social movement theories
sometimes adapted to research on left-wing radical groups, and area study specialists focusing
on ethnic and religious forms. Third, and most fundamentally, there has been a tendency to reify
Qual Sociol (2008) 31:221–230
DOI 10.1007/s11133-008-9109-x
D. della Porta (*)
Department of Political and Social Sciences, European University Institute,
Badia Fiesolana, Via dei Roccettini 9, 50016 San Domenico di Fiesole Firenze, Italy
e-mail: [email protected]
definitions of terrorism on the basis of political actors’ decisions to use violence (Tilly 200.
Anarchism And Utopia In The Spanish Civil WarBryce Nelson
This document summarizes and analyzes the utopian visions of two Spanish anarchists, Isaac Puente and Diego Abad de Santillán, in the lead up to the Spanish Civil War in the 1930s. Puente advocated for a moral, communal form of libertarian communism organized locally through municipalities. Santillán argued for a more centralized, industry-focused model to efficiently coordinate the economy. These differing views were debated among the anarchist CNT union. During the Spanish Civil War and revolution from 1936-1939, many anarchist ideas were implemented in collectivized work and land, though tensions emerged between local and national priorities. The revolution transformed Spanish society but ultimately failed, though it demonstrated utopian thinking's role in inspiring social change.
Liberal internationalism focuses on expanding democracy and free markets globally through cooperation between states, while promoting diplomacy over violence. It aims to disseminate liberal democracy worldwide. Socialist internationalism views class, not states, as the primary actor in society and aims to abolish capitalism and social stratification in favor of international worker solidarity and public ownership. Both emerged from enlightenment thinking and industrialization, but socialist internationalism sees capitalism as inherently exploitative and opposes liberal policies that exacerbate inequality.
Reading Resources/References
Sociology, Urban
International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. Ed. William A. Darity, Jr.. Vol. 8. 2nd ed. Detroit, MI: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008. p15-17.
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2008 Gale, Cengage Learning
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Page 15
Sociology, Urban
· BIBLIOGRAPHY
As the cutting edge of change, cities are important for interpreting societies. Momentous changes in nineteenth-century cities led theorists to explore their components. The French word for place (bourg), and its residents (bourgeois), became central concepts for Karl Marx (1818–1883). Markets and commerce emerged in cities where “free air” ostensibly fostered innovation. Industrial capitalists thus raised capital and built factories near cities, hiring workers “free” from the feudal legal hierarchy. For Marx, workers were proletarians and a separate economic class, whose interests conflicted with the bourgeoisie. Class conflicts drove history. Max Weber’s (1864–1920) The City (1921) built on this legacy but added legitimacy, bureaucracy, the Protestant ethic, and political parties in transforming cities. Émile Durkheim (1858–1917) similarly reasoned historically, contrasting traditional villages with modern cities in his Division of Labor (1893), where multiple professional groups integrated their members by enforcing norms on them.
British and American work was more empirical. British and American churches and charitable groups that were concerned with the urban poor sponsored many early studies. When sociology entered universities around 1900, urban studies still focused on inequality and the poor. Robert Park (1864–1944) and many students at the University of Chicago thus published monographs on such topics as The Gold Coast and the Slum (1929), a sociological study of Chicago’s near north side by Harvey Warren Zorbaugh (1896–1965).
The 1940s and 1950s saw many efforts to join these European theories with the British and American empirical work. Floyd Hunter published Community Power Structure (1953), an Atlanta-based monograph that stressed the business dominance of cities, broadly following Marx. Robert Dahl’s Who Governs? (1961) was more Weberian, stressing multiple issue areas of power and influence (like mayoral elections versus schools), the indirect role of citizens via elections, and multiple types of resources (money, votes, media, coalitions) that shifted how basic economic categories influenced politics. These became the main ideas in power analyses across the social sciences.
Page 16 | Top of Article
Parisian theorists like Michel Foucault (1926–1984), Pierre Bourdieu (1930–2002), and Henri Lefebvre (1901–1991) suggested that the language and symbols of upper-status persons dominated lower-status persons. Others, such as Jean Baudrillard, pushed even further to suggest that each person was so distinct that theories should be similarly individualized. He and others labeled their perspective postmodernism to contrast with mainstream scie.
This document introduces a special issue on identity politics that aims to intervene in debates around the relationship between class politics and identity politics. It argues that the opposition between these two is a constructed divide that has been effectively used by the right. The issue seeks to move beyond this divide by embracing the complexity of identity under capitalism and recognizing both the necessity of organizing around identity and ultimately abolishing socially constructed identity categories along with capitalism. It summarizes debates around the rise of identity politics in relation to neoliberalism and argues that identity politics has been understood by some Marxists as manifesting neoliberal logic by focusing on competition and representation within existing power structures rather than challenging capitalism. The introduction calls for understanding identities like race not just as modal
This document summarizes the evolution of the concept of "civil society" and its influence on international aid policy. It discusses how civil society was originally equivalent to political society or the state, but began to take on new meanings from the 17th century onward to refer to a sphere separate from the state. By the late 20th century, aid policy promoted support for NGOs and local civil society as a way to promote democracy, but this conceptualization of civil society as opposing the state fails to consider issues like ethnicity and risks further polarizing divided societies.
1. The document summarizes Samuel Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations" theory which argues that after the Cold War, cultural and religious identities will be the primary sources of global conflict, with the major divisions occurring between civilizations like Western, Islamic, and Sinic.
2. Huntington believed that while ideology was no longer driving global politics, cultural conflicts would replace ideological conflicts as the major lines of division. He argued the primary axis of future conflicts would be along cultural and religious lines between civilizations.
3. The document provides context on Huntington's theory and outlines some of the major civilizations he defined, while also noting criticism that his view was too simplistic and ignored other important drivers of conflict
The document discusses the aftermath of the Arab Spring uprisings and the rise of ISIS in Iraq and Syria. It analyzes these events in relation to two lectures by Professor Miguel Centeno on the contributions of war. While ISIS has established a state through insurgency and terrorism, confirming Centeno's arguments, it may not have realized contributions like democracy and equality. Centeno's views on insurgency as a tactic are also validated by events in Iraq and Syria. Though the Arab Spring and Iraq war failed to bring stable democracies, insights on the sociology of war from Centeno remain relevant to understanding current conflicts.
1. In this essay I will consider the origins of the Spanish Civil War, and apply to them the international
relations (IR) theory constructivism to analyse the pathways to war. I will argue that constructivism
provides a theoretical lens with which to examine the impact of the new democratic narrative during
the 2nd Republic on established social norms and to consider the extent to which this disruption of
authoritarian norms was one of the root causes of the civil war. I will argue that constructivism pro-
vides a powerful theoretical understanding of inter-subjectivity and of the escalating, conflicting
narratives and identities between the liberal republican government, the nationalist right, and left
wing trade unions, and that this led to direct action which increased the likelihood of civil war. I
will consider the strengths of constructivism as a leading IR theory in accounting for the origins of
the Spanish Civil War, and the contribution of this theory to understanding how war can be avoided.
I will briefly contrast this with Realism in considering theoretical causes of war.
Constructivism is an IR theory developed by theorists Wendt and Onuf in response to the approach
competing IR theories took to international politics. Among the most central of constructivism’s
epistemological assumptions is the idea that ‘reality’ is constructed by concepts and ideas (Geller
and Vasquez:2004:1). In opposition to materialist theories that focus upon state relations in terms of
power, hierarchy and self-interest, constructivism embraces an intersubjective ontology, seeking to
explain interrelations through study of social processes (Fierke:2013:189). As neither identity nor
interests can be detached from a world of social meaning, constructivism argues to ignore them is to
discount Weber’s concept of Verstehen. By considering the social factors that may influence actor
behaviour, constructivists seek to explore the argument that ‘action must always be understood from
within’ (Alder:1997:326). Wendt contends the causes of war within anarchy are socially construct-
ed, not natural creations of the environment (Wendt:1992:405). By understanding identity formation
within the process of interaction, constructivism analyses the effect social processes have upon ac-
tors prior to conflict (Kissane and Sitter:2006:10). One of the most important effects is the way that
identities facilitate collective action (Kalyvas:2008:1044), increasing the likelihood of war. Kissane
and Sitter contend that constructivism’s study of the relationships between actors makes it an indis-
pensable tool for the analysis of intrastate war (2006:8).
By the turn of the 20th century, Spain was a country in which economic and social inequality was
prevalent. Emerging from a historical context of an undermined monarchy and military regime, the
dominant narrative had shifted from the monarchy towards a new identity of dominant elites who
2. together constructed considerable political and economic powers. Reliant upon each other to sup-
port their dominant identity within Spain, a ‘power block’ of the Church, Army and oligarchy
emerged on the right (Casonova:2013:4). The ‘power block’ sought to create social identity and
norms that would entrench their power base. Their narrative was constructed from the authority of
the Church in Spain and the legitimacy of the Army as a stabilising presence in Spanish society
(Ellwood:1991:14). Their dominance was dependent on the demobilisation of a large section of the
working class population (Graham:2002:7). Constructing a narrative that justified their political
dominance, the collective identity of Army, Church and oligarchy created a socially legitimised
prevailing narrative within Spain.
The creation of the new democratic 2nd Republic was, therefore, a significant cleavage from the
previous political regimes of the late 19th and early 20th century Spain. WW1 had acted as a cata-
lyst of social, economic and political change (ibid:2002:7). Breaking from the monarchy and with
the enfranchisement of the Spanish population, the 2nd Republic represented a significant challenge
to the established norms and dominant narrative of the Nationalist Right. Higley and Burton (1998)
have argued that 'elite consensus' is the hallmark of a stable political regime, and the breakdown in
consensus can be the starting point of a drift towards civil war. The development to a new democra-
tic political narrative would have been perceived as a significant threat by the right wing elite to
their established identity and supportive social norms. The creation of the democratic social narra-
tive of 2nd Republic could, therefore, be regarded as the point at which the breakdown of ‘elite con-
sensus’ in the Republic began.
Constructivist theory highlights the centrality of inter subjectivity in the development of competing
social identities and the way in which socially constructed narratives of threat can lead to conflict. It
can be argued that both processes contributed to the causes of the civil war: the emerging democrat-
ic narrative of the liberal republican government challenged the dominant narrative of the national-
ist right; the competing identities of the protagonists increasingly became polarised. These com-
peting narratives, it can be argued, served to create social instability within the Spanish political
system.
As the first significant challenge to the dominant right wing, the liberal republicans’ democratic dis-
course exacerbated the threat felt by the establishment elite. The liberal republicans created a politi-
cally divergent identity and narrative based upon principles of democracy, liberalism and secularism
3. (Preston:1996:34), that created instability within the political system. The liberal republican gov-
ernment introduced into Spanish society a competing identity that sought to undermine the power
structures of the established elite. Written into the constitution, this separated the Church from
State, destroying the clerical ties that had made Spaniards ‘subjects’ instead of citizens (Salvado:
2005:29). This identity change empowered Spanish people through a powerful narrative of citizen-
ship, weakening the religious discourse of the nationalist right. The liberal republicans established a
new norm of an empowered citizen population liberated from subject status and curtailed the social
influence of the dominant religious narrative in Spanish society. This act was supported by the cre-
ation of a secular narrative, with War Minister Azana claiming that Spain had “ceased to be
Catholic” (Knight:1991:12). Callabero’s labour reforms strengthened the citizen by restricting
working hours and extending employment rights to landless labourers (Beevor:2006:3). Changing
the subjective relationship between workers and employers (Preston:1996:27), these reforms un-
dermined the established norm of the dominant right wing elite and their exploitative discourse.
Military reforms sought to transform the armed forces into a professional institution whose purpose
was to defend Spain’s constitutional order (Salvado:2005:30). In an attempt to reduce the politicial
ambitions of the Army, Azana removed officer corps loyal to the right wing elite (Preston:1996:30).
By challenging the Army’s role within the political system, Azana aimed to change the very nature
of the Army’s identity; undermining its dominant political and social influence.
As the result of the liberal republicans’ narrative, there was a counter identity shift (Kalyvas:
2008:1045) within the nationalist right, in response to the perceived threat from the government’s
discourse. Constructivist theory would argue that, as a reactionary force, the creation of an increas-
ingly polarised narrative on the right could lead to increased instability within the Spanish political
process. Capitalising upon the cohesive role of religion across Spain, the nationalist right created a
similar narrative to that of the Christian reconquista of Spain, presenting the right as a force defend-
ing Spain’s traditional Catholic civilisation against the Godless Soviet communism of the Republic
(Preston:1996:28). The comparison made between Soviet Communism and the Republic was an
attempt to exaggerate the threat of the Republic to the middle and upper classes. This built upon the
Right’s increasing narrative of the threat of anarchy engulfing Spain under the Republic and the de-
struction of Spanish unity (Knight:1991:15). Conservative politicians spoke against the Republic in
the Cortes, with Sotelo dwelling on a threat narrative of social disorder to gather support for mili-
tary insurrection (Graham:2002:33). The dominant elite, under the umbrella of Catholicism
(Casanova:2013:9), presented the nationalist right identity as a counter to the Marxist front by
4. whom Spain alone could be saved. The rightist discourse of saving Spain from anarchy and Marx-
ism became increasingly a narrative of revolution that became progressively fierce (Salvado:
2005:1). The effect was to further polarise the Liberal republicans and Nationalist Right narratives,
taking the discourse increasingly to one of conflict.
Alongside these developments, the narrative of the trade unions was one deeply rooted in political
disenfranchisement. Previously excluded from and alienated by the political system (Graham:
2002:6), the rural and urban working class became frustrated with the speed at which the reforms of
1931 were taking place. Seeking to create an alternative left wing identity, their narrative was creat-
ed through the direct action of the trade unions. Identities are not only created within social interac-
tions, but also sustained through social interactions (Zehfuss:2001:324); the actions of both the lib-
eral republican government of 1931 and subsequent conservative government of 1933 had the effect
of propelling the unions towards a belligerent discourse. Disenfranchised for so long, the unions
developed an identity as the dominant means of response to extant power relations, and became a
crucial discourse for left wing groups within Spain (Graham:2002:9). Advocating a narrative of di-
rect action through the take over of estates and the creation of collectives, this discourse became
increasingly militant during the 2nd Republic (Preston:1996:36). Within the political context of in-
creasing polarisation, this narrative hardened. As the discourse increasingly began to take place out-
side of the democratic political arena, the Nationalist Right began to perceive the unions as a grow-
ing threat to stability within Spain, further fuelling their own narrative of the threat of anarchy.
It is possible to argue, therefore, in analysing the origins of the Spanish civil war, the importance of
the way in which deeply conflicting narratives were created through the social interactions of the
actors. Constructivism contends that once the structures of identity have been created, they are dif-
ficult to transform (Zehfuss:2001:320). This can be seen to be the case in Spain, with the social
identities and narratives of each of the main protagonists becoming increasingly hardened in the
lead up to the conflict. Comparisons can be drawn between the process of interaction of Wednt’s
Alter and Ego and the processes of interaction within the 2nd Republic. In its perception of the de-
mocratic 2nd Republic and the Liberal republicans narrative as an inherent threat to their en-
trenched norms, the ‘power block’ of the Nationalist Right sought to undermine and reverse the
Liberal Republic changes to Spain’s social identity. What followed was a back and forth destabilisa-
5. tion between the opposing actors; an increasingly hostile and violent discourse within the National-
ist Right (Preston:1996:42), which was met by the increasingly militant narrative of the trade unions
(Salvado:2005:53). As each side acts, the other adapts their identity and concept of self (Wendt:
1999:ch7). Applying this to the causes of the civil war, the perception of each actor’s identity served
to push the other to further extremes. The discourse between the actors became increasingly con-
flictual in nature, as the ideological polarisation deepened (Kalyvas:2008:1046). The gulf between
the identities and narratives widened, limiting the possibility of political reconciliation, as conflict
and military action became more likely. As their identities hardened, the Nationalist Right and
Trade Union narratives became more distrustful of the democratic political process, with both in-
creasingly advocating direct action outside of the political process. As the creation and development
of social identities facilitates collective action (Kalyvas:2008:1044), the competing political dis-
courses began to be increasingly fought outside of the political realm and narratives developed into
violent action in the streets (Casanova:2013:15). These social interactions, including the uprisings
and strikes of the Unions and the violence between left and right youth groups, progressively con-
structed a social context of anarchy within which the paths to civil war were created.
Within this analysis, constructivism proposes that ‘truth’ arises from the intersubjective norms and
practices with which it is associated, rather than from a subject–object relationship (Fluck:
2010:265). From this theoretical perspective, it can be argued that one of the main paths to the
Spanish Civil war lay in the social constructions of the opposing actors, the culmination of the
process of interactions between them. The creation of a secular, democratic narrative and identity
for the Republic was, at first instance, a direct challenge to the established norms of the Nationalist
Right and the point at which, it can be argued, breakdown of the Right elite’s consensus on the re-
public occurred. With the trade unions creating a more extreme narrative on the Left of change
through direct action, the protagonists identities became progressively polarised through the per-
ceived threats each actor believed the other posed. The hardening of each actor’s identity and dis-
course escalated the political and social instability increasing the likelihood of conflict, to a point
whereby Spain was on the path to civil war.
Yet, constructivism can be argued to provide only a partial account of the causes of the civil war,
placing material factors outside of its consideration of the origins of war. I will turn to realism for
an alternative analysis of the origins of the civil war. With the study of politics as “interest defined
in terms of power” (Morgenthau:1967:5), the actions of international actors in the origins of the civ-
6. il war may be considered critical. Within the context of a European wide struggle, the early years of
the 2nd Republic can be seen to be a struggle for power between the Fascist nationalist right and
Communist trade unions (Salvado:2013:98). Within the developing social anarchy within Spain, the
need for military alliances to strengthen each side’s position were key to gaining advantage (Lebow:
2010:64). Seeking a Fascist ally on the other side of the Mediterranean Sea (Salvado:2005:69),
Italy’s role as a revisionist state (Mearsheimer:2010:79) in supporting the nationalist right can be
argued to tilt the balance of power in right’s favour. Realism argues that a balance of military power
facilitates peace, and that power discrepancies result in war (Mearsheimer:2010:86). The influence
of Italy in creating a power shift within Spain, therefore, could be regarded to have strengthened the
right’s military position, and, subsequently, their confidence in victory in military conflict. Thus, it
could be contended, rightist hardliners, like Robels, were able to push for increasingly violent ac-
tion against the Republic, provoking the retaliatory violence that killed Castillo and Sotelo (Preston:
1996:71). Wary of the unpredictable nature of anarchy (Mearsheimer:2010:79), and strengthened by
their military position and external allies, the nationalist right’s decision to stage a coup could be
seen to be the beginnings of the path to war.
Constructivism holds that the reality of politics and war is socially constructed. The social interac-
tions of actors, influenced by their identities and narratives, creates the social conditions within
which war becomes possible. Following constructivist theory, I have argued that a root cause of the
war in Spain was the creation of the democratic, secular narrative within the 2nd Republic that chal-
lenged the dominant social norms and identity of the established nationalist right. Applying Wednt’s
Alter and Ego theory, I have argued that the role of inter subjective perceptions and identities had
the effect of hardening actor identity and polarising narratives. I have considered the way in which
both the discourses of the nationalist right and the trade unions became increasingly located outwith
the political process. These polarised narratives, I have argued, became progressively located in
conflict and military action outside of political solutions, setting Spain on the path to war. I argue
constructivism provides a partial analysis, outside of consideration of the material causes of war. I
have alternatively considered realist theory in order to examine the role of power balances and mili-
tary alliances outside of Spain which can be argued to be a major factor in the origins of the civil
war.
Constructionism provides a powerful contribute to the understanding of the origins of war. Through
analysis of competing intersubjective perceptions and identities, it offers an understanding of con-
7. flict on the basis of competing political narratives as in Spain, or of competing ethnic narratives in
Africa. It can provide a theoretical understanding of the current escalation of conflicting social nar-
ratives of religious difference. A constructionist theoretical analysis can offer an understanding of
the way in which competing social narratives and identities can be de-escalated and perceptions of
threat reduced so that conflict can be held within political processes, reducing the possibility of civil
or interstate war.
2750
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